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Abstract This research examines contemporary Brazilian foreign policy, and its central concern is to explore how China’s global rise has impacted the general guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy from 2003 to 2018. We argue that China has had a double impact on Brazilian foreign policy: (i) restraining its scope due to the restrictive nature of Sino-Brazilian relations, primarily via commerce and political divergence, and (ii) enhancing Brazil’s autonomous insertion in the international system due to the structural gaps produced by Chinese diplomatic support in the global sphere and from the convergence of specific agendas. A case study on Sino-Brazilian relations is conducted with typologies on foreign policy actions elaborated by Schweller (1994). Then, we propose that Brazilian foreign policy, through the ‘bandwagoning for profit’ strategy, sought to interpret a Jackal position within the international system. Our variables are defined based on Ripsman, Taliaferro and Lobell (2016), considering the structural stimulus of China’s rise as the independent variable, the permissiveness, and clarity of the international system as the intervening variable, and the behaviour of Brazilian foreign policy as a dependent variable.

This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Iran during the period of 1968 – 1978. Despite being aligned with opposing superpower alliances during the Cold War, the two countries established a pragmatic partnership in the 1960s that persisted even after the Prague Spring of 1968 had been terminated by the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies. The subsequent political developments in Czechoslovakia, characterized by a process known as normalization, aimed to curtail reforms and reinforce the dominant role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. However, this ideological framework was not fully applied to the relations with Iran under the royal regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. On the contrary, Czechoslovakia and Iran experienced flourishing economic and cultural exchanges. In particular, important official visits took place, involving also the heads of state, to publicly demonstrate the strength of the mutual partnership. Nonetheless, this cooperation was ultimately disrupted by the fall of the Shah's regime in the wake of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. This research draws primarily on hitherto underexploited archival documents from the relevant Czech archives, offering a Czechoslovak perspective on the development of mutual relations between the two countries.

This essay examines the positions taken in foreign policy by the periodical «La Voce della Fogna», founded by the leader of the radical right youth Marco Tarchi and an expression of the most heterodox youth current that arose within the Italian Social Movement in the aftermath of the 1968 protests. The aim is to understand what were the original features expressed by the magazine compared to the line of the MSI leadership. The first part focuses on the analysis of the political and cultural context that has arisen in the MSI since its foundation through the use of historiography on the subject. The second is dedicated to the study of the positions taken by the periodical on the main international political issues, proceeding by macro areas.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 8(3), 1143-1154 | European Forum Insight of 16 January 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The advent of Putinism in Europe: illiberalism in Hungary and Poland. - III. Diverging approaches to the invasion of Ukraine. - IV. Challenges and opportunities: discovering the EU’s militant democracy potential?. - V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) In the past decade, Hungary and Poland have experienced a process of rule of law backsliding that threatens the state of democracy at home, and affects the decision making and legitimacy of the European Union as a whole. In the face of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, the response of Hungary and Poland has been diametrically opposed, but equally damaging to the EU rule of law. The present Insight will analyse the response of these two member states to the Russian invasion, and it will argue that the war has highlighted major pitfalls in the EU’s policy toward backsliding governments, which continue to benefit from funds and veto powers, undermining the EU’s effectiveness in the process. However, a renewed fight for democracy in Europe could offer the perfect opportunity to be tough on autocrats inside and outside the Union.

The article examines Russia’s foreign policy tools in Africa and analyses the Russian sphere of influence on the continental countries. In this context, it is discussed that Russia has exploited the foreign policy legacy left by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in coordination with its intervention tools and has gradually increased its engagements in the continent. The abandonment of the Cold War strategy of leading the Communist parties and movements outside its borders paved the way for a period in which Russia prioritized state interests and redesigned its African policy accordingly. The article aims to analyse the hybrid intervention approach that brings together the soft and hard power elements of Russia increasing its interaction with the African countries to which it has given a different economic, political, and cultural importance due to the Ukraine war. In this direction, it is claimed that the hybrid model, which encompasses election interference, media and communication studies, trade relations, disinformation activities, and covert paramilitary formations, basically centres on Pan-Africanism, anti-Western approach, and economic expansionism. The study uses the literature review method. In terms of examining the effects of the economic, political, and security-based consequences of the Ukraine War on Russia’s tendencies and policies towards Africa, the study differs from the existing literature and provides a comprehensive framework for the perception of Russia in Africa.

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article answers the following research question: What effects did Romanian Foreign Policy have on the settlement process in Transnistria between 1992 and 2008? By looking at this particular question this article conceptualizes the role of Romania towards the conflict in Transnistria. It identifies three different major changes in Romanian’s Foreign Policy between 1990 and 2008 that include the following defining traits: post-communist identity( 1990-1993) ; re- defining of national identity (1993-2004) and defining an Euro-Atlantic identity (2004-2009).Based on this distinction three types of action towards the Republic of Moldova are identified: 1.Establishing Bilateral relations 2.Consolidation of diplomatic relations 3.Advocacy in Euro-Atlantic structures that have led to specific roles by Romania towards: 1.the facilitation of direct mediation (1992-1993) 2. Non-involvement in direct mediation and support for third party mediation (1993-2004) and 3. Support for the expansion of the third party mediation framework in the conflict in Transnistria (2004-2008).

This article describes how China’s economic statecraft and elite capture efforts have enabled it to embed itself in Indonesia for the medium- to long-term. As a result, China is now arguably better positioned to access Indonesia’s vast array of natural resources, influence Indonesian foreign policy, and realise its own strategic geopolitical goals in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. In lieu of the incumbent Indonesian administration devising a coherent China policy and strategy, the article notes that the Indonesian military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia or TNI) has seemingly forged ahead with its own strategy, namely establishing closer ties with the militaries of key Western states, including the AUKUS member states. While Indonesia’s official foreign policy is one of non-alignment and of remaining “free and active” (bebas dan aktif), this article posits that if Indonesia is truly “free and active”, it should be free to tilt towards a United States-led bloc if it feels so inclined.

Chinese foreign aid has been deployed in Southeast Asia through several hundred projects over the past two decades. To shed light on this phenomenon, it is necessary to understand its contours on the scale of ASEAN in relation to the principles, history and institutions of Chinese development assistance. The various data sources available make it possible to put a figure on the dynamics of the global expansion which, after long years of focus on the African continent, has placed Asia with the Belt and Road Initiative at the forefront of Beijing’s priorities. Using the AidData database for the period 2000-2017, we will show how Southeast Asia, for which traditional donors (Europe, the United States, Japan) remain more generous—however less and less politically significant—, also inscribes its own inequalities, tensions and national episodes in the functioning of this system of cooperation that closely articulates the needs of the Chinese economy and diplomacy to the promises of shared prosperity, largely conveyed by Chinese multinationals.

Abstract If Saudi Arabia’s regional strategy involves the containment of Iran’s proxies, why, under King Salman, did Saudi Arabia attack the Houthis in Yemen, but give up its attempt to overthrow Bashar al-Assad in Syria? I argue here that both decisions reflect Mohammed bin Salman’s willingness to seek ‘heterodox’ solutions in foreign policy, a feature that guided Saudi foreign policy in the face of a changing decision-making unit in the Saudi regime. While MBS’s influence in the case of Yemen is more easily identified, in the case of Syria this is not so straightforward. The crown prince only acquired the ability to manoeuvre Saudi policy towards Syria after consolidating his power within the regime, in 2017, and, from there, he put in place measures that, in practice, facilitated a coexistence arrangement between Saudi Arabia and Russia. In both cases, the objective was to contain the perceived Iranian advances in a scenario of reduced appetite by the United States to provide security for Saudi Arabia. This conclusion is reached through the use of a Foreign Policy Analysis approach, more specifically, the analysis of the decision-making units, to broaden and deepen the observations made from a regime security perspective.

This article discusses Sino-African relations within the framework of comparative analysis of foreign policies. It offers a constructivist analysis of the diplomatic strategies of Niger and Burkina Faso in their relations with the PRC and Taïwan since the sixties. Drawing inspiration from an eclectic approach combining, on the one hand, agents and structures and, on the other, domestic and systemic factors, it explains the fluctuating strategies of diplomatic recognition of the two States with regard to the two "China" by the social construction of the national interest. The results corroborate the postulates of constructivism on the weight of ideas and contexts in the making of the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the reasons for the uncertainty of the grand strategy concept. The main starting point of the study is that grand strategy cannot be positioned in a single concept against other related concepts in the literature. To reveal the conceptual uncertainty about grand strategy, some grand strategy definitions based on the strategy-policy relationship in the literature and various conceptual levels are compared. The main arguments of this study are as follows: One of the main reasons for the observed conceptual uncertainty is that grand strategy, which is a kind of strategy, is also accepted as a kind of policy. Moreover, the hierarchical position of grand strategy at the military and political levels has not been clarified. This study presents the definitions of the grand strategy concept and provides a guide for further studies in the literature review. In this respect, the study examines the definitions of the grand strategy concept at two conceptual levels: The first level is presented as “tactics, operations, and strategies” from the military perspective, while the second level is presented as “foreign policy and national security” from the political perspective. This study does not deal with the decision-making processes in which grand strategy is determined or with the factors that affect decision-makers. Within this context, grand strategy is considered hypothetically.

The study of Oman’s foreign policy attracts scholars because of its unique features. It undoubtedly differs from the foreign policies of other countries in the region. This paper focuses on Oman’s policy in three cases of regional conflicts: the Syrian war, the war in Yemen, and the crisis in Qatar in the context of regional changes and Saudi-Iranian rivalry. Oman pragmatically manoeuvres to mitigate threats emerging from the crises and wars in the countries of the Middle East.

Copyright of Études Caribéennes is the property of Etudes Caribeennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article features the current European direction in Russia’s foreign policy in the context of the Western ideas and its response to them. The author focuses on the current ideological state of the modern European direction as part of Russia’s foreign policy and the role of the historical community in its development. The research objective was to identify and classify the dominant European ideas, as well as to define their influence on the European direction of Russia’s foreign policy and to outline the prospective cross-thematic historical research. The combined historical-subject and historiographical goal resulted from the incomplete nature of the processes under study and the opportunities for the Russian historical community to participate in the formation of the modern European direction of Russia’s foreign policy. The author believes that the cooperation of historians and social scientists can bring about major practical benefits. The research relied on standard historical methods and the method of discursive analysis. The chronological scope of the article is limited to 2022 and the early 2023, which made it impossible to provide a brief overview of the related literature in the introduction. The article is debatable and refers to a mixed type of subject-theoretic articles on recent history. The main practical results are the four possible directions of cross-thematic research: 1) the history of splits in Europe, European states, and European societies, as well as their consequences; 2) worldviews, conflicting worldviews, struggle and dialogue of worldviews, uni-/multivariant and un/productive synthesis of ideas and their consequences; 3) the first stage of globalization in modern history and prospects for European integration; 4) options, types, and patterns of partnerships and collaborations within Europe and individual European countries, as well as societies outside Europe.

The birth of the Timor question is a paradigmatic case of the difficulties of the colonial legacy and the complexity of the double process of internal and international normalisation that Portugal had to manage in its democratic infancy. In this context, this article develops an analysis of the contexts, ideas and strategies of Portuguese foreign policy towards Timor between 1976 and 1985. Based on a cross-referencing of primary and secondary sources, the article identifies the fundamental ideas, strategies and contexts of the Timorese question within the formulation of Portuguese foreign policy, highlighting its main turning points. More than the presentation of facts, the article develops a comprehensive reading that intends to explain the reasons why the Timorese issue was not considered one of the priorities of Portuguese foreign policy in this period. This article is part of the special theme section on The Self-Determination of East Timor, guest-edited by Rui Graça Feijó.

Abstract: This article reveals a consistent pattern of a Hegelian dialectic treatment of Politics through the triad of thesis- antithesis- synthesis, and the fabricated conflicts in between. In this research, on the international politics problematic position, the West has used philosophical mechanisms like the Hegeliandialectics to regulate its hegemonic perspectives and people’s sentiments on the question. The marketplace of ideas,built during the previous centuries especially the twentieth and the twenty first, effectively disseminates the beliefs and ideas of the western societies whiledestabilizing the ideological and cultural independence of the post colonized Islamic Middle Eastern countries. Westerngovernments forged firm and durable links betweensocioeconomic position and ideological power, permitting to use each to buttress the other during conflicts.

The creation of history textbooks in the post-December period took into account the increase of quality in pre-university education by developing communication and relationship skills, different historical contents being studied depending on the interests of students. In our analysis, we tried to find out to what extent the authors of the history textbooks were interested in presenting the Transnistrian conflict to the young generation. The curriculum for History has undergone many changes during this period. However, both at the gymnasium and the high school level, compulsory content regarding the foreign policy promoted by Romania after 1990 were provided. In our approach, we analyzed 31 textbooks published during this period, out of which only a few addressed the military conflict in the Republic of Moldova. The most consistent presentation is found in the manual made by a team of Alexandru Barnea, Vasile Manea, Eugen Palade, Florin Petrescu and Bogdan Teodorescu and (re)published in 2014 by Corint Educațional. The authors of the history textbooks in Romania showed low interest in the presentation of the Transnistrian war, in the context in which the political, economic and social relations between Bucharest and Chisinau, after 1991, were analyzed to a very small extent. This conflict was presented only in view of the position adopted by Romania regarding this event, without addressing the side regarding the legality of separatist actions undertaken by Tiraspol officials or the emotional impact of a military conflict, in which Moldovan citizens were involved.

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this paper work is to try to formulate an analysis identifying whether there is an influence on the part of the European Union in the Middle East, specifically in Israel. If we take into account the region in which the state of Israel is located, we will realize that this is a state affected by various conflicts. The State of Israel is an associate member of the European Union and due to the economically strong relations that the European Union has had with Israel over time, we can ask ourselves in which way can the European Community influence this country in other areas as well.

مستخلص البحث باللغة العربية اتخذت روسيا اسس لسياستها الخارجية للدول المحيطه بها ،حيث اتخذت من الغزو طريقا لاثبات قوتها ،وقدرتها على القتال خاصة عند اصطدام الروس بالامبراطورية البيزنطة ، فقد سبب مبداء القوة التى اتخذته روسيا فى سوء العلاقات بينهم خاصة بعدما اصبح لروسيا مطامع فى ثروات الامبراطورية البيزنطة وقد ادرکت بيزنطة الخطر وراء تلک القوي المتعطشة للدماء ولذلک سعت بيزنطه في السيطرة عليهم وان يتخذوا من الروس حلفاء لهم بدلا من عداوتهم خاصة وان البيزنطيين کانوا منشغلين بحروبهم ضد المسلمين وقد کللت تلک الجهود بالنجاح خاصة بعد موافقة الامبرطور البيزنطى زواج ابنته الامبراطورة البيزنطينية (انا) من الامير الروسى فلاديمير حيث کان يقصد من وراء ذلک تدعيم موقفهم من الوصول الي مکانة الحليف الأول وبذلک اصبحت العلاقات بين الروس والبيزنطيين تتسم بالهدوء خاصة بعد تعميد الامير فلاديميرولکن لم تسير العلاقات بينهم على وتيرة واحده فاصبحت المناوشات والحروب بينهم تهدد جزآ من تلک العلاقة فقد ادى الحادث الذي وقع في القسطنطينية والذي ادي الي مقتل احد التجار الروس الي تعکير تلک العلاقة. Abstract Russia has taken the foundations of its foreign policy to the countries surrounding it, where it took from the invasion a way to prove its strength and its ability to fight, especially when the Russians collided with the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine Empire realized by zantia the danger behind those bloodthirsty forces, so Byzantia sought to control them and to take the Russians as their allies instead of their enmity, especially since the Byzantines were preoccupied with their wars against the Muslims and they cost them. Efforts to succeed, especially after the approval of the Byzantine Emperor, the marriage of his daughter, the Byzantine Emperor (Ana) from The Russian Prince Vladimir, where he was meant to strengthen their position in reaching the status of the first ally, and thus relations between the Russians and Byzantines became calm, especially after the baptism of Prince Vladimir, but the relations between them did not go at a single pace, and the skirmishes and wars between them became a threat part of that relationship.

The article presents one of the forms of military involvement of states, which is a lowintensity conflict. It has been shown that initiating and participating in them can be an instrument of foreign policy. The first part describes this type of conflict, specifying the level of funds used, the territorial scope, the dynamics of the activities carried out and their legal status. In addition, examples of conflicts from current political practice were identified. The second part of the article analyzes the goals pursued by states using lowintensity conflicts, such as destabilizing a hostile state or questioning its political position, attempts to resolve territorial disputes and revise state borders, generating internal problems, building their own political position, as well as changing the political and legal circumstances. The content of the article concerns the theory of politics, but the totality of the issues presented may serve as a basis for reflection on examples from political practice.

In the 1960s the communist-controlled Czechoslovakia strongly ideologically opposed the Western countries both in terms of public promotional activities as well as in the internal materials of the Czechoslovak state authorities. Their anti-Western rhetoric was also focused on the system of government and economic situation. It is also the focus of this contribution which uses France as an example. It is based on contents and linguistic analysis of the materials of the Czechoslovak diplomatic service and the newspaper Rudé právo.

The following article is a proposal for a discussion on the use of biographical resources and the concept of experience for the historical study of the life of former U.S. Ambassador Edward Korry, who was stationed in Chile between 1967 and 1971. The objective of the research is to present relevant discussions that tension perspectives and concepts of biography and the history of emotions, in order to renew diplomatic history studies of that time. In this way, a re-reading of the diplomatic documentation is proposed through the question of a life, thinking about the experience as a vehicle for understanding what it was like to live a diplomatic life in the Cold War its impact on the construction of foreign policy.

Abstract Academic literature on US Foreign Policy to South America usually states its lack of attention to the region in the post 9/11 period. I aim to problematize this assertion through an analysis of US regional security policy. Therefore, I consider data referring to military and economic assistance, arms transfers, and the SOUTHCOM position towards its area of responsibility, as well as official documents and diplomatic cables. I conclude that, although the region was not a priority, a waning in US actions or a moment of neglect in its policy towards it was likewise not observed. From a historical perspective, the area was never the main focus of attention, but there is a specialized bureaucracy that works on the region to maintain US hegemony. Therefore, the investigation indicates that Latin American assertiveness during the 2000s was caused primarily by the conjunction of the ascension of leftist governments and quest for autonomy, as well as by Chinese and Russian involvement in Latin America, but not by US neglect. The article is divided into six sections, including the introduction and final remarks. Following the introduction, I analyse the academic literature regarding USA-Latin American relations in the second section, the US assistance in the third, the SOUTHCOM postures in the fourth, and the strategies deployed by the USA regarding great powers and arms transfers in the fifth. Finally, I present the final remarks.

After the signing of the so-called Ciano-Stojadinović Pact (March 1937), Italian-Yugoslav relations suddenly improved. The turnaround in bilateral relations between the two countries (destined, however, to remain ephemeral) was clearly visible in the field of cultural relations. This essay aims to show how, after 1937, the Italian authorities tried to promote Italian culture and language in a big style in the capital of the Kingdom, Belgrade, in an attempt to counteract the supremacy enjoyed up to then by the cultural action of other countries such as France, Germany, etc., in order to promote the Italian language and culture. The fascination with the Italian civilization was also meant to contribute to bringing Yugoslavia politically and ideologically closer to the Fascist regime. Despite the invested resources and the success of some major events (for example, the great exhibition of Italian portraits through the centuries) the results were disappointing, showing once again the structural limits of Fascist political and cultural action abroad.

Despite Giuseppe Pardi’s judgment that Borso d’Este lacked the ability to connect single parts of statecraft into a stable foundation, this study suggests that Borso conducted a coherent and successful foreign policy of peace, heightened prestige, and greater freedom to dispose. As a result, he was an active participant in the Quattrocento state system (Grande Politico Quadro) solidified by the Peace of Lodi (1454), and one of the most successful rulers of a smaller principality among stronger competitive states. He conducted his foreign policy based on four foundational principles. The first was stability. Borso anchored his statecraft by aligning Ferrara with Venice and the papacy. The second was display or the politics of splendor. The third was development of stored knowledge, based on the reputation and antiquity of Estense rule, both worldly and religious. The fourth was the politics of personality, based on Borso’s affability, popularity, and other virtues. The culmination of Borso’s successful statecraft was his investiture as Duke of Ferrara by Pope Paul II. His success contrasted with the disaster of the War of Ferrara, when Ercole I abandoned Borso’s formula for rule. Ultimately, the memory of Borso’s successful reputation was preserved for more than a century.

On the eve of the bicentenary of Brazil’s Independence from Portugal (1822- 2022), Jair Messias Bolsonaro’s rise to the Presidency of the Republic challenges the Brazilian people to witness the return of Christian ideology, from the XVI and XVII, as the orientation of the Brazilian Government in the XXI century. In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MRE), the body responsible for promoting and defending Brazil’s interests abroad, the appointment of Ambassador Ernesto Araújo as Chancellor brought the Christian ideology to the epicentre of the orientation of Brazil’s foreign policy. In this same context, the number of assassinations of indigenous leaders in Brazil has configured a state of war, fuelled, among other reasons, by the absence of the demarcation of indigenous lands provided for in the 1988 Federal Constitution. In 2019, the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB) held the “Indigenous Blood: not one drop more” in several countries on the European continent to denounce the genocidal practice of the Brazilian government. It is not common to establish a direct relationship between foreign policy and indigenous peoples. This article is part of a theoretical study, still preliminary, that aims to contribute to the expansion of the field of empirical observation in foreign policy analysis (APE) and points to the need to build an indigenist paradigm to the Brazilian foreign policy in light of the paradigmatic model proposed by Professor Amado Luiz Cervo. This involves the inclusion of the indigenous component in the formulation of national interest after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as the validity of Convention 169, of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), concerning indigenous and tribal peoples. It is hoped that the inclusion of the indigenous component can contribute to other analyses of the formulation of national interest, not only in Brazil, but also in the other national states that are signatories of Convention 169/OIT.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2019 4(2), 427-445 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. European law aspects of post-Brexit EU-UK cooperation. - II.1. Legal institutional possibilities and obstacles. - II.2. The withdrawal agreement. - II.3. Third country participation in CFSP. - III. International law aspects of post-Brexit EU-UK cooperation. - III.1. Existing and new CFSP/CSDP agreements. - III.2. International responsibilities and dispute settlement. - IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) Despite the ambition of the United Kingdom that Brexit should not lead to a complete de-tachment from the European Union's foreign, security and defence policy - and, on the contrary, should lead to a new partnership - a post-Brexit cooperation on CFSP and CSDP matters raises a number of questions under both EU and international law. The present Article points to a number of restrictions in both EU primary and secondary law to allow the UK to maintain its participation in the key decision-making organs. At the same time, it assesses possibilities based on existing practices for third States to participate in EU external action.

At the moment of the outbreak of the First World War, Liechtenstein was in a fundamental sense dependent on Austria. The consequences of the war were therefore very difficult for Liechtenstein. They affected both the economy and the political sphere, where calls for new political and civil rights can be noted. After the end of the war, this led to the issuance of a new constitution (1921) and also to a new direction in foreign policy. This was also followed by a redirecting of economic relations towards Switzerland (currency, 1924 Customs Union Treaty). At the same time, Liechtenstein sought a way out of the economic crisis in new legislation (Personengesellschaftsrecht 1926).

Ernesto Giménez Caballero’s book, Amor a Portugal, traces Franco’s State visit in October 1949. The author recycles the thesis of the Portuguese traditionalist thinkers Oliveira Martins and Sardinha, which consists in defending the Luso-Spanish model of colonization against the model of Anglo-Saxon neo-colonialism. During the years 1890-1920, Spain and Portugal had to reconsider their place in the imperialist world. In 1949, the beginning of the Cold War forced the two countries to redefine themselves, without abandoning their general line of Atlantic Peninsular alliance.

Copyright of Studii şi Cercetări de Onomastică şi Lexicologie is the property of University of Craiova, Faculty of Letters and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the United States dismantled its Office of War Information. Peace having returned, such an agency did not fit the democratic ideal well. Nonetheless, as America put on its new world-leader mantle, she realized a new international information program would be necessary. In order for the American people to accept such a program, notions such as democratic proselytizing, journalism, free competition, and legal advocacy replaced propaganda.

The massacres of the Armenians under Sultan Abdul Hamid II in the Ottoman Empire in the 1890s provoked reactions far abroad. In some societies, such as in Germany, where deeper connections with the Ottoman Empire existed, these reactions involved debates about foreign policy and morality. In Germany these debates continued in the years after the massacres, especially so with the German Emperor’s trip to the Ottoman Empire in 1898. It was around this trip that a new understanding of Germany’s role in the world in relation to ethics developed. Prominent among those discussing and developing ideas was the Protestant pastor and political thinker Friedrich Naumann. This article reexamines this debate and Naumann’s role in it. It shows how the Armenian massacres played a role in internal German debates and how coming to terms with them developed a special dynamic and created unfortunate precedents for Germany.

Abstract Since the emergence of the environmental agenda in the global arena, Brazil has maintained an active position in the debates around this topic. Although Brazil has always been a protagonist, its foreign policy has shown some changes in relation to addressing climate change in recent years. Likewise, the modalities under which this issue has been framed as a problem since 1992 are fundamentally important to interpreting the Brazilian position in international negotiations and the changes in them over the years. The objective of the following article is to understand the discursive framework on which the foreign policy of climate change in Brazil was structured from a constructivist standpoint on International Relations. Using this approach, this article studies both the international influences and the internal conditions of Brazilian climate policy in the negotiations of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The main sources of this research are semi-structured interviews with state and non-state actors in Brazil, complemented with a review of secondary sources such as official documents and academic papers.

The progress of the latest decades in political history agree to characterize the territory of the Río de la Plata in the nineteenth century as crossed by war. This general framework manifests diverse rhythms and characteristics depending on the context observed. Particularly, there are various dynamics in diplomatic negotiations, in order to end international conflicts. In the framework of the Blockade undertaken by France on the Río de la Plata between 1838 and 1840, in this work we address some diplomatic efforts undertaken by the Argentine Confederation on this issue. We analyse, through a varied set of documentary sources, the characteristics of the work of some of the officials who were in charge of foreign policy. Specifically, in two particular cases: the head of relations, Juan Manuel de Rosas, and minister Felipe Arana in front of an attempt of North American mediation and the diplomatic mission of Manuel de Sarratea in Rio de Janeiro. In this way, we analyze to the relational, cultural and political dimensions that characterize and organize the work of the foreign relations of the Confederation. Thus, we intend to make a contribution to this problem that has been scarcely addressed by historical studies.

In this study, the ways of how the sample rising powers conduct their humanitarian diplomacy are analyzed since there is heterogeneity such in the other fields of foreign policy implementations. Rising powers’ foreign policies and their soft power tools are a debatable issue in general. However, this study goes into much detail within the scope of humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarian aid as a part of it. The case study includes the sample countries which are Turkey, Brazil and China. The official reports, official foreign policies and their implementations are considered in the analysis. Turkey’s perception on humanitarian issues is based on the idea of humanity and international responsibility with its historical and cultural history. Brazil’s focus on humanitarian issues is mostly related to both its foreign policies and multilateralism tendencies. China has deep philosophical thoughts and some long-term goals. Even the policies of case countries seem in this way in principle and humanitarian issues are universally accepted issues, when the implementations are analyzed, there are some differences that inhibit us to reach a general conclusion and prove the heterogeneity in the practices. Thus, this study is an important contribution for such privatized diplomacy theme regarding the sample rising powers.

Amongst Portuguese career diplomats of the second half of the 20th century, few can compare, in terms of influence and public salience, with José Calvet de Magalhães. Under the democratic regime set up after 1974, Calvet was able to build for himself the reputation of being one of the ‘founding fathers’ of the Europeanist currents who, working discreetly inside the authoritarian state, made sure that Portugal took part in some of the critical stages of the European integration process. So successful was he in projecting this image that other facets that may add some complexity to his trajectory are usually neglected (his involvement in key late colonial dossiers). This article will address such apparent ambivalence and make sense of the ideas and praxis of someone who while trying to remain true to his own vision of Portugal’s national interest, had to serve an embattled regime that led the country to a diplomatic dead end since 1961.

This paper studies Cuba’s presence in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) from documents reviewed in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs archive. Internal and external motivations which Cuba claimed in order to obtain the leadership of NAM are established and anti-imperialism is identified as the banner which allowed the simultaneous gathering of its identities as a non-aligned country, socialist and underdeveloped. The crisis in Afghanistan questioned this anti-imperialism, henceforth debilitating Cuban status within the Movement.

The official visit of Yugoslav Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Milan Stojadinović to Italy at the beginning of December 1937 is considered to be a courtesy call following Italian Foreign Minister Ciano’s visit to Belgrade in March 1937 when Italian-Yugoslav Agreement was signed. During his stay in Rome, Stojadinović met Mussolini and talked about the current situation in Europe and foreign policies of two countries. He was also received by Italian King Victor Emanuel III and pope Pius XI. The second part of the visit took place in Milano were Yugoslav Prime Minister visited industrial complex and military center. Although no new agreements were signed, this visit is vitally important for understanding the politics of the two governments in the following months and years. The press of both countries paid much attention to this visit and informed their public regularly and in detail about it. Leading Italian newspapers Corriere della Sera and La Stampa and Yugoslav Politika and Vreme were in the forefront. Hundreds of articles were written, dozen new photos were made and published on front pages. Italian and Yugoslav newspapers often republished foreign articles about the visit but exclusively theose with positive connotation, considering the visit as a crucial act for European peace at the time.