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The article focuses on the significance of the Battle of Valmy in French history, exploring its evolution from a minor event to a significant symbol of national memory. Topics include the battle's initial reception as a mere cannonade, the development of opposing memories (Republican and counter-revolutionary), its exploitation by Louis-Philippe to shape his image, and its transformation into a republican myth during the Third Republic.

If some works have studied the gender representations of judges on litigants, representations regarding members of the jury are less known. This paper intends to look at the moral and civic values required of them, in connection with their masculinity, at a time when only men were considered citizens. Members of the jury couldn’t show any weakness in their manly duty. Indeed, virility was then linked with firmness, rationality, composure and the rejection of sentimentality.

The Revue du droit public was created during the Third Republic to become the main French forum for the science of public law, in conjunction with its institutionalization in French law schools. The study of the bibliographic sections of the journal during the decade 1904-1913 offers a rich insight on the doctrinal construction of public law. The study is based on the actual practices of reading and selecting written material that was considered as belonging to the field of public law. It makes the science of public law appear as a flow that must be controlled and organized. The Revue du droit public thus constituted a « school of activity »: its functioning contributed to defining common scientific practices, without there necessarily being intellectual and doctrinal homogeneity among the contributors.

Copyright of Insāniyāt / Revue Algérienne d'Anthropologie et de Sciences Sociales is the property of Centre de Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale et Culturelle (CRASC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog Fakulteta u Sarajevu is the property of Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Worldwide, subject-matter teachers are commonplace in post-elementary schools. Teachers' specialisation appears as a key characteristic of secondary schools as opposed to the polyvalence of primary school teachers. Historians have already studied the long process of teachers' specialisation, which started, in France as in Prussia (for example), at the beginning of the nineteenth century and developed alongside secondary school modernisation. Those works have usually focused on professional aspects: the structuration of professional groups thanks to the unification of training and recruiting processes, the organisation of teachers within subject-matter associations etc. However, they have not paid much attention to the resistance opposed by other forms of pedagogical organisation, as if polyvalence were were just a backward anomaly, a backward anomaly, doomed to disappear. This paper seeks to shed new light on this question using a comparison between the different forms of post-elementary schooling that existed at the same time in France between the last third of the nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth, when the slow growth of post-elementary schooling was mainly due to the success of subaltern institutions. In those institutions, dedicated to technical education, girls' secondary education, or upper-lower classes' education ("primaire supérieur", "secondaire special"), different kinds of polyvalence or bivalence were experienced in the classrooms. At the same time, specialisation was triumphing in classical secondary education. Why, how and to what extent did specialisation eventually impose itself in these different institutions? To address this question, two types of material are used. On the one hand, the question is studied on a national level, analysing both the legislation and the controversies it arouses in pedagogical and professional reviews. On the other hand, these views and theories are confronted with a prosopography of post-elementary school teachers in one department, Eure-et-Loir, which offers several forms of post-elementary institutions. This question is addressed focusing on literary disciplines (philosophy, French, Latin, Greek, modern languages and history and geography). By narrowing the scope, the intellectual and cultural stakes of the various pedagogical organisations that were implemented or advocated may more easily be grasped. The first part of the article examines the most common (though relatively untested) hypothesis: there was just one strategy for those who advocated the promotion of subaltern types of post-elementary schooling as part of a democratisation process, and this strategy was reproducing the model of the elite institution, secondary classical education, including its pedagogical organisation, starting with subject-matter teachers. The chronology of the changes, the content of the debates, as well as a comparative inquiry into teachers' remuneration induces us to discard this hypothesis as insufficient if not irrelevant. For girls' secondary education, a trade-off may be observed between equalisation (of salaries, rights etc.) and pedagogical alignment. For the other institutions, there was no lack of advocates for the specificity of the pedagogy or of the institution; however, specialisation was usually considered a process that could ameliorate the quality of teaching in these institutions without renouncing its specificity. In fact, in the period under study, the louder advocates for less specialised teachers came from secondary classical education itself: the specialisation process as well as the fragmentation of the class schedule had pedagogic inconveniences, abundantly noticed and commented on by subject-matter teachers themselves. In the second part, these critics and the two main alternatives suggested by the teachers are examined. The first is linked with the Progressive Education movement ("Education nouvelle" in French). The École des Roches, a private institution, tested an original organisation that combined the tradition of the humanities with the modern characteristic of "Éducation nouvelle": there was only one teacher for history, geography, French, Latin and Greek. The teacher was thus enabled to practise a pedagogy of interest, as advocated by Ovide Decroly. The second alternative was advocated by some modern language teachers: if modern language teachers could teach French as well as a modern language, this pedagogic organisation could give strong unity to the until then defective "modern" curriculum (without Latin). The third part turns towards the effective organisation of post-elementary schools in Eure-et-Loir. To what extent were these alternative conceptions of pedagogical organisation implemented? The analysis of individual records of teachers suggests several results. First of all, in small institutions – be they classical secondary institutions like "collèges" or modern ones like "écoles primaires supérieures" – specialisation of services was a luxury that most teachers could not afford. Most of the time, they had to teach several subjects, even if they had been trained for just one. However, polyvalence was not used as an opportunity to make connections between the subjects. Class schedules rarely enabled teachers to use polyvalence as a way to teach several subjects to the same pupils. More often, polyvalence was used by the administration as an expedient that some teachers explicitly tried to escape, for example by asking for a move to a bigger institution. This mundane reality of small institutions invites us to pay renewed attention to teacher training and its regulation during the same period. At the end of the nineteenth century, teachers' specialisation had been inextricably linked with the modernisation of universities through the specialisation of the "licence de lettres" in 1880. When this model proved to be partially irrelevant for a significant proportion of post-elementary schools, how did universities react? Were universities fit for something other than training specialised teachers? The answer is yes. The curriculum organisation of the licence opened up several possibilities for training polyvalent teachers. This perspective was still looming at the end of the 1930s. The curricula of the different post-elementary settings analysed in this article shared the same characteristics: they worked as "serial codes" not as "integrated codes", to quote Basil Bernstein. Therefore the specialisation, bivalence or polyvalence of the teachers did not have much influence, in itself, on the degree of integration of the curriculum. From this perspective, specialisation could probably guarantee better teaching of the subject matters. However, polyvalent teachers were better suited to small schools than specialist ones. Considering demographic and geographic constraints, there was a clear trade-off between specialisation of teachers and separation of publics. In small cities, it was necessary either to mix the pupils to specialise the teachers, or to accept some kind of polyvalence to keep different types of students separated; the debate was still open during the 1930s. School massification, coeducation and the baby-boom era rapidly settled the matter for small cities after the Second World War, giving way to an effective specialisation of teachers. But the question remained open, until the end of the 1970s, for rural settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several French lawyers specialized in public law did not rally to the general promotion of transplantation or unification of legal systems defended by the promoters of the 1900 Congrès de droit comparé held in Paris. According to them, the practical effect of comparison should not be treated without prudence in public law, because foreign constitutional or administrative experiences are not to be understood without their cultural of political frame and appear as anti-models. A more open and critical comparison developps in public law in the 1920s and 1930s.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Before World War 1, French painter Léon Bonnat became famous by portraying celebrities, among which almost every leading politician in the newly founded Republic. His academic and dark style however was criticized by art critics and humourists; hence his portraits put on stage in character comedies have to be read as critics of the very people they represent and of himself as an official artist.

This article explores the epistemological and cultural evolution of nostalgia in nineteenth-century France, focusing on the crucial period (1850-1914) when the concept lost its medical meaning and embraced new cultural scenarios created by the rise of a modern nationalism and the perception of national territory. The analysis examines two major scientific discourses on nostalgia, medical and geographical, recognizing that these representational systems broadly exceed the limits of scientific logic and function as heterogeneous genres that include political, philosophical, and literary concerns of the period. By tracing the genealogy of the concept of nostalgia, the article establishes a relationship between the medical thesis and the work of Paul Vidal de la Blache, who is considered the founder of the discipline of modern geography in France. The article delves into the cultures of sensibility and explores the politics of feelings--areas of research that are quite relevant for our own nostalgic era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses historiography of the French Third Republic in the 20th century and also discusses public, scientific and political debates based on it. Various topics discussed include republican historiography of the republic, anti-feminism, political history of the republic, republican model between 1989-1992, republicanization of France and brief discussion on national identity.

The facts reported in this paper are the results of a study processed in December 1905 about the military policy of the German Empire and the Third Republic of France. The paper aims to analyze the complex events of international politics a few years before the outbreak of the First World War (1914). The assumptions of conflict and strategies concerning the German "enemy" and the contemporary French revanchism about a possible conflict between the French Third Republic and the German Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Thirteenth President of the French Third Republic elected in May 1931 against Aristide Briand, Paul Doumer was assassinated in his duties on 6 May 1932 by Pavel Gorguloff, founder (and only member) of a Russian fascist party. The personification of the Republican model is hit in the heart that day. This is the ultimate tragedy for the seventy-five-year-old president who lost four of his five sons in the First World War. Famous for his determination to rearm France while dangers were rising, Doumer knew the threat over him. Both described as a « Republican regicide » and the « Sarajevo of the Second World War » by the observers, 6 May 1932 is a turning point: fourteen years after « the war to end all wars », after-war France falls over new pre-war years while fascisms are inexorably rising in Europe.

Alfred Martineau was a prominent colonial officer during the Third French Republic, and a scholar in history and international politics. His studies dealt with the problem of the origins of the "modern" form of colonialism in the second half of the nineteenth century, besides Ancien Régime French colonization. He saw the roots of "modern" European colonial rule in the activities of Dupleix and Bussy in eighteenth-century India. By underscoring the importance of both French officers, Martineau noticed important differences in the colonial activities of the two. According to Martineau, while Dupleix supported the idea of direct military conquest, Bussy favored a method of "indirect" colonization that was in some way the harbinger of the nineteenth-century model of protectorates. Yet in the light of the sources at our disposal today, the differences in the action of the two French colonizers are much less marked than in the frame depicted by Martineau. Both Dupleix and Bussy, in fact, used both coercion and more conciliatory policies toward indigenous India rulers. Dupleix and Bussy welded the usual economic and trade interests to the necessities of governance, in a similar way to French protectorates in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

D'une façon générale, l'enseignement de l'histoire a acquis une légitimité sociale du fait que l'étude du passé est censée délivrer aux élèves des clés de compréhension du présent, c'est-à-dire du temps où ils vivent. Mais ce topos ne dit rien du sens que donnent à cette expression les historiographies scolaires, inscrites dans des sociétés où l'expérience du passé a configuré le rapport qu'elles entretiennent avec les diverses facettes du temps. On peut donc se demander de quelles significations, selon les contextes et les aires géographiques, est chargée cette généralité, en d'autres termes historiciser la notion même "comprendre le présent". C'est ce questionnement qui a été appliqué à l'enseignement de l'histoire en France, pour la période 1870–1940 – celle de la Troisième République – où il a représenté, sept ans durant, un des piliers de la formation des élèves – masculins – de l'enseignement secondaire. Les républicains, arrivés au pouvoir après la défaite de 1871 contre la Prusse, entendaient en effet dispenser à la jeunesse française, appelée à constituer les futures élites de la nation, de solides connaissances historiques. L'enjeu était de taille: dans un pays affaibli et, de surcroît, divisé politiquement, il s'agissait de rassembler, autour de la nation et des valeurs républicaines, les forces du pays. Quel statut a donc donné au présent cet usage scolaire de l'étude du passé alors que les historiens, dans le contexte de professionnalisation de la discipline historique qui caractérise au 19è siècle les États-nations, posaient les règles de la critique érudite et affirmaient leur volonté d'élaborer une histoire qui ne servît que la "Vérité"? Nous avons ici distingué deux niveaux: d'une part celui des programmes et autres textes officiels complétés par les publications des historiens qui, à la fin du 19è siècle, dominent le paysage historiographique. En effet, Gabriel Monod, un des fondateurs en 1876 de la Revue historique dont l'objectif est de créer en France une école historique, Ernest Lavisse et leur cadet Charles Seignobos s'impliquent tous également dans la renaissance des études historiques savantes et dans l'organisation de l'histoire scolaire; d'autre part, les auteurs ont exploité les articles et rapports des revues pédagogiques, les cahiers d'élèves, les témoignages recueillis spontanément ou non, toutes traces qui, en nous introduisant à la connaissance de l'histoire enseignée, élargissent le spectre des sources de l'histoire de la discipline. Car si la périodisation établie par les programmes fait de l'étude du présent l'aboutissement de la connaissance du passé, il importe de se demander à quelles pratiques du présent a donné lieu ce que Lavisse appelait "la théorie de l'enseignement"? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A literary criticism of the book "De la liberté," by British political philosopher John Stuart Mill is presented. The author demonstrates that Mill profoundly transformed the concept of liberal individuality and replaced it with the concept of individualism. The author suggests that Mill's concept makes him not only a pioneer of social liberalism at the end of the 19th century but also a thinker close to French solidaristes from the French Third Republic such as sociologist Émile Durkheim.

The article looks at an incident which happened in 1906 and involved French politician Georges Clemenceau and the administration of the Protestant Hungarian newspaper titled "Magyar Szó." The author advances that this isolated event probably influenced Clemenceau's opinion of Hungary during the years preceding World War I and the Trianon (Versailles, France) peace treaty in 1920. Topics of discussion include the newspaper's historical context from 1900 to 1914, Clemenceau's editorial entitled "le divorce austro-hongrois" which was published in his newspaper "l'Aurore" in September 29, 1905, and the Hungarian newspaper's decision to republish the interviews of three French politicians, including Clemenceau and Ernest Vallé, on March 15, 1906.

Le présent article se propose d'étudier, le "principe" du régime, au sens montesquivien du terme, établi dans les territoires d'outre-mer de la Troisième République en s'intéressant aux passions et aux agissements des colons et des "indigènes" afin de mieux comprendre comment une minorité blanche parvient, en plus des prérogatives exorbitantes confiées au détenteur du pouvoir, à s'imposer jour après jour en donnant d'ellemême une image de toute-puissance. Pour analyser les ressorts de cette situation, il faut chercher à atteindre la quotidienneté et l'intimité des rapports de domination imposés par les Français grâce l'instauration de nombreuses règles écrites et non-écrites qui régissent la vie des autochtones. Langue particulière, violences symboliques et discriminations raciales multiples; telles sont les principaux éléments qui contribuent à la pérennité de l'ordre colonial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the political works of French politician Louis Jacquinot, his political life under the Third Republic and his participation in the Second World War.

The Revue du droit public was created during the Third Republic to become the main French forum for the science of public law, in conjunction with its institutionalization in French law schools. The study of the bibliographic sections of the journal during the decade 1904-1913 offers a rich insight on the doctrinal construction of public law. The study is based on the actual practices of reading and selecting written material that was considered as belonging to the field of public law. It makes the science of public law appear as a flow that must be controlled and organized. The Revue du droit public thus constituted a « school of activity »: its functioning contributed to defining common scientific practices, without there necessarily being intellectual and doctrinal homogeneity among the contributors.

This article studies the solidarity displayed by French antifascism in favor of the revolutionary forces in October 1934. This study about the organizations that emerged to coordinate the movement analyzes the competition between communists and socialists to lead it, describes the wide spectrum of protests, thus as the response of the French authorities to Spanish pressure. All this from the analysis of different primary sources, especially the Archives of the border French departments for the conviction of the value of the information they provide, combined with the archive of Paris área. It was in these territories where the Spanish presence was more numerous and where the transit and temporary stay of the refugees and the solidarity organizations with the Spanish revolutionaries were more active.