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The article intends to analyze the Latin-American cultural field, emphasizing two of its relevant characteristics: 1) its fragile autonomy, characterized by a strong dependence of the arts on both the State and the market, which results not only in the fading of the line that supposedly would divide culture in “high” and “low”, but also in the fusion of these two poles into the same, undistinguished whole; 2) the conflictual harmony between the ideas of tradition and modernity. In order to demonstrate both dynamics, the text brings into focus a case study: the Brazilian military dictatorship period (1964 -1985) and the State-market-artists triangle forged at the time.

The aim of this article is to analyze the relationship between intellectuals and power from the perspective of the interests and rewards that both sides were able to obtain from a collaboration. To do so, we analyze a specific case, which occurred during the military dictatorship (1964-1985), and involves the donation of a piece of land, as well as a loan to construct a building granted by the military regime to the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL). The analysis enables us to shed new light on the relationship between conservative intellectuals and the Brazilian military regime. In the first segment, we retrace the trajectory of Austregésilo de Athayde, a journalist who presided over the institution between 1959 and 1994 and played a vital role in this donation and in financing the construction of the building. In the second segment, we detail how this process took place and how it provides a new angle with which to analyze the relationship of conservative intellectuals and the military dictatorship in Brazil.

Repare bem (Maria de Medeiros, 2013) and Luz obscura (Susana de Sousa Dias) are illustrative examples of women documentary filmmaker's approach to post-dictatorship memory in Brazil and in Portugal. Their attempt to counterpose affective and personal memories with the official records of the state, through the use of mugshots and prison photos of members of a family nucleus taken by the oppressive apparatus of the respective regimes framed in a ‘family narrative’, is inextricable from a recovery of the memory of women’s efforts as both witnesses as and social and political agents. This article will build upon works combining a feminist approach with memory studies (Marianne Hirsch, Annette Kuhn) which provide an insight into the particularities of family photographs as a means to explore the intersection between the personal and the official, the intimate and the public, family and nation, memory and history. Both documentaries raise the stakes by questioning as well as collapsing the said binaries when they structure and order the historical source material within a ‘family frame’: mugshots and prison photos are inscribed in lieu of a speculative family album, thus performatively upsetting the ideological framework of authoritarian regimes as well as their historical legacies, currently the object of contestation and political manipulation.

This article analyzes the relationship between political and intellectual action of a specific group of folklorists associated with the Brazilian Folkloric Movement, and the development and implementation of cultural policy within the context of the military dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s in Brazil. Therefore, this article is a comparative analysis of these policies based on documents from the military government as well as material created by folklorists, particularly material found in the Brazilian folklore magazine Revista Brasileira de Folclore.

Despite authoritarianism, the Brazilian military dictatorship has produced a speech in defense of democracy, according to the Doctrine of National Security (DSN). To legitimate it, the television-scheduling grid assumes a pedagogical role in the constitution of meanings desired by the regimen, mainly those of national integration and modernity. This text sees the television field as an integral part of the group who took up the political power of the country in 1964. However, just like the other forms of solidarity, the one stablished among the TV broadcasters’ owners (a public concession) and the Brazilian military dictatorship is not exempt of disruption. Therefore, the text points to the need to relativize existing readings, which build up a simplistic alliance between this field and the military dictatorship.

Veja and dictatorship: military’s memory rebuilding the historyAbstract: The objective of this text is to investigate how the magazine Veja has addressed the issue of dictatorship in the period of affirmation of neoliberalism in Brazil. It is interesting to know which the main issues are and what approach the magazine has on the subject, focusing on the interpretation of what a dictatorship was, why it existed, and how the magazine deals with this past. At several times the magazine stands as interpreting the lived history, at the time of the dictatorship, judging, according to the magazine, their successes and pointing out some "excesses" of military action. In the field of memory, the magazine produces interpretations of that historic moment, without any concern about its stance regarding to the facts themselves, because Veja existed since 1968. One of the Veja’s characteristics to promote the loss of the sense of history is the production of journalist articles that promote gentle breaks with the past, it does not seek connections between what was said by the magazine itself in the past and what it says at present time, it is as if, indeed, its own past had not occurred. The privileged voice in the items analyzed is clearly the military voice, which has its speech reverberated and repeated countless times in the magazine, as well as its version of the "Revolution" as opposed to the idea of ​​Military Coup of 1964. The Left, generally, appears as the guilty for the repression as it would have disobeyed the order, and therefore it should be punished.Resumen El artículo tiene como objetivo investigar la revista Veja. Analiza la forma como la revista ha tratado de la dictadura en el período de consolidación de la democracia brasilera. Abarca más propiamente el período de consolidación del neoliberalismo. Busca saber cuales fueron las principales temáticas y con cual abordaje la revista trató la temática. Enfatiza la interpretación sobre lo que ha sido la Dictadura, porque ha existido, y como la sociedad debe relacionarse con ese pasado. Variadas veces la revista se ha atribuido el lugar de interpretar la historia vivida, en el momento de la dictadura, juzgando lo que para ella fueran sus aciertos y apuntando algunos (pocos) errores. Es decir, en el campo de la memoria, se producen interpretaciones sobre aquel momento histórico, sin cualquiera preocupación con la postura que ha tomado en el momento de dos hechos pasados, ya que Veja existió desde 1968. Una de las características de Veja para promover la pérdida de la noción histórica es la producción de textos periodísticos que promocionen suaves rupturas con el pasado, no busquen enlaces entre lo que ha sido dicho por la propia revista en el pasado y lo que dice en el presente. Es como si en realidad, su propio pasado no tuviera ocurrido. La voz privilegiada en los reportajes analizadas es la voz militar, que tiene su discurso reproducido y repetido innumerables veces en el la revista, así como su versión sobre la “Revolución”, en oposición a la idea de Golpe de 1964.