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Deportation is often studied in the context of research into the administration, enforcement, and control of immigration, with researchers highlighting the violent effect on deportees and studying the various actors involved in the deportation process. This contribution adds to the growing literature on deportation infrastructures by emphasizing the inseparability of deportation procedures from the specific sites in which they unfold, as well as highlighting the analytical interest and political agency of such spaces. My socio-material approach applies a rather classical understanding of infrastructure, asking what three specific deportation sites – prisons, hospitals, and airports – can tell us about deportation procedures as a technology of immigration enforcement. Using Switzerland as a case study, this paper analyses deportation procedures, including the role of human and non-human actors, paying particular attention to the situatedness and relationality of deportation infrastructures. The socio-material analysis of the architecture of the three sites under discussion ultimately exposes deportation as violent statecraft.

Hoy en día, las ciencias sociales están llamadas a desempeñar un papel más importante que nunca. Los retos a los que ellas deben responder son múltiples y de crucial importancia para el futuro de la humanidad: desde las crecientes desigualdades sociales hasta la emergencia climática y pandémica, desde las actuales derivas posdemocráticas y tentaciones autoritarias hasta los riesgos inherentes a los sistemas de vigilancia digital e inteligencia artificial. Pero sólo podrán hacerlo si rompen con la hegemonía del paradigma neoliberal del economicismo y la competición de mercado, es decir, si dejan de “hacer oídos de mercader” y se abren a nuevas prioridades, valores y necesidades. Este artículo pretende contribuir a definir una nueva agenda para las ciencias sociales en la llamada era del Antropoceno, partiendo de la constatación de que la humanidad ya no puede de forma arrogante representarse a sí misma como la dueña del planeta, sino que debe empezar a pensar y actuar esencialmente como nada más que uno de sus muchos, heterogéneos e interdependientes huéspedes.

Por supuesto, los ensayos aquí presentados no pretenden abarcar todas las cuestiones y problemas fundamentales que debería abordar una ciencia social que aspire a cambiar las prioridades de la política contemporánea. Sin embargo, todos juntos quieren contribuir en cierto modo a dar una idea, aunque aproximada, de cómo las ciencias sociales deberían redefinir su agenda para estar a la altura de los retos del Antropoceno, a saber, una nueva era geológica en la que la actividad humana en su conjunto parece ser el factor determinante que está subvirtiendo los delicados equilibrios que sustentan los sistemas de vida en el planeta Tierra.

Introduction

Assyro-Babylonian procedural texts for making cult objects dated to the 1st millennium BCE provide an untapped resource for examining scribal conceptions of craft and purity in the ancient world. Ritual procedures for “opening of the mouth” of a cult statue (mīs pî), and for manufacturing a ritual drum called the lilissu, constitute the principal focus of this two-part study. This work uses three themata – time, space, and the material world – to provide the scaffolding for a comparative analysis that spans various centuries and localities, highlighting the ways in which “purity” was crafted in cuneiform scholarly cultures.

This analysis of Swiss Federal Supreme Court judgements shows the coupling of welfare and migration control. Foreign nationals depending on social assistance might face the withdrawal of their residence permits. We show how the conveyed legal logics create conditionality of rights and a differentiation of (non-)citizens. The judgements individualise social assistance dependence and follow a neoliberal logic of economic participation. They establish rationalities which reinforce politics of belonging and welfare chauvinism.

El artículo muestra la desigualdad de género del profesorado universitario italiano y el fracaso de las políticas que recurren a creencias y valores neoliberales de la competición académica, de la evaluación supuestamente objetiva de la calidad de la investigación científica y, generalmente, de la cultura del mérito. En primer lugar, documentamos la persistencia de la desventaja femenina en la universidad a través del análisis de series temporales sobre las/os investigadoras/es universitarias/os italianas/os. Luego, comparamos datos del profesorado italiano con los de la Unión Europea, en su conjunto. Finalmente, exponemos las conclusiones de una investigación realizada de tipo cualitativo, basada en entrevistas a investigadoras y profesoras que trabajan en la universidad italiana, y destacamos los límites y los efectos perversos del método meritocrático y del feminismo neoliberal en la resolución de la desigualdad. Este tipo de feminismo no se ocupa de la eliminación de las desigualdades reales en el sistema, sino de la promoción de la mujer a la cima de las organizaciones y, en general, en la sociedad. No trata de transformar el mundo eliminando las condiciones que producen la desigualdad, sino que potencia en cada mujer –según la ética neoliberal– la competitividad del capital humano no resolviendo la desigualdad.

El presente es un análisis crítico sobre la investigación y la valoración de la investigación en la universidad en italia, que es muy similar a las circunstancias y características de la española. Se observa esta reflexión sociológica sobre la universidad y la valoración de la investigación, para contribuir al debate y aportar sugerencias sobre la universidad del futuro.

In this article we analyze the editorial position of the liberal-conservative orientation magazine Carta Política face of the political scene inaugurated with the death of President Juan Domingo Perón on July 1, 1974. Published for the first time in June 1974, it was characterized by expressing an "expert" analytical perspective, invested with "seriousness", based on the intellectual trajectories of its collaborators. In this paper we focus mainly on how the publication evaluated the process of abandoning the Social Pact, the economic policy that had inaugurated Peronism in its return to power in 1973, and the readjustment of social actors against the new reality pos-Perón. Likewise, we will study its position in relation to the new government of its successor María Estela (Isabel) Martínez de Perón, the spiraling process of armed violence and the role that the Armed Forces began to assume in this context in the repressive task. The main hypothesis of the work is that for the magazine, the Social Pact did not ensure by itself the mechanisms of social reconciliation that boosted it in its origin, so the economy had to disengage from its regulations to ensure productive capacity and business profitability, but maintaining institutional stability as an indispensable prerequisite.

In this paper, I will try to establish a parallel between Charles S. Peirce’s (1839-1914) and Ernst Bloch’s (1885-1977) theory of categories. Both the authors hypothesise a phenomenological foundation for their theory of categories: categories are elements of Experience (according to Peirce) and products of Praxis (according to Bloch). Nevertheless, Bloch’s phenomenology is characterised by a peculiar aspect: according to Bloch, the gestural dimension plays a fundamental role in the Knowledge Process, positing the category of ‘Possibility’. In line with Maddalena’s analyses on the relation between ‘Complete Gesture’ and ‘Work’, I will try to illustrate that the parallel between Bloch and Peirce can be extended, by including the semiotic dimension of gesture.

This paper intends to critically analyze the editorial positions of the newspaper Clarín (Argentina) against economic policy Economy Minister José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz (1976-1981), he was, along with state terrorism, one of the main axes which supported the attempt refounding of the last military dictatorship (1976-1983) of Argentina society and whose effects generated long-term regressive changes in the national economy.

In order to investigate the series of relations between the tradition of so-called realism and the writing/practices of utopia in Western philosophical-political culture, it is first necessary to look at the meanings that realism itself takes inside the theoretical reflections on the experience and category of limit. We must therefore look closely at the essential elements of the structural ambiguity of the discourses/practices that refer to utopia as the set of modes of utopic conversion of the subject of modernity. Only then, will we be able to trace the multiple ideologies that presuppose horizons of an (impossible) perfect happiness, as well as the different ways of generating forms of unutterable grief; on one hand, the tragic dystopias produced by the cruelty of the human beast, on the other, the various forms of heterotopias fashioned and practiced by human beings in order to provide sense and relief to the ordinary sorrows of life.

Building on the achievements of Massimo Bonfantini's pragmaticist materialism and Rossi-Landi's "omologic" method, this article proposes a theoretical frame for the critical analysis of consumption as a category. According to Rossi-Landi, the economic phase of consumption -as well as those of production and exchange- divides into specific semiotic programs and cannot be considered without them. Therefore, to carry out a particular consumption behaviour, accounted for Rossi-Landi, coincides with performing linguistic work; to consume while respecting certain codes means to execute specific programs established by the logic of capitalistic production. Basically, consumption programs, insofar as they are habits, require an interpretation, and foster action. Yet, by means of an emancipating linguistic work, such programs can be discussed and their meaning can be changed, thus giving rise to a transforming praxis. Such dynamics can be read in the light of the elementary logic of the action process, which has been structured by Bonfantini in his materialistic reworking of Peirce's abduction. More precisely, I propose to analyse the category of consumption - in its acceptation as a semiotically programmed behaviour - into the steps of representation, projection and programming. In short, a materialistically and pragmaticistically oriented semiotics may represent a critical tool for the analysis of consumption behaviour in the process of social reproduction.

Remo Ceserani e Il manifesto

El diario Convicción nació en 1978 como medio de prensa vinculado a dos actores políticos fundamentales del periodo dictatorial argentino: el almirante Emilio Massera y la Marina argentina. Su aparición fue concebida como una plataforma periodística para el lanzamiento político de Massera y a su vez un espacio de apuntalamiento para los intereses de la Marina dentro de la interna militar. En este trabajo nos proponemos repasar las condiciones de surgimiento y desarrollo del diario así como sus principales posiciones editoriales durante diferentes momentos particularmente relevantes de la dictadura militar argentina (1976-1983)