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La région pampéenne argentine a depuis l’Europe une image de vastes étendues agricoles très faiblement peuplées où se pratiquent l’élevage bovin et les grandes cultures (essentiellement le soja) sur de grandes exploitations. Pourtant, dans la Province de Buenos-Aires, au sud de la capitale, les villes maillent fortement un territoire qui représente près de la moitié de la France. Les périmètres de gestion combinent des villes moyennes ou des petites villes chefs-lieux d’un district (partido) siège du gouvernement local (intendencia) et de l’administration municipale (municipio) avec des villages (pueblos)’. Dans un contexte de forte centralisation du pouvoir, la thématique de la décentralisation est au cœur des débats politiques : les municipalités revendiquent davantage de compétences, mais elles disposent de marges de manœuvre réduites. Pourtant, une analyse détaillée de différentes situations conduit à repérer des modèles de gestion contrastés : d’une part, deux municipios qui se contentent de gérer les affaires courantes en lien direct avec le gouvernement central (Necochea et Villarino). D’autre part, un municipio acteur du développement territorial qui essaie de construire un projet de territoire (Tandil). En appui à ces processus de développement territorial, deux systèmes, l’un à dimension sociale et l’autre à dimension économique, ont un rôle essentiel dans la recherche de solutions aux lourdes problématiques économiques et sociales que connaît le pays., The Argentinan Pampa has an image of vast and expanded fields structured around large farms of cereals production or breeding units. However, in the Province of Buenos Aires, around the south of the capital, the urban network structures an area of the size of nearly half of France. These areas are managed around medium-sized cities, chief towns of the district (partido) seat of local government (intendancia) and municipal (municipio) with what they call «pueblos». In a context of centralized government, the theme of decentralization is at the heart of the political debate: Municipalities ask for more responsibilities but they have very low budget. But a detailed analysis of different situations illustrates patterns of a contrasting management: First municipios who merely deal with the affairs directly related to the central government (Necochea et Villarino). On the other hand, we can observe a municipio which acts as a main character of local development (Tandil). In this perspective, they try to build a regional project by supporting two systems: One with a social dimension and another one around economic dimension to resolve serious social and economic problems., Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias y Forestales

L’article analyse les récentes politiques foncières mises en place par le gouvernement Éthiopien pour promouvoir la commercialisation agricole, dans la perspective de la trajectoire historique de formation de l’État Éthiopien et à partir du paradigme des « situations thermidoriennes » développé par Jean-François Bayart. L’idée d’un Thermidor Éthiopien éclaircit les stratégies originales et sélectives de libéralisation politique et économique adoptées par une élite postrévolutionnaire qui cherche à consolider son pouvoir à l’époque de la globalisation néolibérale. Les contradictions de ces stratégies pour ce qui concerne le foncier sont approfondies à travers l’étude des réformes de modernisation agricole, des coopératives agricoles, des institutions des micro-finances et des micro et petites entreprises agricoles dans la zone de West Arsi (région Oromia). Ces transformations agricoles sont caractérisées par une dynamiques sélective et incomplète de libéralisation, au nom du developmental state, et demeurent au cœur du processus de formation de l’État Éthiopien contemporain, à travers des processus de (re)configuration et (re)négociation des espaces et du pouvoir. The article contributes to the debate about the historical trajectory of state formation in Ethiopia and, by employing the notion of Thermidorian Situation as developed by Bayart, discusses some recent shifts in the land policy towards agricultural commercialization. The Ethiopian Thermidor sheds light on the extent to which post-revolutionary elites since the 1990s have adopted selective and original strategies of political and economic liberalization to consolidate their power in the context of neoliberal globalization. The article’s main argument—that contemporary agrarian policies in Ethiopia are inherently contradictory—is elucidated through empirical details on recent reforms of agricultural extensions, cooperatives, micro-finance institutions (MFIs), and agricultural micro and small enterprises (MSEs) in the case study of West Arsi Zone (Oromia Region). The article concludes that the current agrarian transformation in Ethiopia, characterized by selective and incomplete dynamics of liberalization under the developmental state, remains by far central to the overall process of state formation and can be best described through unfolding patterns of (re)configuration and (re)negotiation of spaces and power.

- Lituania's return to independence endowed decollectivization process with a strong symbolic significance, relying on the will to revive the family agricultural model which prevailed during the two world wars. The agrarian reform policy intend to gain conflicting aims : return land to their former owners, dividing collective assets between members of the collective farms and converting them in new partnerships, allocating plots to workers without land. New social forms of production had appeared and their extend is dependent on regional structural legacies., Résumé. - Le retour à l'indépendance de la Lituanie a conféré au processus de décollectivisation une portée symbolique forte, sous-tendue par la volonté de renouer avec le modèle d'agriculture familiale qui avait prévalu durant l'entre- deux-guerres. La politique de réforme agraire tente de concilier des logiques contradictoires : restitution des terres aux anciens propriétaires, partage des biens des exploitations collectives entre leurs membres et transformations de celles-ci en associations, attribution de lopins aux travailleurs sans terre. De nouvelles formes sociales de production sont apparues dont l'importance est variable selon les héritages structurels régionaux., Mačiulytė Jurgita, Maurel Marie-Claude. Décollectivisation et indépendance. La trajectoire agraire lituanienne (Decollectivization and independence. The agrarian trajectory of Lituania). In: Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français, 75e année, 1998-4 ( décembre). la nouvelle Europe médiane, sous la direction de Gabriel Wackermann. pp. 455-469.

Nora Benamra Solorzano, Evangelism, Agrarian Problems and Liberation Theology in Guatemala In the 1960s, the Guatemalan Catholic Church, guided by an evangelical logic, became involved in socio-economic projects directed towards helping the poorest inhabitants — the Indian majority of the country. The progressive wing of the church is associated with the new directions championed by liberation theology which is behind the creation of agricultural cooperatives favoring the emancipation of Indian communities. The Cooperative oflxcàn Grande in the region of Guiché, in spite of its destruction by the army in 1982, is an organizational model for these populations. communities. The Cooperative of lxcàn Grande in the region of Guiché, in spite of its destruction by the army in 1982, is an organizational model for these populations., Benamra Solorzano Nora. Évangélisation, problèmes agraires et théologie de la libération au Guatemala : La Coopérative de l'Ixcán Grande. In: L'Homme et la société, N. 120, 1996. Les équivoques de la laïcité. pp. 85-95.

The Japanese and the Sea. The dominant representation of Japanese identity since the origin the nation up until the 19th century has been that an agrarian state founded upon the cultivation of inundated rice paddies. Thusly, they have ignored the importance of the sea and of the populations which lived off of it. However, the "sea people" constitute an element central to the social life of the archipelago. They have constantly been underestimated historically and dominated politically because they did not fit with the structure of seigneurial domination which considered agriculture the essential element. The supremacy of the sedentary peasant over the nomadic merchant functioned as one of the main elements of social control in the framework of confucian society. Under these circumstances written sources have deliberately favored the land to the detriment of other non-agricultural activities. These "sea people" often in rebellion against the agrarian states, are nevertheless at the origin of the development of commerce and industry. They played direct role in the process of modernisation of the country., Amino Yoshihiko, Souyri Pierre-François, Siary Gérard, Siary Mieko. Les Japonais et la mer. In: Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales. 50ᵉ année, N. 2, 1995. pp. 235-258.

Self-sufficiency and markets: Chayanov, Labrousse, or Le Roy Ladurie? Instead of the classic opposition between self-sufficiency and the market—the starting point and the end point of change in rural society—the study of French agrarian life in the modern period points to a distinction closer to that between target produ­cers and market producers. The national dividing line of autarky effectively divided the peasantry into two camps. Above the line, a handful of larger or more specialized farming units sold their produce and regularly generated negotiable surpluses; however, faced with competition in the form of ecclesiastical and seigneurial levies, they hesitated to increase their cereal output. Below the line, the majority of peasants owned too little land to provide for their families' needs even in a normal year, and were obliged to seek out the necessary supplements—but only those supplements—in various markets (the grain, labor, credit and land markets). The violent fluctuations of these secondary markets reflected variations in supply and demand that affected only a minor share of output. This dual incentive for production units to adopt a Malthusian strategy is an even more powerful explanation than technological stagnation for the inertia of farming output, which, in the latter half of the eighteenth century, was not so much guided by price trends as durably indexed on the population., Aymard Maurice. Autoconsommation et marchés : Chayanov, Labrousse ou Le Roy Ladurie ?. In: Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations. 38ᵉ année, N. 6, 1983. pp. 1392-1410.

Economic changes in Egypt over the past decade have resulted from a series of influences including the rise in the cost of oil the world economic crisis and governmental efforts to develop a new policy of economic development. Although the effects of economic change are more immediately apparent in urban areas their import has perhaps been more profound in the countryside. The most comfortable agricultural producers are growing a greater variety of crops are more highly capitalized operations and are more closely influenced by the world and local markets. Producers failing to make these changes are being bought out in a type of agrarian self-reform financed ultimately by income from migration to oil producing states. Members of an Egyptian family studied from 1969-84 were typical landless rural cultivaters renting lands until 1969 when they obtained title to a small quantity of land under the 3rd law of agrarian reform promulgated in March 1969. Despite the agrarian reform the role of the landlord initially was largely replaced by that of the state on which the family now became dependent. The family retained the essential characteristics of the landless peasant: low standard of living necessity of selling their labor to larger producers and absence of decision making capacity concerning type of cultivation and direct experience with the market. The agrarian reform cooperative now played the role of intermediary formerly filled by the landlord. During the period from 1974-81 which saw a new government policy development 2 brothers in the family worked as laborers in Iraq leaving their wives and children behind in the care of the extended family. Their father ceased to fill the role of patriach; the new need for an entrepreneur was filled by 1 of the emigrating brothers who arranged for purchase of a house to replace the familys rented quarters and also bought a tractor to be rented to other cultivators representing a new source of income mechanization of the countryside and a form of capitalization. Tomatoes and other vegetables were added to the family crops. The familys standard of living continued to improve and greater efforts were made to educate the children. The entrepreneur brother was replaced after his accidental death by a younger brother who continued his activities while still striving to maintain the family labor pool which now amounted to 32 workers based on 5 marriages. The original new house was rented and then sold to finance more land purchases and a constant supply of migrant remittances was available. The local wage rate also increased significantly raising the possibility of significant earnings. The progress of this family was not atypical and was partly due to the internal aptitude of Egyptian society for integrating change.

PIP: Pakistani emigration since the early 1970s has been primarily directed toward the oil-rich Gulf states. Over 2 million Pakistanis, 10% of the adult male workforce, now live outside their home country, 3/4 of them in the Gulf states. The emigration has shortterm advantages for Pakistan, which has a high unemployment rate and few other exports. 2 government bureaus and over 300 recruiting agencies encourage Pakistani emigration to the Gulf, and because of the foreign exchange earnings generated, such emigration has become an important concern of the government. Emigration has a long history in Pakistan as part of the migratory movements of the Indian subcontinent in general. Emigration in the 1960s was prompted by mechanization of agriculture and disturbances of traditional agrarian labor arrangements brought on by the Green Revolution. Concentrations of lands among the successful middle-sized producers led to a rural proletariat and exodus towards the cities, where possibilities of employment were scarce. Regions of declining income around the new capital of Islamabad were the 1st to take advantage of new employment opportunities in the Gulf states. Pakistani migration to the Gulf countries is temporary for individual workers, who stay an average of 3-6 years, but the effect is of chain migration as returning workers are replaced by other family members. Workers are not accompanied by family members and have almost no contact with the local Arab populations. They send most of their earnings to their families in Pakistan. 3/4 are under 30 years old, most are of rural origin, and the majority are from the northern provinces. Although 70% are married, only 4% of migrants, the most highly qualified, are accompanied by their families. About 41% are unskilled workers and 42.6% are semiskilled or skilled manual workers. In 1981, the average annual salary repatriated by a Pakistani working in the Gulf was $3000. The Pakistani government has not defined a migration policy but has established rules and procedures to curtail clandestine departures. Most migrants use the services of licensed private employment agencies and very few use public channels. Because the migration is relatively new and few studies have been done, it is difficult to evaluate its effects on the local economy. 1 result is a severe local shortage of labor, especially in construction and transportation, which has promoted inflation and particularly affected the most impoverished classes. Remissions are now the most important source of Pakistan's foreign exchange earnings, but are not being invested in economic, industrial, or agricultural development, which has remained stagnant while 55% of the national budget is directed to defense. Most migrant earnings are invested in housing, marriages and dowries, and luxury imported consumer goods. In the current state of Pakistan's economy, migration is the sole means of socioeconomic advancement for the vast majority, but the future of the movement is uncertain.

PIP: The great agrarian transformation in favor of capitalist agriculture that has occurred over the past few decades in the dependent countries of Latin America has modified the traditional production of foodstuffs, the mode of work, and the social reproduction of peasant women belonging to the social groups with the lowest levels of income. Policies of centralized industrialization which have excluded agricultural manpower have affected Latin American women, accounting for their greater tendency to migrate to cities. Migrant peasant women participate in 3 principal characteristics of the dependent development of Latin America: the rural exodus, the burgeoning of the tertiary sector, and marginality. The consequences of unequal capitalist agrarian development in the formation of a female rural proletariat have not been well studies, resulting in a tendency to disregard the heterogeneity of situations in which peasant women find themselves and to confuse 3 aspects of their condition as members of rural families, as workers, and as women. As family members, peasant women find family income declining, leading to increases in their unpaid labor time and declining standards of nutrition and health. The agrarian economies of Latin America and the Caribbean show a certain homogeneity in the sexual division of labor. Their historical development after their insertion as colonial regions in the world economy produced 3 well-defined forms of agricultural economy: haciendas, plantations, and peasant communities, each with its own forms of family and kinship relationships which reflected adjustments between sexual division of labor and production or manpower needs. Concerning the participation of women, there are curerntly 3 specific types of agricultural production characteristic of Latin America and the Caribbean: peasant family units usually belonging to communities in which women primarily perform the tasks of "reproduction", rural family units which rely on the external labor market for a large part of their consumption, and family units or independent women who rely entirely on the labor market for survival. Recent studies have shown that the subordination of women antedates capitalism, even in situations such as indigenous communities where women have more favorable positions than in fully capitalist societies. In all cases, women are responsible for the unpaid work, but their participation in production activities depends on the patterns of manpower recruitment and the social position of the household. Women replace men when shortages of male workers occur, but men never replace women when shortages of female workers occur. Census figures demonstrate that there is no linear and homogeneous process of proletarianization of displaced peasant women. The most usual forms are working as agricultural laborers, seasonsl or temporaty migration for agricultural work, irregular or temporary salaried work, or petty commerce.

Africa may still appeal to many with its exotism; as continent caught up in far-reaching mutations it may capture the interest of religious sociologists, but over and above these attractions it poses today the question of becoming. Africa was formerly world made for man where everything was integrated in meaningful system: nothing was left out. Colonisation and its consequent traumatisms, the extensions of Islam and Christianity into the once closed field of the agrarian religions, the arrival of Education and Knowledge unfamiliar to the Ancients, all these features radically upset the ancient order at its base and revealed the horizons of an inordinate world. Today the future has to be invented new wisdom and new reasons for believing have to be found without repudiating the princeless lesson of an age which now belongs to the past, namely the need for man to root himself in land, a memory; the assurance that man is more than his work and what he produces; the profound certainty that the secret law of ontological balance is his "porosity" to the world., Luneau René. Du monde religieux de l'homme africain aujourd'hui / The Religious World of Contemporary African Man. In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions, n°41, 1976. pp. 37-45.

Roman society it was not the economy through some autonomous development which created or modified social relations or fashioned civil society through the life of the institutions The inevitable focal point of all these different spheres of social and political life which the moderns have artificially isolated was the organization of property ownership which acts as matrix society based on orders The author has conducted statistical review of known interactions their distribution is interesting in its own right) and of two cases in particular First the prohibition of senators to engage in trade in 218 lex Claudia which must be seen in the context of ancient civic life Greek or Punic) by referring to the writings of Aristotle and Polybius this characterises aristocratic-type organiza tions The author attempts furthermore to explain why the framework of Roman society based on orders did not break down but was on the contrary consolidated under ugustus The other example reviewed is the role of the legal category o/agri excepti i.e at the disposal of the agrarian commissioners SiculusFlaccus 157 7-8 Din the process of the concentration of landed property the 2nd century, Nicolet Claude. Économie, société et institutions au IIe siècle av. J.-C. : de la lex Claudia à l'ager exceptus. In: Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations. 35ᵉ année, N. 5, 1980. pp. 871-894.

G. Salem—From Senegal's Bush-Country to the Latin Quarter : The ' Murid' Trade System in France. In most French cities West African small traders of various origins peddle curios, cheap souvenirs and mock antiques. These peddlers are organized in networks with rear bases in their home countries. One of these networks is made up of members of the murid brotherhood, originally a rural movement which has been able, from an agrarian first stage, to adapt to economie and social conditions in Senegalese cities, and from then on to migrate to Western Europe and build up a commercial System using as its framework the structures and practices of the brotherhood., Salem Gérard. De la brousse sénégalaise au Boul' Mich : le système commercial mouride en France.. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 21, n°81-83, 1981. Villes africaines au microscope. pp. 267-288.

The formation and structure of a rural area of the Mossi in Bwa territory (Upper Volta). - The efficacity of the concept of structure is brought to light in the case of an agrarian area, yet of recent formation, in Upper Volta. Through the collation of plot characteristics, J. Bertin's " picture-catalogue " technique permits the author to establish correlations and eventually systems of relations. The method comprises three ordered manipulations according to different classification criteria. The village lands thus appear as a spatial system, and not as a simple assemblage of plots.

In this article, I discuss the relationship between Andean spiritual beliefs relating to agrarian practices and the mural paintings in the rural church of San Pedro de Andahuaylillas (Cuzco, Peru), built in the early seventeenth century and decorated probably between 1618 and 1626. Using a Western iconographic language, both the ideologue (the priest Juan Pérez Bocanegra) and the painter of the decorative program (Luis de Riaño) sought to unite the Andean cults and rituals that surround the agrarian reciprocity system with others more in line with the dogmas of the Catholic Church. The Indigenous parishioners of the Quispicanchis agrarian valley ascribed meaning to these European iconographic representations in line with their social reality and religious beliefs. The creator of the iconographic scheme, Juan Pérez Bocanegra, and the painter Luis de Riaño put into play a complex multisensory system of painting, liturgy, and music to create a space for parishioners to contemplate the abundance of divine Providence., Dans cet article, nous réfléchissons à la relation entre les croyances andines autour des rituels agraires et les peintures murales qui décorent l’église de San Pedro d’Andahuaylillas (Cuzco, Pérou), construite, probablement, dans les premières années du XVIIe siècle et décorée entre 1618 et 1626. Le programme décoratif de San Pedro révèle les besoins de l’église coloniale de rapprocher les croyances andines, dans ce cas, celles qui sont liées au système de réciprocité agraire, avec d’autres plus en accord avec les dogmes de l’Église catholique. Ainsi, les récepteurs de ces peintures ont donné un sens aux représentations iconographiques européennes, en accord avec leurs propres convictions religieuses. L’idéologue du programme iconographique (le prêtre Juan Pérez Bocanegra) et son peintre (Luis de Riaño) ont mis en place un système multisensoriel complexe qui réunit peinture, liturgie et musique afin de rapprocher les paroissiens (les Amérindiens qui habitaient la vallée agraire de Quispicanchis) des bienfaits de la Providence divine.