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This paper presents a comparison between the two ways of managing immigration and diversity existing in Canada: multiculturalism (Canada-wide) and interculturalism (Quebec). While some authors (see Juteau, McAndrew and Pietrantonio 1998) argue that the two policies are more similar than different, others, like Gérard Bouchard (2011), argue that interculturalism is a rather unique model of managing diversity in Quebec. In this paper we aim to make a contribution to the debate by providing an analysis of the way both models understand immigrants' participation in their new society. Indeed, both models seem to consider participation as having a central role in the process of integrating newcomers. However, we will show that the reasons put forward by inter-culturalism and by multiculturalism to explain their interest in participation are very different. On the one hand, multiculturalism recognizes the importance of participation as a way of protecting individual identities, in line with the spirit of liberalism. On the other hand, for interculturalism, the issue of participation seems to be more fundamental: not only is participation one of the founding pillars of the policy, but it is also consistent with the political, legal and historical characteristics of the province of Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly people, including academics, tend to conceive of the world as based on essentialised ethnic or cultural categories. Thus, research on the second generation often takes for granted that this population has a bicultural identity. In this paper, I define the concept of identity as the subjectively constructed set of groups of belonging which the individual considers to be most important to and most characteristic of his/her Self. I then attempt to determine whether or not second-generation youth feel a strong attachment toward the ethnic origin of their immigrant parent(s). The paper relies on in-depth interviews conducted in Quebec and Montreal with 28 youth (18 to 25 years of age), who were born in Quebec and who have at least one immigrant parent. Respondents were mainly identified through birth registries, thus avoiding the use of self-identification for recruitment. Results show great variety in the identities chosen by second-generation youth. Relatively few identify with their immigrant parent(s)' ethnic origin. Those who do have diverse representations of these groups, which are nonetheless generally cultural or ethnocultural in content. This form of identification with cultural or ethnocultural groups is shown to be compatible with a civic allegiance to Canada or Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After defining discrimination and linguicism, the first part of the paper provides a brief overview of employment problems experienced by minority groups in Quebec. Part two offers results from a special analysis of the Ethnic Diversity Survey (2003) dealing with experiencing discrimination in Quebec and in the rest of Canada. Results show that in Quebec, anglophones are more likely to report being victims of discrimination than francophones and language/accent is seen as the main cause of discrimination for both francophones and anglophones. In the rest of Canada skin colour is seen as the main cause of discrimination for anglophones, while francophones see language/accent as the main cause of discrimination. Clearly linguicism is seen as the main cause of discrimination in Quebec for both francophones and anglophones, while this is the case only for francophones in the rest of Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]