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The study of social imaginaries occupies a marginal place in the historiography dedicated to Cameroonian nationalism. This article deals with them as both modalities of invention and transformation of the Nation-State since the late nineteenth century. The study argues that at the heart of the multiple caesuras in the history of Cameroon, social imaginaries appeared as a resource from which actors have drawn to produce utopias that have taken on a performative dimension in various contexts. This article makes three main contributions: first, it shows that the idea of Cameroon as an indivisible territorial entity has its origins in the German colonial period. It reveals that beyond its structural causes, the Anglophone question in Cameroon objectifies the idea of a conflict of imaginaries between Francophones and Anglophones. The analysis of the diasporic question finally highlights the influence of the media in the production of social imaginaries in the Anglophone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the evolution of issue coverage by the press during election campaigns in Quebec from 1994 to 2018. Two observations emerge from this study. First, we witness the diversification of the media agenda, explained in particular by a decline of the national question in the media in favor of issues such as the environment and immigration. The reframing of the national question, now much more focused on the identity dimension than on the question of the political status of Quebec, is striking. These changes seem to indicate the rise of a liberal-authoritarian political axis in the province, and the emergence of a multiparty system opens the door to a lasting political realignment. These observations tend to confirm the view that the agenda during a campaign results from the interaction between the media, the parties, and the voters and that it thus offers an appropriate reflection of the evolution of political dynamics in a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the ideological debate that interculturalism has aroused in Quebec's intellectual field since the 2000s. While it has long served as a point of convergence between neonationalist intellectuals seeking to combine pluralism and nationalism, the interculturalist model has not, however, prevented the resurgence of calls for tighter control over migrants and minority cultural practices. The thesis advanced is that this trend confirms the eclipse of the attempt to reconcile nationalism and pluralism within interculturalism. To support this thesis, our article documents the weakness of Quebec interculturalism in the face of the ideological blocs formed by federal multiculturalism, conservative nationalism, and the rise of anti-racist and decolonial criticisms in Quebec. Vis-à-vis these competing positions, the contradictions of interculturalism regarding the alleged privilege of the majority over minorities have come to light in the course of the controversies that the article examines over a period of twenty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Yes-No cleavage over Quebec independence is in decline, it would be wrong to assume that this phenomenon is characteristic of Quebec nationalism in general. Quebec nationalism is still a driving aspect of political debates in the National Assembly. For a majority of respondents, the Quebec state continues to play an important role in matters related to identity. Hence, nationalism remains relevant and necessary. It is also closely associated with the francophone character of Quebec. Nevertheless, this nationalism has taken a new form. Mobilizing original polling data, this paper provides a better understanding of the evolution of contemporary Quebec nationalism, as supported by the Coalition avenir Québec and its autonomist political ideology and dynamic. The findings allow us to observe certain divisions on the linguistic and partisan levels. These fault lines may contribute to explain the difficulties the Quebec Liberal Party is now facing in its attempt to reconnect with the francophone electorate without disappointing its anglophone electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article a pour point de départ la querelle épistémologique survenue entre Anthony D. Smith et Jon E. Fox et Cynthia Miller-Idriss concernant les différentes approches du champ d'études du nationalisme. Alors que Fox et Miller-Idriss rejettent la pertinence d'une approche sociohistorique dans l'étude ethnographique du nationalisme, Smith considère l'ethnographie comme une pratique descriptiviste dénuée d'intérêt scientifique qui, de surcroit, fait abstraction des recherches sur la nation conduite au cours des dernières décennies. Afin de dénouer cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche méthodologique visant à concilier ces deux approches par l'entremise du concept de lieu de mémoire. À partir d'une étude de cas, la bataille des Éperons d'or et sa résonance dans les pratiques discursives, nous illustrons comment l'historicité du fait national peut s'avérer essentielle pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la nation au quotidien et nous éclairer sur la manière dont les Flamands se construisent en tant que sujets nationaux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes homonationalist discourses in a context that has received little attention so far: a minority nation (Quebec) within a multinational state (Canada). To the extent that nationalism is often constructed in opposition to an "Other," we attempt to identify who this "Other" is in Quebec's homonationalism. In particular, we explore whether this "Other" can also take the form of the majority nation through an analysis of articles published between 1990 and 2017 in various Quebec newspapers (La Presse, Le Devoir and Le Journal de Montréal). Our results show that if it is "English Canada" that was more likely in the first half of the 2000s to be the "Other" of Quebec's sexual nationalism, since the end of the 2000s, it is more often Muslims (here and elsewhere) and immigrants who are the object of an alteration in homonationalist discourses in Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: The recent trade disputes and negotiations between the U.S. and Canada must be construed in light of a century-and-a-half-long evolution of trade relations between the two countries, profoundly marked by the mutations of American economic nationalism. In fact, Canada was for a long time more protectionist than the U.S. The main objective of this article is therefore that of contextualization: to paint a picture of the evolution of Canada-U.S. trade policies and the relationships that brings "economic nationalism" back. The main argument is that these relationships have been characterized by a constant tension between liberalization and protection, to which Canadian governments have contributed in many ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Les nations minoritaires dans les États multinationaux évoluent dans un contexte parfois incertain et inhospitalier de leur particularité sociétale, politique et culturelle. Si leur situation minoritaire n'est en rien un frein à leur existence comme nation, elle peut néanmoins s'accompagner d'un certain sentiment de fragilité nationale et même d'une peur de disparaître. Ces nations minoritaires, quand l'État auquel elles appartiennent refuse de reconnaître leur particularisme et de leur permettre de le défendre, peuvent alors rapidement devenir des nations fragiles. Il est l'objet du présent article de définir et de préciser le concept de nation fragile, à l'aide d'une discussion théorique, conceptuelle et normative. Minority nations within multinational States often evolve within a context of great uncertainty when it comes to the protection of their distinctive political and cultural characteristics. While their minority condition in no way limits their existence as nations, it can nevertheless come with a certain feeling of national fragility and even a fear of disappearing. These minority nations, when the State to which they belong refuses to recognize their particularism and to allow them the necessary tools to defend it, can then quickly become fragile nations. In this article, we discuss, define and specify the meaning of the concept of fragile nations, putting the emphasis on its theoretical and normative dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gérin-Lajoie doctrine, which has founded Quebec's international activity since the 1960s, is conventionally understood as the external extension of Quebec's provincial jurisdictions. How then can it be explained that Quebec's elected representatives regularly take a stand on international conflicts, which clearly falls within the authority of the federal government? This article provides a first glimpse at the motivations of Quebec officials for taking positions on military issues. Three hypotheses are put forward and compared to every public statement expressed by Quebec's elected representatives since September 11, 2001, with regard to military interventions. Firstly, Quebec's paradiplomacy may be marked by nationalism, acting as a tool for affirmation and national differentiation beyond provincial jurisdiction. Secondly, Quebec's assertion on issues of federal jurisdiction may be the manifestation of protodiplomacy, with the aim of strengthening the quest for full sovereignty. Thirdly, Quebec's elected officials may venture into military affairs for electoral gains. In short, the article seeks to assess whether Quebec's positions on international security issues are the result of identity, secessionist, or electoral motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an oft-heard democratic paradox: while people who do not live under democracy strive for it, where it exists democracy is under criticism. This does not mean that citizens in democratic systems want to get rid of it, but that their trust in the functioning of democracy is considerably eroded. This article analyses democratic support by questioning the way it is measured, based on a representative sample of the Walloon population in Belgium. To do so, it compares two methods for classifying citizens: the a priori method, usually used in the literature, and the inductive method, inspired from social psychology. Three profiles, whose contours partially differ between methods, emerge –“non-democrats,” “satisfied democrats,” and “dissatisfied democrats”– and are analysed in light of four theoretical approaches: resources, modernization, ideology and national identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews several studies on Québec politics by Québécois political specialists. Research cited includes the article "Le nationalisme et la gauche au Québec" by Daniel Béland and André Lecours in the periodical "Globe: revue internationale d'études québécoises," 14 (1), and the books "Pratique de l'État au Québec" by Gérard Bergeron and "Miser sur l'égalité" edited by Alain Noël and Miriam Fahmy.

The article focuses on children and ethnic cleansing in postwar Czechoslovakia during the 20th century. The author talks about the Bohemian village of Lidice Massacre on June 10, 1942 and the germanization of Czech children during World War II. The efforts by European countries to repatriate thousands of war children who were separated from their families for various reasons including bombings, forced labor, deportations, and ethnic cleansing are discussed. Further topics include children and the Armenian genocide during World War I, French public health minister Pierre Pfimlin and his declaration, and the politics involving nationalism and the repatriation of children to their country of origin.

The article discusses tribal fragmentation and nationalism in Pakistan, with a focus on the Baloch insurgencies from 1947 to 2009. Topics include the role of tribal chiefs in the rebellion against a colonial administration; the effects of social organization on social values; and regional identity in Pakistan. Efforts at cultural homogenization are discussed, with information on autonomy movements, social systems in the Pakistani province of Balochistan, and the distinct powers of local and provincial governments.

Copyright of African Studies Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A list of French-language abstracts is presented for articles on the subject of social sciences, including the articles "L'épopée en contexte: Variantes et usages politiques de deux récits épiques (Mali/Guinée)," by Éric Jolly on the subject of national heritage in Mali and Guinea; "Le devenir colonial d'une chefferie kanake," by Michel Naepels on the subject of chieftaincy and colonial states; and "Fractionnement tribal et solidarité nationaliste: Les insurrections baloutches de 1947 à 2009," by Luc Bellon on the Baloch insurgency in Pakistan.