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This study examines the evolution of issue coverage by the press during election campaigns in Quebec from 1994 to 2018. Two observations emerge from this study. First, we witness the diversification of the media agenda, explained in particular by a decline of the national question in the media in favor of issues such as the environment and immigration. The reframing of the national question, now much more focused on the identity dimension than on the question of the political status of Quebec, is striking. These changes seem to indicate the rise of a liberal-authoritarian political axis in the province, and the emergence of a multiparty system opens the door to a lasting political realignment. These observations tend to confirm the view that the agenda during a campaign results from the interaction between the media, the parties, and the voters and that it thus offers an appropriate reflection of the evolution of political dynamics in a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of social imaginaries occupies a marginal place in the historiography dedicated to Cameroonian nationalism. This article deals with them as both modalities of invention and transformation of the Nation-State since the late nineteenth century. The study argues that at the heart of the multiple caesuras in the history of Cameroon, social imaginaries appeared as a resource from which actors have drawn to produce utopias that have taken on a performative dimension in various contexts. This article makes three main contributions: first, it shows that the idea of Cameroon as an indivisible territorial entity has its origins in the German colonial period. It reveals that beyond its structural causes, the Anglophone question in Cameroon objectifies the idea of a conflict of imaginaries between Francophones and Anglophones. The analysis of the diasporic question finally highlights the influence of the media in the production of social imaginaries in the Anglophone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This article examines the different approaches to the theory of sounds which were adopted by the Polish linguist Jan Baudouin de Courtenay (1845–1929) during his academic career. His Polish nationality made it difficult for him to find a lecturer job in a Russian university, which was one of the reasons why he changed post rather frequently: Saint Petersburg, Kazan, Dorpat (now Tartu in Estonia), Cracow and Warsaw. To each assignment corresponded a change in his scientific outlook, especially in phonetics and phonology. Today, Baudouin de Courtenay is remembered chiefly for his functional phonology elaborated in Kazan with his follower Mikołaj Kruszewski (who was also a Pole) from 1875 to 1883. This perspective, however, was not the only one entertained by Baudouin during his career. In this paper, three periods are highlighted: an initial phonetic phase (more or less in line with Neogrammarian doctrine), the "Kazan phonology", and his final psychological conception. These periods are not neatly demarcated, so that views predominant in a period may linger on in a successive one. Each of these periods was, for a distinct batch of disciples, formative. They resulted in the creation of the Saint Petersburg phonological school, of which Ščerba was an important figure, and the Warsaw school led by Baudouin's former Polish students in Cracow. The Moscow Phonological School and the Prague School also reveal Baudouin's influence on their phonological conceptions. It is shown that the prominent role played by Baudouin in the field of sound theory is best understood in the context of his changing views, which, to some extent, were at variance with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the interrelation of neutrality, nationhood, and homeland within the context of Belgium's resistance in 1914, examining how these ideas intertwine and serve as central themes in various texts related to Louis Dumur's work. Topics include the exploration of Belgium's resistance based on neutrality and internal peace, emphasizing how these concepts intertwine and serve as foundational elements in texts related to Dumur's body of work.

This article focuses on the ideological debate that interculturalism has aroused in Quebec's intellectual field since the 2000s. While it has long served as a point of convergence between neonationalist intellectuals seeking to combine pluralism and nationalism, the interculturalist model has not, however, prevented the resurgence of calls for tighter control over migrants and minority cultural practices. The thesis advanced is that this trend confirms the eclipse of the attempt to reconcile nationalism and pluralism within interculturalism. To support this thesis, our article documents the weakness of Quebec interculturalism in the face of the ideological blocs formed by federal multiculturalism, conservative nationalism, and the rise of anti-racist and decolonial criticisms in Quebec. Vis-à-vis these competing positions, the contradictions of interculturalism regarding the alleged privilege of the majority over minorities have come to light in the course of the controversies that the article examines over a period of twenty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Yes-No cleavage over Quebec independence is in decline, it would be wrong to assume that this phenomenon is characteristic of Quebec nationalism in general. Quebec nationalism is still a driving aspect of political debates in the National Assembly. For a majority of respondents, the Quebec state continues to play an important role in matters related to identity. Hence, nationalism remains relevant and necessary. It is also closely associated with the francophone character of Quebec. Nevertheless, this nationalism has taken a new form. Mobilizing original polling data, this paper provides a better understanding of the evolution of contemporary Quebec nationalism, as supported by the Coalition avenir Québec and its autonomist political ideology and dynamic. The findings allow us to observe certain divisions on the linguistic and partisan levels. These fault lines may contribute to explain the difficulties the Quebec Liberal Party is now facing in its attempt to reconnect with the francophone electorate without disappointing its anglophone electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article a pour point de départ la querelle épistémologique survenue entre Anthony D. Smith et Jon E. Fox et Cynthia Miller-Idriss concernant les différentes approches du champ d'études du nationalisme. Alors que Fox et Miller-Idriss rejettent la pertinence d'une approche sociohistorique dans l'étude ethnographique du nationalisme, Smith considère l'ethnographie comme une pratique descriptiviste dénuée d'intérêt scientifique qui, de surcroit, fait abstraction des recherches sur la nation conduite au cours des dernières décennies. Afin de dénouer cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche méthodologique visant à concilier ces deux approches par l'entremise du concept de lieu de mémoire. À partir d'une étude de cas, la bataille des Éperons d'or et sa résonance dans les pratiques discursives, nous illustrons comment l'historicité du fait national peut s'avérer essentielle pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la nation au quotidien et nous éclairer sur la manière dont les Flamands se construisent en tant que sujets nationaux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major features of recent Japanese cinema has been the growing number of films produced with the help of the Ministry of Defense. Academics who have addressed the issue tend to characterize the relationship between the military and producers as one of mutual dependence, stressing the overall "passivity" of the Japanese Self- Defense Forces in the creation process. Though accurate at a formal level, this argument does not fully explain the influence the JSDF has exerted over the film industry in recent years. Drawing on the concept of "multicentric world" theorized by sociologist James Burk, we argue in this article that the JSDF are, on the contrary, fully active and that their relationship with cinema has more to do with "veiled propaganda" than mere collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concepts of Canadianness, national identity, and the Canadian historical experience as they do and do not apply to Canadian history scholarship during the early 21st century. The author defines Canadianness, and examines historical national narrative and remembrance.

This article analyzes homonationalist discourses in a context that has received little attention so far: a minority nation (Quebec) within a multinational state (Canada). To the extent that nationalism is often constructed in opposition to an "Other," we attempt to identify who this "Other" is in Quebec's homonationalism. In particular, we explore whether this "Other" can also take the form of the majority nation through an analysis of articles published between 1990 and 2017 in various Quebec newspapers (La Presse, Le Devoir and Le Journal de Montréal). Our results show that if it is "English Canada" that was more likely in the first half of the 2000s to be the "Other" of Quebec's sexual nationalism, since the end of the 2000s, it is more often Muslims (here and elsewhere) and immigrants who are the object of an alteration in homonationalist discourses in Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]