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The article advocates adoption of the principle of multilingual citizenship to overcome unjust hierarchical relations between language groups in the context of hegemonic nation-states. It first outlines a heuristic model contrasting language-as-an-option and language-as-a-ligature to reconstruct the logic of cultural integration in the (monolingual) nation-state. Second, it shows how the implementation of this model in practice has become inextricably intertwined with structures of nationalist domination. Third, it fleshes out the concept of complex linguistic diversity to substantiate the claim that the relationship between citizenship, linguistic diversity and multilingualism must be radically redefined to transcend the monist bias built into the model of the hegemonic nation-state. Fourth, this approach is applied to the context of contemporary Catalonia, which offers a laboratory-like environment for studying the challenges of complex diversity and assessing the potential of auto-centred multilingualism for underpinning the formation of communities made up of and for equal and diverse citizens.

Romanian children’s literature has always been situated at the crossways of cultural ideologies. The Romanian texts for children lack innocence due to the implicit level of cultural, social, and historical knowledge they mirror at different epochs. In this paper I investigate how literary texts for children written in Romanian communities living abroad present the idea of homeland. I examine literary works written by three contemporary Romanian writers living in Romanian communities in Serbia: Ana Niculina Ursuleanu, Radu Flora and Slavco Almăjan. My selection includes books published in between 1970 and 2010: Cu Soarele-n Creștet [With the sun on the head], (2006); Soare, Bună Dimineața! [Sun, good morning!], (1998); Cărările Nilului [The paths of the Nile], (2008); Piticii au Uitat să Crească [The dwarfs forgot to grow up], (1987); Pianul cu Păienjeni [The piano with spiders], (1991); Când Vine Primăvara [When spring comes], (1970). In my analysis, I focus upon the role of settings in building the image of an eternal Romanian homeland that transcends the national borders. Thus, I discuss three main types of settings that shape the fiction imagined by the proposed authors, related to the following environments: landscape, family, and school. My analysis considers the theory of landscape proposed by Mitchell (2002, p. 5) in Landscape and Power. According to it, landscape implies the interaction between the human, the natural, the self and the other. For each novel, I analyse the role of settings within the literary texts. I explore Radu Flora’s novel in connection with two elements of setting, landscape and school, respectively. In Ana Niculina Ursulescu’s books I look at the bond between family and landscape, while in Slavco Almăjan’s literary work I highlight the importance of landscape in building the image of childhood. These functions are classified according to a sophisticated range, from the purpose of clarifying the conflict or its function as a symbol (in When Spring Comes by Radu Flora), to the task of mood intensifier attributed to setting (in Balul Strugurilor [The party of grapes] by Slavco Almăjan). My conclusions validate the idea that literary texts constantly build and convey an image of the Romanian identity and a sense of belonging to the Romanian homeland as marked by borders. I focus on nostalgia and irony as the main feelings the authors transmit about the image of homeland. On the one hand, the image of homeland in the literary works written by these three writers implies nostalgia, a feeling conveyed through an adult’s perspective of childhood. On the other hand, sometimes, as it happens in the case of the novel When Spring Comes, the narrator adopts a humorous perspective on history and human interactions among characters. As a final remark, I show that the selection of these three settings (landscape, family and school) creates the image of homeland in connection with a nationalist ideology. More precisely, children’s books reinforce the idea of unity between the two Romanian speaking communities (in Romania and Vojvodina) that share common cultural values. The representation of homeland reiterates a history-oriented ideology and legitimates the assimilation of nation to childhood.

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tocqueville Review -- La Revue Tocqueville is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This survey on the history of world’s fairs since 1851 starts with the losers of this contest in national profiling and industrial competition: Germany and Austria, both former territories of the Holy Roman Empire and belated nation states. Both had been rather unlucky colonizers. Some of the leading colonial states, instead, organized more than three world’s fairs in the time span from 1851 until today: France, Belgium, and Spain, all of them Catholic. Holland, the Calvinist colonial power, renounced on this kind of spectacles at all, Great Britain contented itself with two performances. World’s fairs don’t pay off. While the USA participated regularly since 1876, two spectacular world’s fair events, Osaka 1970, and Shanghai 2010, mark the rise of the Asian powers. The history of world’s fairs mirrors global politics, diplomacy and wars against the backdrop of late colonial history.

From their beginnings in the mid-nineteenth century, the world’s fairs sought to generate a synthesized body of knowledge about the world by gathering an encyclopedic and didactic collection of objects from a wide array of fields: technology, machinery, handicrafts, the visual arts, performance, and ethnography – knowledge made visible and experienced through artifacts sourced from all over the world. This expanded visual experience can also be understood as one that interprets the gaze as a catalyst for a multi-sensory perception and categorization of material culture, of both two- and three-dimensional objects of vision. Thus, these exhibitions not only synthesized 'the world', but they also synthesized arts, handicrafts, architecture, and technology into an imagined Gesamtkunstwerk. The objects and works of art – handcrafted or machine-made – displayed at the world’s fairs were conceived as a mass spectacle as they were turned into the signifiers of a narrative – imagined and presented as coherent – of technological progress, colonial expansion, and artistic innovation. The colonized regions were to stand in contrast to this, with ethnographica and handicrafts presented as traditional, 'authentic'. Nevertheless, a complex network of "shared histories" and transnational interconnections became manifest at the world’s fairs.

In recent years, cinema culture in Europe has undergone a substantial reorganization of production models and a profound change of public intervention in favor of the film industry. This article aims to reconstruct the different combinations between protectionist and liberalist policies through a comparative analysis of the contemporary European national cinema aids, identifying differences and shared trends and verifying the existence of a “continental” cinema support model. Therefore the article will analyze public support policies on cinema production, distribution, and exhibition in the EU and in several of its member states (including France, Germany, England, Spain, and Italy) from 2018 to 2022. Focusing on theatrical release windows, this essay will attempt to answer the following main questions: is there a “European” mark in policies in favor of cinema? Can we speak of a “European” model (even outside the European Union) of support for the cinema? What are the elements and actions that define it? What are the sectors of the industry in which it is most fully expressed (production, distribution, exhibition)? And what are the themes and areas in which, on the contrary, national differences (sometimes driven by resurgent nationalisms) are most marked?

In interpreting the secularising tendencies in 19th and 20th century Europe, we should look not only at the impact of secularist movements or of social change. We should consider how movements which were not intrinsically irreligious, and may even have begun with a religious rationale, could come to take over many of the functions of religion, and could be seen as offering new forms of salvation, superseding older forms. This article focuses on the ever-growing place of sport in European societies and its relationship with religion. The crucial development in the 19th century was the claim that practising sports was not only enjoyable but it was virtuous: sport made for better people and better societies. The article starts with the relationship between salvation and nationalism, from the time of the German gymnastic movement in the 1810s, and with the role of sport in education, beginning in 1850s England. It then discusses football fandom from the 1890s to now, the cult of running from c.1970, and the ‘Olympism’ of Coubertin with his claim that sport could contribute to peace,. It concludes by analysing the relationship between sport and secularisation, as well as the continuing of more positive connections between sport and religion.

The study examines some selected motifs found in the political thought of the philosopher and journalist Felix Weltsch during the interwar period. It puts forward an interpretation of Weltsch’s concept of democracy that is placed in the broader framework of his concept of man and the political ethics of the creative center. Attention is paid both to Weltsch’s books and journalistic texts, and especially to his main political- theoretical work Das Wagnis der Mitte (1936). The study arrives at three main conclusions: 1) the political philosophy of Felix Weltsch is based on his understanding of the human being as a creative being of the center; 2) Weltsch’s concept of defensible democracy identifies the necessary limits and risks of the thoroughgoing application of democratic principles; 3) democracy is not an end and value in and of itself, and it is the task of the central position to, through creative means, successfully integrate the core of its critique of democracy; 4) the creative center’s position can integrate the core values of the critique of democracy, but must be careful not to invalidate democracy in the creative synthesis.

The text of The New Europe (1918) is analyzed in this article both on its own terms, that is, as a war-time work of T. G. Masaryk formulated with a specific propagandistic aim within the framework of a campaign of resistance, but also with regard to a longer- term discussion of Czech political thinking on the subjects of national identity and statehood. In its assessment of both this narrower framework and the wider one, the article affirms Masaryk’s exceptional ability to argumentatively transfer theoretical points of departure to the needs of political propaganda. It was this very ability that enabled Masaryk to transform his status and role from that of an influential commentator with little political influence in the pre-war years into an indubitable and practically unquestioned authority not only in the field of theoretical discussion, but also in Czech politics as such. It cannot be said that Masaryk’s interpretation of the discussion going on in Czech circles regarding the conception of nation and statehood was the only possible or correct one. But it proved to be acceptable during that period of time from the point of view of both foreign allies and domestic society, thus confirming itself alone as the basis of the concept of victory and victors, which it was possible to elaborate into the more general ideological framework of future Czechoslovak state doctrine.

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The capitulations between France and the Ottoman Empire (1535 - 1536) opened the way of trade and navigation, as well as of the Catholic missions in the Levant. The training of consuls and dragomans in Eastern languages began in the 17th - 18th century, when Capuchins and Jesuits were the main school teachers in Constantinople and Paris. The beginning of the Ottoman Empire's decline forced its rulers to turn to France, with which they had not had military conflicts and which was famous with the scientific and technological progress. Although the diplomatic relations between the two countries were unequal and inconsistent by the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, France managed to gain advantage over the other Western countries and to implement its own education system within the Eastern Empire. Thanks to the capitulations, which had been renewed many times over the years, Catholic missions opened their schools and enjoyed respect of the Ottoman rulers. In the period after the Crimean War, the education following European patterns gained popularity. The Catholic Congregations that had been created, along with some secular ones, attracted the attention of both foreigners and Ottoman subjects. « The Enlightenment Language » opened up an opportunity for modernization of mentality and, at the same time, provoked nationalist reactions from the students. French cultural and educational institutions underwent significant changes after the collapse of Turkey and the creation of national Balkan states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the 1890s, the SPD tried to establish a lasting foothold in Prussian Lithuania. In this multi-ethnic region, which is an integral part of East Prussia, the Social Democratic Party had to compete with many rivals (conservatives, liberals, national liberals and Lithuanian nationalists). However, while the SPD publicly professes an internationalism, it does not, paradoxically, assume a very real Germanic bias. This contradiction is particularly evident in Prussian Lithuania, where, despite encouraging results, the SPD did not succeed in getting one of its candidates elected. The national factor, assimilated by the rival parties, is certainly one of the causes. This article aims to understand the internal contradictions and hesitations of the SPD in the face of a multinational space, both theoretically and practically.

This article proposes two possible ways of reading and interpreting the political thought that nourishes the concept of “greater Romania,” united under the encompassing concept of politics of eternity. It is, first of all, a rejection of the Western model as it was implemented by the previous generation or at least of its ideology: progress, diversity, Western fashions in general are only symptoms of a modern shattered pathology that needs to be cured by recovering the original spring of Romanian identity, that being generally an imagined Romanian Peasant and its semi-manufactured traditions. It is in this sense that the present text offers a reading on the naturalization of modernity (synonymous until then with the West) and its adaptation to the eternal rhythms of an ideal Romania. Second, “eternity” is fixed through an ideological junction, which often ignores traditional left-right doctrinarian divides. Not sufficiently structuring for the system of political parties preparing for the 1918 moment, this split was replaced by a unifying discourse on the permanence of the Romanian soul in its various incarnations, among which the predominant one is the territorial unification as the only appropriate vessel. Language, discourses, public policies, governance are strategically oriented towards a unifying objective. The process of Westernization becomes both a source of modernity—in the constitutional and democratic understanding of the process—and of anti-modernity—in the refusal of the accelerated time which is specific to modernity but which entails an annoyance s leaning on its opposite: the immobility of eternity, which we will look for in a tradition often recomposed from scratch.

This article analyses the creation of a Romanian national opera in the Interwar period following the unification of Transylvania with Romania after the first world war. The organization of the Romanian opera was based on three principals: the establishment of a Romanian opera company that would integrate opera singers from all the Romanian regions and reduce to a minimum the presence of the foreign singers, a Romanian repertoire and a foreign repertoire performed in Romanian, and the spread of Romanian opera composers in the world.

This book review focuses on Toyin Falola's 2022 study entitled Nigerian Literary Imagination and the Nationhood Project. The review draws attention to how Falola historicises the evolution of Nigerian literature and its representation of national realities from the 1960s to the present. As the title of his book indicates, Falola particularly explores the ideological relationship between Nigerian literature and nationalism. His central argument is that, although its ideological relevance is challenged by opposing discourses of ethnocentrism and nation-statism, literature and its imagination contribute to the invention and re-invention of Nigeria as a nation. Illustratively, in this regard, I show how Falola develops his argument in three parts and eight chapters.

The article aims to present historical ethnosymbolism as a theoretical alternative to the dominant modernist theories of nationalism. While the latter mainly focus on social factors and associate the emergence of nationalism with the industrialization of the 19th century, ethnosymbolists suggest evaluating cultural factors and interpreting the emergence of the modern nation as a chronological, continuous, and gradual process. The emergence of ethnosymbolism in the 1980s can be associated with a broader cultural turn in historiography and history studies: scholars shifted their focus to foundational myths and myths of descent, analyzing symbols that helped establish and cultivate the cultural memory of communities. Ethnosymbolist John Armstrong introduced concepts such as ‘mythomotheur’ and ‘myth-symbol complex,’ while Anthony D. Smith contributed to establishing the category of communal affiliation termed ‘ethnie’ – a culturally coherent political community with a sense of solidarity among the higher strata of society. This community leverages ethnicity in a broader sense, including common history and name, myth of descent, and association with a certain territory, to maintain and strengthen their dominant position and independence. Examples from the literature of the 16th-century Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) suggest that the myth of Roman descent, efforts to turn historical battles with Moscow and Ottomans into an epic, etymologization of Lithuania’s name, importance of the Jagiellonian dynasty, and other symbols helped cultivate historical subjectivity and a sense of identity among the nobility and intellectuals. While these insights should not imply proactive construction of nationhood, as Caspar Hirschi suggests in his study on the contemporary Holy Roman Empire, they indicate that the commonly employed term ‘political nation’ of the GDL can be further refined by reconsidering the contents of ethnicity, primarily dealing with the sense of historical identity and memory. This article argues that such a reading strategy can be used to uncover new layers in Early Modern literary texts, especially those related to cultural memory and political identity.

This article is an attempt to explain the Englishness/ Britishness dichotomy and evoke the sonorous, glorious attributes of historic heritage and patriotic emotion that belong to England rather than Britain. Englishness and Britishness can be viewed as two entities making a clear dissimilarity between an ethnic and a civic identity embraced in political, and social pride, and nationhood. Another aim of this article is to portray the translation strategies used to convey the meaning of these national identity concepts.

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire Colonial et Impériale is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past few decades, cities’ identities have been subject to dramatic global influences, the rapid modernization have transformed and internationalized cultures, and planning ideologies which affected the spatial development and consequence, the urban visual identity.However, within the need of homogeneity, and the “call to difference”, globalization / nationalism discourse is becoming the difficult dialectical synthesis of national identity and modernity.whereas architecture does not operate only on the local level, but also on the global through the work and creations of celebrity architects among other factors, thus, Those architects or architects who seek to have such status through iconic designs tend to have global rather than local perspectives. As a result architecture is increasingly becoming a message of global abstract culture rather than being cultural element of stability for the local.The aim of this paper is to look at the visual identity of urban in new capital cities and how they change under the impact of globalization, city centers of Dubai, Brasilia, Doha, and New Capital Cairo have been chosen as a cases studied because have been significantly shaped particularly with regard to contemporary planning policies, reflecting the needs and modern outlook of contemporary architecture. Moreover, this work focuses on the problems of urban/architecture visual identity and the trends of its expression by urban/architectural tools, examines the formation of identity as a construct and indirect form of architecture, the phenomena of globalization and pastiche of local styles, and analyzes the discourses of identity between globalization and nationalism.

مجتمع بلا مدارس هو أحد أهم مؤلفات الفيلسوف النمساوي إيفان إيليتش. والذي عبر فيه عن رفضه لوجود المؤسسات التعليمية عامة، والمدارس خاصة. إذ رأى فيها أدوات لإنتاج وإعادة إنتاج أهداف المجتمعات الصناعية المعاصرة. ويرتكز نقد إيليتش للتعليم المدرسي على عدة مبررات أهمها: أن التعليم المدرسي يستنفد قدرا كبيرا من ميزانية الدول دون وجود مردو حقيقي، كما أنه وسيلة من وسائل الدولة لغرس القومي في عقول الطلاب، وتنشئتهم على التعصب لدولهم. إضافة إلى دوره في تكريس التفاوت الطبقي واللامساواة بين المتعلمين وغير المتعلمين. نقد إيليتش للتعليم المدرسي لا يعني أنه ضد التعليم، بل يطرح إيليتش رؤية بديلة تقوم في جوهرها على حرية التعليم، واختيار المتعلم لما يريد تعلمه، وتحقيق المساواة بين المتعلمين. Abstract Deschooling Society is one of the most important books of the Austrian philosopher Ivan Illich. In this book, Illich rejects the existence of educational institutions in general, and the schools in particular. He regards schools as tools for the reproduction of the aims of contemporary industrial societies. Illich's critique of educational school centers on many points: it is very costly, and takes a great amount of nation’s national income, but in vain. It is also a means to promote nationalism which inculcate in the student's mind intolerance and hate for other nations, besides being a means to enhance class struggle and inequality between the educated and the uneducated. Illich’s critique for educational schooling does not mean that he is against education in general, he offers a new alternate vision that encourages the freedom of the educators, and the equality between learners.

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Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The revival and popular success of theories on the Pelasgian origin of Albanians since the late 1990s is a significant phenomenon of post-socialist identity processes, yet relatively neglected by the scientific literature. The now well-established neo-Pelasgian discourse sees Albanians as direct descendants of the Pelasgians, a prehistoric population conceived as the origin of all civilizations in the ancient Mediterranean. The aim of this article is to provide a first picture of this quest for origins and to propose an explanation. The argument is that neo-Pelasgianism can be seen as the result of a combination of the history of ideas about the origins of Albanians since the nineteenth century, on the one hand, and of the dynamics of identity linked to the opening of Albania’s borders at the beginning of the 1990s and the massive migration of Albanians to Greece, on the other. The demonstration is based both on a review of the neo-Pelasgian literature and on fieldwork conducted in southern Albania. It aims to show that far from being limited to the reveries of amateurs, discourses on imagined origins, of which neo-Pelasgianism is an example, have real effects on societies and territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is focused on Kremna, a village in Western Serbia close to the Serbian-Bosnian border where a series of prophetic pronouncements, recorded and publicized in the early 20th century, gained momentum during the demise of Yugoslavia and are undergoing a process of heritage-making. It builds on two kinds of ethnography: visits of the field “site” which is the Museum/Memorial of the Prophecy”, and an ethnography of a main road which crosses the state border and relates two former Yugoslav countries. The first and longer part of the paper is dedicated to Kremna, its prophets, the prophecies and to those promoting it as the “Serbian Delphi”. It first outlines the local context and the history of the purportedly prophetic pronouncements subsequently known by the name of the village. It uncovers the logic and the circumstances in which the Kremna prophecies have been brought to public knowledge, to become a banner of Serbian national aspirations and during the last decades, of nationalism. A special section is dedicated to the legitimation of local prophets and the inscription of their work in the longue durée history as well as in cosmic processes. The second part evolves around the ethnography of the road Užice-Višegrad, Kremna being half way from both. It helps to grasp the overall landscape of history- memory- and heritage sites, the dynamics of their intertwining, and the creation of a kind of symbolic grammar of events, personae and cultural items which impacts the historical imagination. Throughout the paper, attention is paid to the importance of border and of boundaries broadly speaking in the microareas where outspoken national prophets are born and have lived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text presents a brief look into the history of the creation of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic, which recently celebrated its thirtieth anniversary. The author primarily focuses on the connection between the constitution-making and the disintegration of the Czechoslovak federation. From historical observations, he concludes that in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, the ethnic-cultural conception of the nation is still more preferred than the civic one. Then he considers whether the new Slovak Constitution was the work of political elites rather than the nation. In contrast to the contemporary Slovak constitutional theory, the author concludes the role of the nation in constitution-making was virtually non-existent, and yet, it is the nation which bears the ultimate responsibility for the constitution’s protection.

This article is a re-evaluation of the Holocaust memory in the contemporary Romanian society. It shows that from its inception, Romania’s nation-building process went hand in hand with antisemitism. Furthermore, it points out that after 1989 the country’s sense of frustration at its communist past managed to obscure the memory of the Holocaust. Despite Romania’s government recognition of the country’s involvement in the Holocaust (2004), a wholehearted acknowledgement of the issue remains improbable at the general level of Romania’s society. A new law to counteract Holocaust denial was adopted in Romania in 2015. However, the country has proved ever since that it has barely come to terms with its historical legacy.

The purpose of this article is to explore the history of the emergence of the discourse of Georgian nationalism and the idea of the Georgian nation. The author offers an alternative view of the reasons for the emergence of Georgian nationalism and identifies the main top-ics of the Georgian national narrative. Ilia Chavchavadze, a poet, a writer, a publicist and a public figure, is considered the spiritual father of the nation in Georgia. He is one of the key figures in the Georgian histor-ical pantheon because he outlined the main ethnic markers of Georgian identity. He and his circle, the group of intellectuals known as Tergdaleulebi, mark the beginning of the history of Georgian nationalism. This makes him an indisputable authority for all those who call themselves Georgian patriots.

While the Risorgimento had a profound impact on the shape of English literature, this geopolitical crisis did not leave a similar imprint on Irish literature. Historical circumstances can explain why the nineteenth-century struggle for the unification of Italy did not lead to rapprochement between Italy and Ireland: support for the Italian cause put Irish nationalists in opposition with Catholic interests at home, while in the eyes of Italian nationalists the Irish question weakened the function of Britain as a liberalising power. Even so, a few Irish poets did address the Risorgimento. This article shows how poems by Thomas Davis, James Clarence Mangan, Jane Francesca Elgee, and Aubrey de Vere express a variety of positions (isolationism, catastrophism, liberalism, realism) that are informed by a complex constellation of geopolitical factors. By means of a series of close readings, the present inquiry aims to shed new light on the geopolitical form of Irish poetry in the Victorian age.

The study of social imaginaries occupies a marginal place in the historiography dedicated to Cameroonian nationalism. This article deals with them as both modalities of invention and transformation of the Nation-State since the late nineteenth century. The study argues that at the heart of the multiple caesuras in the history of Cameroon, social imaginaries appeared as a resource from which actors have drawn to produce utopias that have taken on a performative dimension in various contexts. This article makes three main contributions: first, it shows that the idea of Cameroon as an indivisible territorial entity has its origins in the German colonial period. It reveals that beyond its structural causes, the Anglophone question in Cameroon objectifies the idea of a conflict of imaginaries between Francophones and Anglophones. The analysis of the diasporic question finally highlights the influence of the media in the production of social imaginaries in the Anglophone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the evolution of issue coverage by the press during election campaigns in Quebec from 1994 to 2018. Two observations emerge from this study. First, we witness the diversification of the media agenda, explained in particular by a decline of the national question in the media in favor of issues such as the environment and immigration. The reframing of the national question, now much more focused on the identity dimension than on the question of the political status of Quebec, is striking. These changes seem to indicate the rise of a liberal-authoritarian political axis in the province, and the emergence of a multiparty system opens the door to a lasting political realignment. These observations tend to confirm the view that the agenda during a campaign results from the interaction between the media, the parties, and the voters and that it thus offers an appropriate reflection of the evolution of political dynamics in a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the interrelation of neutrality, nationhood, and homeland within the context of Belgium's resistance in 1914, examining how these ideas intertwine and serve as central themes in various texts related to Louis Dumur's work. Topics include the exploration of Belgium's resistance based on neutrality and internal peace, emphasizing how these concepts intertwine and serve as foundational elements in texts related to Dumur's body of work.

Summary: This article examines the different approaches to the theory of sounds which were adopted by the Polish linguist Jan Baudouin de Courtenay (1845–1929) during his academic career. His Polish nationality made it difficult for him to find a lecturer job in a Russian university, which was one of the reasons why he changed post rather frequently: Saint Petersburg, Kazan, Dorpat (now Tartu in Estonia), Cracow and Warsaw. To each assignment corresponded a change in his scientific outlook, especially in phonetics and phonology. Today, Baudouin de Courtenay is remembered chiefly for his functional phonology elaborated in Kazan with his follower Mikołaj Kruszewski (who was also a Pole) from 1875 to 1883. This perspective, however, was not the only one entertained by Baudouin during his career. In this paper, three periods are highlighted: an initial phonetic phase (more or less in line with Neogrammarian doctrine), the "Kazan phonology", and his final psychological conception. These periods are not neatly demarcated, so that views predominant in a period may linger on in a successive one. Each of these periods was, for a distinct batch of disciples, formative. They resulted in the creation of the Saint Petersburg phonological school, of which Ščerba was an important figure, and the Warsaw school led by Baudouin's former Polish students in Cracow. The Moscow Phonological School and the Prague School also reveal Baudouin's influence on their phonological conceptions. It is shown that the prominent role played by Baudouin in the field of sound theory is best understood in the context of his changing views, which, to some extent, were at variance with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Catholic faith has had a major shaping influence on the political imaginary of Conservatism. Québec, a province whose political and historical evolution bore until the 1960s a strong Catholic imprint, is a privileged vantage point to analyze the ambiguities and the complexities of their relationship. After the Duplessis era (1944−1959), the mainstream right tried to revitalize itself ideologically through the embrace of economic and fiscal liberalism. But the newfound visibility of cultural themes such as immigration, secularism or the “reasonable accommodations” soon replaced religion at the heart of public debates. We will focus on the writings of the sociologist and journalist Mathieu Bock-Côté, who enjoys high media visibility both in Québec and in France. The way Catholicism merges with the political imperative of Québecʼs nationalism and the defense of Franco-Canadian cultural heritage will stand at the forefront of our research. This constant back-and-forth between religion and culture suggests a paradoxical ideological position, which Bock-Côté describes as that of a “non-believing Catholic”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nordic Journal of Francophone Studies / Revue Nordique des Études Francophones is the property of Ubiquity Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the first half of the 19th century in Mexico, the concept of fanaticism, which had been re-semantized in France at the end of the previous century, became particularly important in debates about religious tolerance. On the one hand, it was used to identify what was impossible to preserve in the modern world, and what it was necessary to eliminate to achieve the prosperity of other nations. From the opposite perspective, it served to disqualify those who dared to question the Catholic unity, accusing them of leading the country to anarchy instead of the promised prosperity. Mexican elites used this concept to discuss how much traditional religion could adapt to modern civilization.

After the military coup in Portugal on April 25 1974, negotiations between FRELIMO and the Portuguese government progressed and culminated in the Lusaka Accord signed on September 7, 1974, which postulated the complete transfer of power to FRELIMO, without elections, and after a nine-month transitional government. Dissatisfied with this solution, some colonizers decided to break into the headquarters of Rádio Clube Moçambique in Lourenço Marques (now Maputo) and proclaim through the microphones another independence of the territory. This article analyses the broadcasts made by Rádio Moçambique Livre between September 7 and 10, 1974 with a historical and ethnomusicological approach. I aim to analyse the “sonorous construction” developed during this coup, with particular attention to the musical repertoire used to symbolize the notions of “revolution” and “independence”, in juxtaposition to the political values advocated by the protagonists of the assault.

This article analyzes the conditions of production, presentation and reception of the Algarvian landscape The gipsy lodge (1923), painted by Eduardo Viana (1881-1967), in their relationship with the Portuguese artistic field of the 1920s. While observing this painting, the text discusses some of the main assumptions about post-war modernism in Portugal, specially the idea of an homogenous modernist artists’ front, united by a nationalist consensus, and the downgrading of their avantgarde aspirations. Considering both Viana’s painting place of production – the “cubist village”of Olhão —, and its subject, The gipsy lodge emerges embeded with an active political meaning that goes against such homogeneization by illuminating the full continuity of the cosmopolitan orientation of Eduardo Viana’s earlier work, associated with the Corporation Nouvelle, and his fruitful collaboration with the Delaunays and Amadeo de Souza-Cardoso.