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We suggest applying the chorematic methodology to the processes and issues addressed by the urban climatic mapping framework, i.e., the interdisciplinary discussion and analysis of thematic data, the production of analytic maps, and the creation of recommendation maps to advise urban planners. After introducing the method, its theoretical basis, and its process, we discuss its fitness and present the possibility of its application in this thematic context. We then suggest a first series of applications, for diurnal heat stress and nocturnal urban heat island analysis, as an example and basis for further discussions, based on recent work in the Toulouse agglomeration. We also offer graphical models to express recommendations concerning urban climate issues in Toulouse. The process used the choremes table expanded with dynamic models, according to the multi-step method proposed by H. Théry (1988). The produced models are now entering a test phase to discuss the method with urban planners. Nous proposons d’appliquer la méthode chorématique au processus et aux questions traitées par la cartographie climatique urbaine, c’est-à-dire dans le cadre de la discussion et de l’analyse des données thématiques et de la création de cartes de recommandations pour l’aide à la décision des acteurs de la planification urbaine. Après une introduction qui présente la méthode, ses bases théoriques et sa procédure, nous discutons de son adaptation et de la possibilité de son application dans ce contexte thématique. Ensuite, nous proposons une première série d’application, pour l’analyse du stress thermique diurne et de l’ilot de chaleur urbain nocturne, en tant qu’exemple et base de discussion, en s’appuyant sur nos travaux récents à l’échelle de l’agglomération toulousaine. Nous proposons aussi des modèles graphiques pour exprimer les recommandations concernant les enjeux de climat urbain à Toulouse. La procédure a utilisé une table des chorèmes étendue de modèles dynamiques, en suivant la méthode proposée par H. Théry (1988). Les modèles graphiques produits entrent désormais dans une phase de test, pour en discuter la méthode et l’intérêt avec les acteurs de la planification urbaine. En este trabajo proponemos aplicar el método coremático a los procesos e interrogantes abordadas por la cartografía climática urbana. Así, en el marco de la discusión y análisis de datos temáticos, se plantean cartas que apoyen a los tomadores de decisión en planificación urbana. Después de una introducción que presenta el método, bases teóricas y procedimiento, discutimos su adaptación y posibilidad de aplicación en este contexto temático. Se desarrollan una serie de aplicaciones para el análisis del estrés térmico diurno e isla de calor urbana nocturna, como ejemplo y base de discusión, a partir de nuestro reciente trabajo en la aglomeración de Toulouse, para la cual se plantean modelos gráficos que expresan recomendaciones sobre los desafíos climáticos urbanos. El procedimiento, siguiendo el método propuesto H. Théry (1988), consistió en utilizar una tabla de coremas extendida de modelos dinámicos, los cuales se encuentran en una fase de testeo, para discutir el método e interés de estos con los actores de la planificación urbana.

Le Steenweg, un axe est-ouest traversant le centre métropolitain de Bruxelles, est appelé à jouer un rôle clé dans la mise en œuvre de la vision de la mobilité future de la ville. En outre, une récente recherche [De Visscher et al., 2020] tend à indiquer que cet axe présente pour Bruxelles des enjeux importants en matière d’inclusion sociale. En prévision de futurs réaménagements, le présent article examine plus avant cette dernière hypothèse, en ouvrant des pistes de réflexion sur les possibilités d’« inclusion dans l’urbanité » le long du Steenweg. À partir de la proposition de Remy en faveur de la communication dans la distance [Remy, 2020 [1990]] et selon une approche socio-spatiale, l’article se concentre sur les morphologies qui contribuent à rendre possible un accès inclusif au tissu social et spatial de l’urbanité pour des groupes divers. À cette fin sont exposés les résultats d’une recherche exploratoire sur un type de morphologie présent le long du Steenweg : les galeries commerciales. L’article propose ensuite des pistes pour approfondir la réflexion sur les morphologies qui favorisent la communication dans la distance le long de cet axe en recensant tous les espaces accessibles au public au-delà des limites habituelles de l’espace public à ciel ouvert du Steenweg. De Steenweg, een Oost-West as die door het Centrum van de Brusselse Metropool loopt, moet een sleutelrol spelen bij de uitvoering van de toekomstige mobiliteitsvisie van de stad. Bovendien suggereert recent onderzoek [De Visscher et al., 2020] dat, voor Brussel, deze as ook belangrijk is op het vlak van sociale inclusie. Vooruitlopend op toekomstige verbouwingen gaat dit artikel dieper in op deze laatste stelling en creëert denkpistes rond de mogelijkheden voor “inclusie in stedelijkheid” langs de Steenweg. Werkend rond Remy's concept van “communicatie in de verte” [Remy, 2020 [1990]] en gebruik makend van een sociaal-ruimtelijke aanpak, richt het artikel zich op morfologieën die bijdragen aan het bieden van een inclusieve toegang tot het sociale en ruimtelijke weefsel van stedelijkheid aan diverse groepen. Hiervoor worden de bevindingen voorgesteld uit een verkennend onderzoek over één type morfologie, aanwezig langs de Steenweg: de commerciële galerijen. Het artikel suggereert vervolgens mogelijkheden om verder na te denken over morfologieën die communicatie in de verte langs de as mogelijk maken door alle publiek toegankelijke ruimtes buiten de gebruikelijke grenzen van de openbare ruimten van de Steenweg in kaart te brengen. The Steenweg, an east-west axis crossing through Brussels Metropolitan Centre, has been earmarked to play a key role in the implementation of the city’s future mobility vision. Moreover, recent research [De Visscher et al., 2020] suggests that this axis presents high stakes in terms of social inclusion for Brussels. In anticipation of future refurbishments, this article delves deeper into this latter proposition, opening lines of thought regarding the potential for “inclusion in urbanity” along the Steenweg. Working from Remy’s suggestion for communication in distance [Remy, 2020 [1990]] and using a socio-spatial approach, the article focuses on morphologies that participate in enabling an inclusive access to the social and spatial fabric of urbanity to diverse groups. To do so, the results of an exploratory research within one type of morphology found along the Steenweg – commercial galleries - are presented. The article then suggests possibilities for thinking further about morphologies that enable communication in distance along the axis by mapping out all publicly accessible spaces beyond the usual limits of the Steenweg’s open air public spaces.

Resumen En el campo de la Gestión del Riesgo ante Desastres (GRD) la noción de resiliencia comunitaria ha motivado una serie de estudios enfocados en conceptualizar, dimensionar y definir los pilares de este constructo. El presente estudio busca describir las dimensiones de la resiliencia comunitaria frente a la amenaza de una falla geológica activa del sector precordillerano de la Región Metropolitana de Chile. Se aplicó un cuestionario a 43 dirigentes sociales de Peñalolén; posteriormente, se realizó un análisis estadístico de los 27 ítems cerrados y un análisis temático cuantitativo de los tres ítems abiertos. Los resultados indican cinco dimensiones claves de la resiliencia comunitaria: gobernabilidad, evaluación del riesgo, conocimientos culturales y educación, gestión de riesgos y reducción de vulnerabilidad, y estrategias organizativas para la preparación y respuesta ante desastres. Se discute la importancia de estas dimensiones de la resiliencia comunitaria en contextos de vulnerabilidades crónicas y superpuestas, a la vez que se resalta la necesidad de desarrollar mejores medidas institucionales de prevención, preparación y respuesta ante desastres. Abstract In the field of Disaster Risk Management (DRM), the notion of community resilience has motivated a series of studies focused on conceptualizing, dimensioning and defining the pillars of this construct. This study seeks to describe the dimensions of community resilience in the face of the threat of an active geological fault in the foothills of the Metropolitan Region of Chile. A questionnaire was applied to 43 social leaders of Peñalolen, subsequently, a statistical analysis of the 27 closed items was held and a quantitative thematic analysis of the three opened items. The results indicate five key dimensions of community resilience: governance; risk assessment; cultural knowledge and education; risk management and vulnerability reduction and organizational strategies for disaster preparedness and response. Finally, the importance of these dimensions of community resilience in contexts of chronic and overlapping vulnerabilities is discussed, while highlighting the need to develop better institutional measures for prevention, preparedness and response to disasters. Resumo No campo da Gestão de Risco de Desastres (GRD), a noção de resiliência comunitária tem motivado uma série de estudos com foco em conceituar, dimensionar e definir os pilares desse construto. Este estudo busca descrever as dimensões da resiliência da comunidade diante da ameaça de uma falha geológica ativa localizada no setor da pré-cordilheira na Região Metropolitana do Chile. Um questionário foi aplicado a 43 líderes sociais de Peñalolén; posteriormente, foi realizada uma análise estatística dos 27 itens fechados e uma análise temática quantitativa dos três itens abertos. Os resultados indicam cinco dimensões-chave da resiliência da comunidade: governança; avaliação de risco; conhecimento cultural e educação; gestão de risco e redução da vulnerabilidade e estratégias organizacionais para preparação e resposta a desastres. Se discute a importância de istas dimenções na resiliência comunitaria em contextos de vulnerabilidades crônicas e sobrepostas, se destacam as necessidades de desenvolver melhores medidas institucionais para a prevenção, preparação e resposta aos desastres. Résumé Dans le domaine de la Gestion des Risques de Catastrophe (GRC), la notion de résilience communautaire a motivé une série d'études axées sur la conceptualisation, le dimensionnement et la définition des piliers de ce construit. Cette étude cherche à décrire les dimensions de la résilience des communautés face à la menace d'une faille géologique active située dans les contreforts de la Région Métropolitaine du Chili. Un questionnaire a été appliqué à 43 leaders sociaux de Peñalolen ; ensuite, une analyse statistique des 27 éléments fermés et une analyse thématique quantitative des trois éléments ouverts a été réalisé. Les résultats indiquent cinq dimensions clés de la résilience communautaire: la gouvernance; évaluation des risques; connaissances culturelles et éducation; gestion des risques et réduction de la vulnérabilité et des stratégies organisationnelles pour la préparation et la réponse aux catastrophes. Enfin, l'importance de ces dimensions de la résilience communautaire dans des contextes de vulnérabilités chroniques et qui se chevauchent est discuté, tout en soulignant la nécessité de développer de meilleures mesures institutionnelles pour la prévention, la préparation et la réponse aux catastrophes.

A falta de integração entre meio ambiente e urbanização constitui um dos maiores problemas do sistema de planejamento e gestão brasileiros. Entendemos que essa lacuna é consequência, dentre outros fatores, da falta de articulação intersetorial e interescalar entre os diversos instrumentos de planejamento existentes nas diferentes escalas. Utilizando a sobreposição de limites relativos à Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio dos Sinos e demais estruturas territoriais pertencentes à Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre como exemplo, orientamos este debate em direção a uma abordagem que leve em conta a articulação escalar das estruturas socioeconômicas e as questões ambientais. Propomos, assim, considerar a flexibilidade escalar através de novas formas de articulação entre instrumentos, adaptados à multiplicidade de escalas e sua variabilidade, por meio de um desenho preliminar. Le manque d'intégration entre l'environnement et l’urbanisation est l'un des plus gros problèmes du système de planification et de gestion brésilien. Nous comprenons que cet écart est une conséquence de l’absence d’articulation intersectorielle et interscalaire entre les différents instruments de planification existants. En utilisant comme illustration la superposition des limites liées au bassin hydrographique du Fleuve dos Sinos et aux autres périmètres pertinents à la région métropolitaine de Porto Alegre, nous orientons ce débat vers une approche qui prend en compte l'articulation scalaire des structures socioéconomiques et les questions environnementales. Nous proposons donc d'envisager la flexibilité scalaire à travers de nouvelles formes d'articulation entre instruments, adaptées à la multiplicité des échelles et à leur variabilité par un schéma provisoire. The integration gap between the environment and urbanization is one of the major weaknesses of the Brazilian planning and management system. We understand that this gap is a result, among other factors, of the intersectional and intercalary articulation lack between the various existing planning instruments and the different scales. Using the overlapping boundaries related to the Sinos’ River Basin and other territorial structures belonging to the Porto Alegre Metropolitan Region, as an example, we guided this debate towards an approach that takes into account the scalar articulation of socioeconomic structures and environmental issues. We propose to consider scale flexibility through new forms of articulation between instruments, adapted to the different scales and their variability, through a preliminary drawing.

As the number of references to landscape increases in the Brussels-Capital Region, the article analyses its place and meaning within the Regional Development Plans (1995-2018). The article intends to show that landscape may be considered as a category of Brussels public action and that in this sense it constitutes a good indicator of its evolution. The analysis allows us to identify significant changes, such as the progressive association of landscape with nature as the sustainability framework replaced the interest in heritage, and its change of scale in connection with the process of metropolisation. It also highlights certain contents which are more stable over time, such as the association of landscape with the imaginary of slow mobility or the view of it as a relatively positive and consensual subject., Traduction de Jane Corrigan, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Nairobi compte près de 200 bidonvilles où vit 70% de sa population. La plupart des habitants manquent de sécurité foncière et subissent des menaces constantes d'expulsion forcée. Pourtant, nous en savons encore très peu sur la façon dont ces établissements se forment, se développent et se consolident dans des espaces urbains contestés et comment leurs habitants s'adaptent aux conditions d'incertitude. Une partie de la raison réside dans l'écart entre les théories de design et d'adaptation. Alors que la théorie du design se concentre principalement sur les processus cognitifs des professionnels (en négligeant les mécanismes d'adaptation adoptés par les habitants des bidonvilles), les transformations spatiales dans les taudis sont souvent abordées par la théorie de la résilience qui, de son côté, ne tient pas compte des processus de design. Quel est le rôle du design dans les processus d'adaptation liés à des espaces urbains contestés? Je réponds à cette question en explorant les relations entre le design et les capacités d'adaptation dans le Toi Market, le deuxième plus grand marché informel de Nairobi. J'étudie les régimes fonciers du marché et les pratiques de design des commerçants au moyen d’une étude de cas combinant des enquêtes longitudinales et transversales. Le parcours de recherche est abductif. Le cadre conceptuel de la recherche est basé sur une revue de la littérature sur le régime foncier et la théorie du design. Les concepts de rationalité limitée, d'incertitude et de mécanismes adaptatifs constituent la base du cadre théorique utilisé pour analyser les données empiriques. La méthodologie comprend l’observation participante, 59 entrevues avec les commerçants, des rencontres avec les leaders du marché, des techniques de cartographie et l'analyse de plus de 80 documents pertinents sur le marché. Les résultats montrent que le Toi Market a trois types de conditions foncières controversées et que les commerçants mènent des activités de design à trois niveaux: le design de développement, le design évolutif et le design de consolidation. Le design de développement consiste en des initiatives collectives d'adaptation suscitées par des mécanismes de survie. Ce type de design émerge en réaction aux interventions urbaines ordinaires. Il renforce le capital social et vise à améliorer la fonctionnalité du marché. Le design évolutif est mené par des sous-groupes communautaires en réponse aux principaux événements et aux forces externes. Il conduit à des changements sociaux et morphologiques à l’échelle urbaine et dépend des mécanismes de gouvernance et de contrôle. Le design de consolidation fait référence à des initiatives adaptatives dirigées par des individus et des groupes et menées en période de relative stabilité. Il renforce le développement économique et les réseaux, et cherche à atteindre la sécurité foncière. Il émerge principalement dans des niches vacantes, car les habitants des bidonvilles profitent des espaces vides et sous-utilisés. Ces trois niveaux de design génèrent ce que j'appelle ici les établissements multiniveaux. J’oppose ce concept à celui de « quartiers informels », un concept qui ne représente pas la façon dont les bidonvilles et les marchés fonctionnent et évoluent. Je rejette donc la dichotomie formelle/informelle qui persiste dans la littérature. La notion d’habitat multiniveaux reconnaît l'influence d’alliances changeantes et de multiples niveaux de gouvernance comme faisant partie intégrale des processus de design. Dans ces habitats, le design émerge comme un connecteur de capacités adaptatives. Les concepts d’habitats multiniveaux, de niche vacante et de design en tant que connecteur de capacités adaptatives peuvent aider des intervenants à développer des initiatives d’amélioration des bidonvilles qui répondent à l'approche de design adoptée par les habitants de bidonvilles. Ces initiatives peuvent reconnaître la présence d'alliances multiples qui parfois entravent – et d'autres qui favorisent – le changement désiré. Les pratiques de design communautaire peuvent également être adaptées pour équilibrer les objectifs collectifs et individuels. En comprenant ces concepts, les décideurs peuvent à la fois optimiser l'espace disponible en fonction des pratiques locales et prévoir la façon dont les modèles apparaîtront dans les espaces prévus. Enfin, j'encourage les chercheurs à explorer davantage la pensée et la pratique de design des habitants de bidonvilles et de les inclure dans la théorie du design., Nairobi has nearly 200 slums where 70% of its population live. Most slum dwellers lack tenure security and suffer the constant threat of eviction. Yet, we still know very little about how these slums form, grow, and consolidate in contested urban spaces, and how their residents adapt to uncertainty. Part of the reason lies in the gap between design and adaptation theories. Whereas design theory focuses mainly on professionals’ cognitive processes (largely ignoring adaptation mechanisms adopted by slum dwellers), spatial transformations in slums are often addressed by resilience theory, which usually overlooks design processes. What is the role of design in adaptation processes in contested urban spaces? I answer this question by exploring the relationships between design and adaptive capacities in the Toi Market, the second largest informal market in Nairobi. I study the market’s tenure regimes and traders’ design practices through a case study that combines longitudinal and cross-section investigation. The research reasoning is abductive, made of iterative paths between conceptual frameworks and empirical results. It is largely based on a literature review on land tenure and design theory. The concepts of bounded rationality, uncertainty, and adaptive mechanisms constitute the basis of the theoretical framework used to analyse the empirical data. Methods include participant observation, 59 interviews with traders, meetings with market leaders, mapping techniques and the analysis of over 80 pertinent documents about the market. Results show that the Toi Market has three types of controversial tenure regimes and traders conduct design at three levels: development design, evolutionary design, and consolidation design. Development design consists of collective adaptive initiatives prompted by survival mechanisms. It strengthens social capital, emerges in reaction to ordinary urban interventions, and seeks to improve functionality. Evolutionary design is conducted by community sub-groups in response to major external forces and events. It leads to social and morphological changes at the urban scale and depends on governance and control mechanisms. Consolidation design refers to individual and group-led adaptive initiatives conducted during times of relative stability. It reinforces economic development and networks and seeks to achieve land tenure security. It emerges mainly in vacant niches, as slum-dwellers take advantage of empty, underused spaces. These three levels of design generate what I call here Multi-Level Settlements. I oppose this concept to “informal settlements” that fails to represent how slums and markets work and evolve. I thus reject the formal/informal dichotomy that persists in literature. The Multi-level concept recognises shifting alliances and multiple levels of governance as integral part of design processes. In it, design emerges as a connector of adaptive capacities. The concepts of Multi-Level Settlements, Vacant Niche and Design as a connector of adaptive capacities can help developing slum upgrading initiatives that meet the design approach naturally adopted by slum-dwellers. These initiatives can therefore acknowledge the presence of multiple alliances, which sometimes hinder—and others, foster—desired change. Community design practices can also be tailored to balance collective and individual objectives. By understanding these concepts, decision-makers can both optimize available space according to local practices and forecast how patterns will emerge in planned spaces. Finally, I encourage scholars and practitioners to further explore slum-dwellers’ design-thinking and practices to include them in mainstream design theory.

The new pedestrian area has been one of the main urban projects designed for the centre of Brussels in recent decades. In 2015, the transit route in the city centre - Boulevard Anspach - was closed to traffic. The redevelopment of public space and the renovation of the main metro stations are now nearing completion. The finalisation of this urban project and the challenges it has faced are, by definition, complex. Experiences elsewhere in the country and abroad, as well as the data collected by BSI-BCO, show that it will have a significant impact at different levels: quality of public space, housing and facilities, local economy and employment, mobility, accessibility and logistics, social and cultural activities, etc. This synopsis is an update of a previously published work (no 115). Part 1 sets out the general context of this project which has not been spared by several external crises (lockdown following the attacks in Paris, attacks in Brussels, the tunnel crisis and, of course, the covid crisis). Part 2 develops the challenges which remain. In conclusion, this synopsis proposes some concrete ways to improve the quality and management of the project. Le nouveau piétonnier est l’un des principaux projets urbains conçus pour le centre de Bruxelles au cours des dernières décennies. C’est en 2015 que la voie de transit du Centre – le boulevard Anspach – a été interdite à la circulation automobile. Le réaménagement de l’espace public et la rénovation des principales stations de métro sont aujourd’hui en voie d’achèvement. La réalisation et les défis de ce projet urbain sont, par définition, complexes. Des expériences menées dans le pays et à l’étranger, ainsi que les données réunies par le BSI-BCO, montrent qu’il aura un impact important à différents niveaux : qualité de l’espace public, logement et équipements, économie locale et emploi, mobilité, accessibilité et logistique, activités sociales et culturelles, etc. La présente note de synthèse met à jour un travail publié précédemment (n°115). La partie 1 expose le contexte général de ce projet qui n’a pas été épargné par plusieurs crises externes (lockdown suite aux attentats de Paris, attentats de Bruxelles, crise des tunnels et, bien entendu, crise du covid). La partie 2 développe les défis qui subsistent. En conclusion, la note propose quelques pistes concrètes d’amélioration de la qualité et de la gestion du projet. De nieuwe voetgangerszone is een van de grootste stadsprojecten die de afgelopen decennia ontworpen zijn voor het Brusselse stadscentrum. In 2015 werd de Anspachlaan, een transitweg, verboden voor autoverkeer. Intussen zijn de heraanleg van de openbare ruimte en de renovatie van de belangrijkste metrostations bijna klaar. De uitvoering en de uitdagingen van dit stadsproject zijn per definitie ingewikkeld. Uit ervaringen in zowel binnen- als buitenland en de gegevens van het BSI-BCO blijkt dat het project op verschillende vlakken een grote impact zal teweegbrengen: kwaliteit van de openbare ruimte, huisvesting en voorzieningen, lokale economie en werkgelegenheid, mobiliteit, bereikbaarheid en logistiek, sociale en culturele activiteiten, enz. Deze synthesenota vormt een update van een eerder gepubliceerde nota (nr. 115). Het eerste deel schetst de algemene context van het project, dat niet gespaard werd door verschillende externe crisissen (lockdown na de aanslagen in Parijs, de aanslagen in Brussel, de tunnelcrisis en de coronacrisis uiteraard). Het tweede deel gaat dieper in op de uitdagingen waarmee het project nog altijd geconfronteerd wordt. In het besluit reikt de nota enkele concrete pistes aan voor de verbetering van de kwaliteit en het beheer van het project.

While productive activities are high on the academic and political agenda of the Brussels-Capital Region (BCR), small-scale production space is still rapidly disappearing. Based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data, this article sketches a historical comparative perspective on the spatial organization of small and medium-sized construction companies in the BCR. It shows that in both 1965 and 2016 construction companies have a scattered distribution pattern over the Region's built-up area, that they follow the Region's built-up expansions and that they have a strong path dependence. The interviewed entrepreneurs, mainly focused on renovation, are locally anchored and work mainly with local customers, employees and suppliers. Although the construction companies' central location and local anchoring offer an important added value to the BCR, their presence is under pressure and, due to their small-scale organization, they often stay invisible to the authorities. In order to continue to guarantee small-scale economic activities such as the construction sector in the city, this article argues for a spatial policy that provides affordable and centrally located production space. Alors que les activités productives occupent une place importante dans l'agenda académique et politique de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale (RBC), l'espace de production à petite échelle continue à disparaître à un rythme accéléré. Sur la base d'une combinaison de données quantitatives et qualitatives, cet article esquisse une perspective comparative historique quant à l'organisation spatiale des petites et moyennes entreprises de construction en RBC. Il en ressort qu'en 1965 et 2016, les entreprises de construction ont un schéma de distribution dispersé sur la superficie construite de la Région, qu'elles suivent l'expansion de la construction dans la Région et qu'elles connaissent une forte dépendance au sentier. Les entrepreneurs interrogés, axés principalement sur la rénovation, sont ancrés localement et travaillent principalement avec des clients, des employés et des fournisseurs locaux. Bien que la situation centrale et l'ancrage local des entreprises de construction aient une importante valeur ajoutée pour la RBC, leur présence est sous pression et, en raison de leur organisation à petite échelle, elles sont souvent invisibles aux yeux des autorités. Afin de continuer à garantir des activités économiques à petite échelle telles que celles du secteur de la construction dans la ville, cet article plaide pour une politique spatiale offrant un espace de production abordable et situé au centre. Terwijl productieve activiteiten hoog op de academische en politieke agenda staan van het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest (BHG), verdwijnt kleinschalige productieruimte nog steeds aan een snel tempo. Aan de hand van een combinatie van kwantitatieve en kwalitatieve data schetst dit artikel een historisch vergelijkend perspectief op de ruimtelijke organisatie van kleine en middelgrote bouwbedrijven in het BHG. Hieruit blijkt dat bouwbedrijven zowel in 1965 als in 2016 een verspreid distributiepatroon hebben over de bebouwde oppervlakte van het gewest, dat ze de bebouwde uitbreidingen van het gewest volgen en dat ze een sterke padafhankelijkheid kennen. De geïnterviewde ondernemers, vooral werkzaam in renovatie, zijn lokaal verankerd en werken voornamelijk met lokale klanten, werknemers en leveranciers. Hoewel de centrale ligging en lokale verankering van bouwbedrijven een belangrijke meerwaarde heeft voor het BHG staat hun aanwezigheid onder druk en zijn ze door hun kleinschalige organisatie vaak onzichtbaar voor overheden. Om kleinschalige bedrijvigheid zoals de bouwsector in de stad te blijven garanderen, pleit dit artikel voor een ruimtelijk beleid dat voorziet in betaalbare en centraal gelegen productieruimte.

Resumen El artículo presenta una experiencia de gestión comunitaria del riesgo como parte de la construcción social barrial, sorteando el conflicto generado por la aplicación de lineamientos normativos para el ordenamiento territorial de Medellín (Colombia) y las condiciones geomorfológicas adversas de un contexto de ladera. Para esto, se aplicó una metodología de investigación-acción, estructurada desde escenarios participativos de educación popular con una comunidad barrial: El Pacífico, ubicado en la parte alta de la Comuna 8, ladera nororiental de Medellín. A partir de esta propuesta, se formuló un plan de gestión comunitaria del riesgo y prevención de desastres, contemplando la identificación de amenazas de orden socioterritorial, medidas de reducción de riesgo y un componente programático. Tomando estos resultados como referencia, se discuten las implicaciones de la gestión comunitaria de riesgos y su capacidad para reducir la brecha de las inequidades socioespaciales. Se concluye que la gestión comunitaria de riesgo de desastres, conjugada con la educación popular y la interacción entre academia, comunidad, organizaciones sociales e instituciones gubernamentales, puede fungir como práctica clave para la materialización de la justicia espacial y ambiental de la ciudad de Medellín. Abstract A successful community risk management experience is presented as part of neighborhood social construction, avoiding the conflict generated by the application of normative guidelines for the territorial ordering of Medellín (Colombia), and the adverse geomorphological conditions of a hillside context. For this, an action research methodology was applied, structured from participatory popular education scenarios with a neighborhood community: El Pacífico, located in the upper part of Comuna 8, on the northeast slope of Medellín. Based on this proposal, a community risk management and disaster prevention plan was formulated, contemplating the identification of socio-territorial threats, risk reduction measures, and a programmatic component. Taking these results as a reference, we discuss the implications of community risk management and its ability to reduce the gap in socio-spatial inequities. In conclusion, community disaster risk management, combined with popular education practices and interaction between academia, the community, social organizations, and government institutions, can serve as a key practice for the realization of spatial and environmental justice in the city of Medellín. Résumé Une expérience réussie de gestion des risques communautaires est présentée dans le cadre de la construction sociale du quartier, évitant le conflit généré par l'application de directives normatives pour l'ordre territorial de Medellín (Colombie), et les conditions géomorphologiques défavorables d'un contexte à flanc de colline. Pour cela, une méthodologie de recherche-action a été appliquée, structurée à partir de scénarios d'éducation populaire participative avec une communauté de quartier : El Pacífico, situé dans la partie supérieure de Comuna 8, sur le versant nord-est de Medellín. Sur la base de cette proposition, un plan communautaire de gestion des risques et de prévention des catastrophes a été élaboré, envisageant l'identification des menaces socio-territoriales, des mesures de réduction des risques et une composante programmatique. En prenant ces résultats comme référence, nous discutons des implications de la gestion communautaire des risques et de sa capacité à réduire l'écart dans les inégalités socio-spatiales. En conclusion, la gestion communautaire des risques de catastrophe, combinée aux pratiques d'éducation populaire et à l'interaction entre le monde universitaire, la communauté, les organisations sociales et les institutions gouvernementales, peut servir de pratique clé pour la réalisation de la justice spatiale et environnementale dans la ville de Medellín. Resumo Uma experiência bem-sucedida de gerenciamento de risco comunitário é apresentada como parte da construção social do bairro, evitando o conflito gerado pela aplicação de dire-trizes normativas para a ordenação territorial de Medellín (Colômbia) e as condições geomorfológicas adversas de um contexto de encosta. Para isso, foi aplicada uma metodologia de pesquisa-ação, estruturada a partir de cenários participativos de educação popular com uma comunidade do bairro: El Pacífico, localizado na parte superior da Comuna 8, na encosta nordeste de Medellín. Com base nessa proposta, foi formulado um plano comunitário de gerenciamento de riscos e prevenção de desastres, contemplando a identificação de ameaças sócio-territoriais, medidas de redução de riscos e um componente programático. Tomando esses resultados como referência, discutimos as implicações do gerenciamento de riscos da comunidade e sua capacidade de reduzir a lacuna nas desigualdades socioespaciais. Em conclusão, o gerenciamento de risco de desastre da comunidade, combinado com práticas de educação popular e interação entre a academia, a comunidade, organizações sociais e instituições governamentais, pode servir como uma prática fundamental para a realização da justiça espacial e ambiental na cidade de Medellín.

Statistics give some idea of the magnitude of the problem. But to those who have to live with the pollution, the noise, the continuous and frustrating struggle to get from one point to another, and also to those who have to manage the orderly movement of the mass of people, statistics have long ceased to have any meaning, Calcutta can today boast of being the only city of its size in the world which survives from day to day... There are several reasons for the chaotic traffic conditions. To b...

Among the world cities Calcutta is comparatively a late-comer. As an English factory settlement it commenced its career just about two hundred and ninety years ago, nearly one hundred kilometres upstream from the Bay of Bengal on the eastern bank of the Hooghly river. The existing Calcutta Corporation area of 104.0 km2 with one hundred wards and over three million population, grew out of the three original villages of Sutanuti, Kalikata and Gobindapur where the English had at first settled an...

The sprawling metropolis of Calcutta has as many as 3.3 million residents within the city proper (104 km2) and a staggering 9.2 million in the greater Calcutta urban agglomeration (1040 km2) as enumerated in 1981 census. Once known as the City of Palaces during the heydey of the British Raj, Calcutta has since lost much of its splendour and pristine glory. In the meantime its suburbs have expanded far to the north and south along the Hooghly river. Today the City of Palaces is a city in verit...

As a true metropolis, Calcutta, the capital city of the empire, then a major economic centre, grew by constant immigration. The influx of population into the former British settlement, which began some three centuries ago, owed much to Bengal (both West and East) and the neighbouring States of Bihar and Orissa. However, in spite of its predominance, the role of eastern India was not exclusive: Punjabis, Gujaratis and South Indians also swelled the population of the city while a moderate mingl...

A city laden with symbolic meaning in the Western mind, Calcutta – with ten million inhabitants today – is much more than the apathetic or violent display of urban destitution in India, as seen by the world at large. This collection tries to reach precisely beyond the cliches, to enable some of those who work in the city as decision-makers, planners or analysts, to speak out and Interpret the multifaceted crisis that has hit this city as it continues to grow, even though its economy is in decline. Their words have all the force as they are derived from first-hand experience. In analysing the laboured evolution of this city, once known as "the most beautiful city east of Suez", we have provided some material on a major case-study for the debate on urban planning and development in the Third World. The planning exercise launched in Calcutta in early 1960s, with support from American experts, hoped also to halt the spread of communism in Bengal. This was a vain expectation, however, as the Communist Party of India-Marxist has been continuously voted into power since 1977. From that date, the Left Front Government has controlled the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority, which provides amenities to the city and metropolitan district with support from, among others, the World Bank. What are henceforth the urban development policies of "parliamentary communism"? What are the problems they are up against when action is necessary on all fronts at once? In the final analysis, for what purpose and for whom are they planning? What should be the priorities? To set up the economy to right first? To provide amenities for the city? Or to improve the daily life of the most underprivileged? When confronted with these realities, what the Left is able to achieve in power? These are some of the questions that the contributors to this collection have, in their own way, been concerned with in creating an image of present-day Calcutta, seen through its own eyes. To Pushkar and Subha, to Barun, Ella, Sudhesna, Swamik, and to the memory of M.G. Kutty, a South Indian who choosed to strive for a better Calcutta, for India is one.

A few weeks after the seminar was held, S.C. Basu, Public Relations Director of the CMDA, who attended the sessions, sent us the following pages, under the title " A paper not presented, not presentable". Not presented, but certainly presentable. It is the passionate argumentation of the author, in defence of the CMDA's action. Two tables attached to this note have been included as annexures of the main CMDA statement by S.K.Roy and K.Roy, "Calcutta Metropolitan Development Programme: Plannin...

Huts with earthen walls, muddy lanes flooded even by the slightest rains, discomfort, overcrowding, public amenities reduced almost lo nothing: such was the reality of the bustees of Calcutta. The bastees were the direct result of the massive immigration which the city had experienced from the eighteenth Century to the twentieth Century. To start with, on private land, in the heart of the town, but away from European quarters, poor housing colonies were put up at the cheapest cost. Large slum...

August 1947. The Great Calcutta Killing leaves 50,000 perhaps 1,00,000, dead during the Partition. 1969-71, the revolutionary terrorism of the Naxalites is matched by the bloody retaliation measures taken by the police... The story of modem Calcutta is certainly not free from severe violence. On a very different level, the communist and trade union movements have contributed to give the city an image —often exaggerated— of constant tensions. The same could be said in fact of anti-communist or...

How important is Calcutta in India's economy? One knows that during the British days, even as late as the thirties, the metropolis of Calcutta was the centre of the most important industrial complex, the port of Calcutta was by far the major gateway for foreign trade, and the city of Calcutta commanded no less amount of financial resources than the city of Bombay. It is also common knowledge that over the years, particularly since the fifties, this overwhelming importance of Calcutta has wane...

One cannot understand Calcutta without looking at it from two angles. One, from the eastern India of which it has been the sole metropolis for nearly two centuries. Two, from India as a whole of which it is the biggest agglomeration, after having been the capital, by accident or choice, for 140 years. Calcutta co-ordinated the British expansion in the sub-continent more than any other city; it witnessed the genesis of modem India. The social and cultural reforms, the settlement of landed prop...

The right questions S.K. Bhattacharya I would like to intervene now by thanking Mr. Kutty for having put his fingers on the right questions and at the right spot. These, I think, will be the main lines on which the afternoon will run. This is not the way we want to start town planning Ninnala Banerjee Listening to the paper from the CMDA, I felt completely out of tune with time. I joined the CMPO in 1966 and we were talking about exactly the same programmes then. The water supply schemes, sch...

When it was an imperial city, Calcutta owned her prosperity largely to two commodities, tea and jute, which found a world market. Tea leaves treated on the plantations of Darjeeling and Assam were brought to Calcutta for export, sustaining a brisk trade. Jute, grown in the Bengal delta by thousands of small farmers was transformed into gunny bags and other products in dozens of jute mills scattered along the Hoogly river, north of Calcutta. With the development of the coal mines and the Steel...

With 70,000 inhabitants packed on a roughly square area of half a square kilometre, right in the heart of Howrah, between a major railway line and the busy Great Trunk Road, Pilkhana is one of the largest bustees of the Calcutta Metropolitan District. A residential area, Pilkhana is also a place —as are most bustees— of intense economic activity: a heaven of small industrial units of the informal sector, most of them light engineering workshops. Such small units are not always viable, they ar...

Perhaps no other city in India has received so many epithets as those earned by Calcutta. During the early days of its growth Clive described it as the most wicked place in the universe. It was a city of dreadful night to Kipling. During the height of the British rule in India, Calcutta attained fame as a city of palaces. Quite often Calcutta is said to be the city of processions, of slums and of despair. It is said to be one of the filthiest cities of the world as well as one with tremendous...

Camac Street and Park Street. At the Crossing of these prestigious roads, a park has been recently renovated by the Rotary Club. On its railings are spread some rags and sacks. Against the low walls which support the railings, a few bricks hold the earthern pots in which rice is cooked by women. Four families live there, who came from the district of 24 Parganas: men, women, children and babies —more than twenty persons in all. If we go by the 1971 Census, there were then about 50,000 of them...

Calcutta—the violent city (?) There is no other city in the world today which has inspired so much awe and concern of the national and international community as Calcutta. In the fifties Jawaharlal Nehru called it a "dead" city "in mortal love and anguish and not certainly in disgust". Geoffrey Moorhouse, who experienced the city's life in 1969 and 1970, called it a "perpetually violent city". "Very few people have ever said anything nice about Calcutta, unless they were Bengali... The truth ...

The main concern of the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority since its formation in 1970 has been the development activity in the field of municipal infrastructure, embracing water supply, sewerage and drainage, public cleansing, slum improvement, roads and area development. It is appropriate lo view this large-scale development effort in infrastructure as an essential support to the economic revival and growth of the metropolis. However, equally relevant to the future of the metropoli...

The verdict given by the figures is clear. In 1977-78, with 7.5 Mt. the traffic in Calcutta port, although enlarged by the new installations of Haldia, was much less than the traffic in 1964-65 (11 Mt., of which 5 Mt. was for export). This means an absolute decline —a port in crisis. However, from 1980 onwards the figures show a certain progress. How can we account for this? What does this crisis signify for a metropolitan city which emerged and developed precisely because it was a port? What...

We are contracting ourselves, contracting our horizon Asok Mitra I feel that although Fr. Roberge, being a non-Bengali, may have chosen to be discreet, yet he brought out a very important point on the question of imagination. If a nation loses its imagination it loses everything and that is the central point. I belong to Calcutta. I opened my eyes first on Calcutta and saw a bit of her sky. So I cannot look at Calcutta as though at a mistress. That may have Buddhadev Bose’s attitude or my ill...

Amongst the various crisis which affect Calcutta, power shortage is certainly one of the most acute and worst, as it jeopardizes the very base of future economic development. Such a crisis, mentioned in several papers presented during the seminar, deserves special attention. We therefore asked Nirmala Banerjee, an expert in that field, to write a short note presenting an overall analysis of the problem. Repeated load-shedding is not simply an economic problem. It affects the daily life of eve...

Historically speaking, Calcutta is not an old city-Varanasi, Delhi, Patna and many other cities have a longer history. Though Calcutta existed before Job Charnock, its history is traceable from those early British days and it is mystery to many how a city could rise so fast and slide back faster. We who have lived in this city for over forty years remember not only its past grandeur but also its facilities, and particularly its ability to provide livelihood. This itself should be a subject of...