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Many large cities after the success of opposition in local elections are becoming ‘democratic enclaves’ in the de-democratising countries. It is worth posing a question about the effectiveness of this role in the face of further autocratisation at the national level. It requires investigating if taking over the power by these democratic forces as well as characteristics of major cities, favourable in many aspects for democratisation (they have often a ‘democratic potential’) enable the cities to play a role of effective democratisers. The author of this paper takes this task and analyses the cases of Warsaw and Istanbul. He verifies the hypothesis that the combination of long-term democratic deficits, including the local level, impact of the de-democratisation present at the national level and the current centralisation or re-centralisation process undermines the role of both cities as democratic enclaves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Palaeolithic art is an unknown and often difficult to see cultural manifestation. • The conditions for viewing the rock art have been improved through augmented reality. • The light variation of the decorated panel has been overcome with LiDAR technology. • The LiDAR project has been successful implemented in caves and open-air stations. • The app democratises rock art and enhances the on-site experience. By developing new recording methodologies, current rock art studies generate a large amount of graphic information about sites (tracings, photographs, three-dimensional reproductions) providing visibility of this fragile and little-known heritage, whose accessibility is often difficult or impossible for the general public. In addition, many rock art depictions are challenging to observe, due to the very nature of the artistic entities (fine engravings or faded paintings in karst environments or open-air sites with poor or changing light conditions), or to conservation problems derived from natural factors such as erosion and geological and biological processes, as well as from anthropic factors. These conditions make rock art depictions nearly indistinguishable in many places and on many objects today, except for experts. This difficulty of accessing and visualising rock art heritage, located in fragile environments and often challenging places such as caves or difficult-to-reach open-air sites, makes the information and knowledge generated by investigation of this heritage asset difficult to transfer to society in general, which is frequently unaware of the priceless value of this heritage. The present study proposes generating several mechanisms to transfer the results of research, restitution and documentation of rock art to society in general. An AR (Augmented Reality) application has been developed using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) technology to address current challenges in implementing AR technologies in low-light environments. So far, this app has been developed in a Proof-of-Concept project at Spanish archaeological sites such as Hornos de la Peña (Cantabria), Domingo García (Segovia) and La Salud (Salamanca). This application will be particularly interesting for sites currently visited with or without a guide, allowing user interactivity and real-time reconstruction, for example, of the visibility of graphic motifs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea's transition to democracy in 1987 was driven by social movements. The grand democracy coalition included the opposition party and various civic associations, including student groups, labour unions, and religious organisations. Civil society continued to pressure the post-transitional governments to dismantle authoritarian structures and remove undemocratic practices. Political authoritarianism in South Korea in 1961–1987 was inseparable from the developmental state that delivered the country's impressive economic development. Government reform after the democratisation entailed the weakening, if not dismantling, of the developmental state, to make public governance and policymaking more transparent, responsive, and participatory. In this paper we examine government reform in South Korea, focusing on the first ten years following democratisation. The Roh Tae Woo government created the Administrative Reform Committee in 1988, and the Kim Young Sam government launched the Presidential Commission for Administrative Reform in 1993. Although both agencies engaged civilians in the reform process, it was the Ministry of Government Administration and the Ministry of Finance and Economy that dominated the designing and implementing of the reforms, which demonstrates that the introduction and implementation of collaborative governance in South Korea was state led. Comparative implications are drawn from the South Korean case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent success of Generative AI (GenAI) has heralded a new era in content creation, dissemination, and consumption. This technological revolution is reshaping our understanding of content, challenging traditional notions of authorship, and transforming the relationship between content producers and consumers. As we approach an increasingly AI-integrated world, examining the implications of this paradigm shift is crucial. This article explores the future of content in the age of GenAI, analysing the evolving definition of content, the transformations brought about by GenAI systems, and emerging models of content production and dissemination. By examining these aspects, we can gain valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead in the realm of content creation and consumption and, hopefully, manage them more successfully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the trilogy framework of decarbonisation, decentralisation and democratisation and its relevance in the implementation of just energy transition agendas in rural communities of Global South countries (GSCs). It argues that just energy transition should be implemented via developing nationally independent but locally driven renewable energy projects in GSCs. To corroborate the trilogy framework, the paper discusses case studies of India's Panchayat institutions, Nepal's community renewable projects, and Bhutan's hydro projects. The paper recommends that the trilogy framework be implemented in GSCs through the concept of 'energy prosumer communities'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to make a conceptual contribution to the role of the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) in regard to global education within state global heritage (multicultural) schools – using England as a representative example – in an age characterised by epistemological, historical and cultural securitisation. This paper recruits ideas and concepts taken from Lefebvre and Bourdieu in a discussion focussed on the IBO's potential role in resistance to the dominant neoliberal imaginary and cultural securitisation. However, in order to be a force for democratisation, the IBO must itself democratise through a reconceptualisation of the school spaces it operates in/produces. It will also involve a process of reassessing its notion/positioning of what constitutes symbolic (and therefore valuable) cultural capital. This will mean untethering global education from the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme. This paper highlights the possibility of a new space for global education, operationalised by moving beyond the 'IB school' to the potential of the more informal IB supported school. It is argued here that the IBO has the potential to galvanise a new wave of inclusive global education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the impact of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy in Sudan, a nation grappling with ethnic, sectarian, and regional identity politics. Using a mixed-method approach, the study employs Time Series analysis from 1990 to 2019, followed by theoretical analysis to explore the relationship between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy. The framework of this study draws from relevant studies on this nexus, incorporating factors such as racial/ethnic voting motivations, corruption, institutional dynamics, conflict, and individual income. The study bridges a gap in the existing literature by providing insights into the mechanisms through which ethnic identities shape democratisation processes in the African region. The findings reveal an influence of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy, as evidenced by factors such as violent conflicts, political institutions, and economic inequality. Additionally, the study delves into contemporary implications of ethnic dynamics on democratic processes, particularly examining the military confrontations between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since April 2023. The practical implications of this study lie in developing effective strategies to mitigate the political repercussions of ethnicity, thereby fostering a peaceful democratic transition. Therefore, the findings may not be readily applicable to other regions or nations with distinct historical, cultural, or geopolitical contexts that might influence the interplay between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of social media into political discourse is becoming the norm, facilitating citizen engagement and amplifying voices across the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This study centered on a literature review on the role of social media in political participation within the region. Through exploration across three databases, 50 articles were identified, with 42% of these closely related to the research focus and categorized under five distinct themes. Findings reveal various perspectives on the impact of social media on political engagement, with scholars offering different interpretations on its influence. Furthermore, majority of research underscores the role of social media in mobilizing protests and revolutionary movements driven by heightened participation observed in some SSA countries. Social media platforms are increasingly perceived as avenues to express opinions on pertinent issues contesting unfavorable government actions. Thus, this study posits the emergence of a "New Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa," propelled by the positive utilization of social media in political spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Arab Spring' posed major emotional challenges to European diplomats. Sympathies for the demonstrators' open embrace of European norms and values merged with discomfort about incalculable consequences following the former rulers' eventual fall. Focusing on Egypt, this contribution analyses how European diplomats reacted to Hosni Mubarak's ouster and the following developments. With their reminiscences to Europe's own history and the European Union's (EU) self-perception as 'force for good', a two-sided sense of disillusionment grew among European representatives: about the regime's eventual unwillingness to reform, and about their own incapacity to meaningfully support change. Based on extensive research in Cairo and Brussels, this article analyses the emotions that escorted the actions of officials from the EU and its member states in Egypt. From a multi-level perspective, it considers activities by the EU Delegation to Egypt and EU member states' embassies in Cairo, plus initiatives coming from Brussels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the perceptions of data journalism among specialised Arab audiences in the context of declining trust in media and government institutions. Through interviews with respondents from data-processing fields and NGOs, this study examines the perceived effectiveness of data journalism in informing audiences, its credibility compared to existing forms of journalism, and its potential and limitations in democratising the regional media environment. The findings revealed that the perceived effectiveness of data journalism lies in its ability to validate misleading information, provide direction for decision-making, and distinguish itself from common information found on social media or other public sites. This was achieved by offering context, presenting evidence, and supporting claims. However, data journalism is also viewed sceptically, as its perceived ability to inform audiences depends on context and audience. Moreover, the potential for data journalism to democratise the region's media environment faces constraints beyond the structural and individual limits highlighted in previous studies. It encompasses matters related to journalistic practice and integrity, impacting other forms of journalism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses and discusses how to develop contemporary methods to conduct democratic and sustainable planning in rural landscapes based on place-making, collaborative planning and strategy-making. The analysis is based on a Danish regional strategy-making case, the Nørreådalen river valley (NRV), which is used to explore how to democratically incorporate local values and establish sustainable development priorities. The NRV case highlights the significance of cultivating a shared frame of reference to foster inclusive and informed landscape strategies, which underscores the importance of understanding diverse values and their holders in landscape governance. Collaborative strategy-making may serve as a powerful method for addressing complex challenges and fostering sustainable development in rural landscapes provided it is tailored to the specific contextual considerations and nurtures a comprehensive understanding of shared landscape values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surveying a representative sample of studies of colloquialisation, a tendency for written norms to move closer to spoken usage, the chapter explores: the relationship between colloquialisation, operationalised in exclusively linguistic terms, and informalisation and democratisation, two processes primarily targeting wider sociocultural change, and complications arising when colloquialisation is extended beyond its original domain of application, standard written English of the ENL type. There are two major findings. Colloquialisation works less well in the study of ESL varieties than ENL ones. In addition, recent real-time analyses of change in spoken English suggest that the supposedly homogeneous baseline style of informal conversational English is more internally variable than is assumed in current work on colloquialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, a young Kurdish woman who had travelled to Tehran to visit her family, died in the custody of the morality police on 16 September 2022 for allegedly not wearing her hijab properly. Her death provoked outrage across the country. An image of her in the hospital where she lost her life, and a handwritten sign on her grave ‘you have not died, your name will become a code’, quickly went viral. Months of nationwide protests by hundreds of thousands followed her death. Thousands were arrested and injured. Hundreds were killed on the streets and a number of protesters were executed. This article discusses the emergence of the movement, its transformation, achievements and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many African states have become electoral democracies, but others are still run by electoral authoritarian regimes, and/or exhibit procedural but not more substantive emancipatory extensions of rights and functions. In such contexts, alternation of power, or electoral turnover, has been recognised as a key signifier of successful democratisation. South Africa's post-apartheid democratic transition was widely lauded as a textbook case, yet declining support for the political incumbent, factionalism, the phenomena of "state-capture" and the decline of state-owned entities has raised questions about the promises and challenges of post-African National Congress (ANC) hegemony. Limited research in South Africa (SA) focuses on the influence of political contest — including alternation, coalition formation and factionalism on municipal Environmental Governance (EG). Accordingly, we provide an analysis of political contest in both single and coalition councils between 2016 and 2021 in the of the Endumeni Local (ELM) and uMzinyathi District (UDM) municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), SA, focusing on environmental governance implications. The study was theoretically framed by a broad Political Ecology Approach (PEA). A mixed-method research approach consisting of qualitative and quantitative data collection techniques was utilised. The findings revealed contested politics and instability in both single and coalition councils, regardless of who governs. and this predominantly constrained, but in few instances enabled EG. This complicates narratives of alternation and coalition politics and points to the broader and ongoing need for council policy reform, local council stability, municipal competence and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article analyses the impact of the farmers' agitation on the legislative process in India. The Indian farmers' protest against the 2020 Indian Agriculture Reform Acts, dubbed as 'Kala Kanoon' (black laws), not only voiced dissatisfaction with the contents of the farm bills but also confronted the undemocratic legislative practices. We provide descriptive evidence by discussing five major dimensions of the impact of the protest and the outcome i.e. the repeal of the laws. First, the protest movement and the resultant repeal helped discern a valuable public policy lesson to abandon top-down policy-making. Second, the protest questioned the bureaucratic approach to legislation that excluded the primary stakeholder group from policy-making. Third, it revealed the diminished role of the legislature and the concentration of power in the executive. Fourth, it exposed vulnerabilities in the parliamentary system when the ruling party holds a brute majority. Fifth, the protest emphasized the importance of state autonomy and legislative accountability to hold the executive accountable. We conclude with the summation of the major arguments from the discussion by highlighting the implications of the farmers' movement for India's future legislative processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the Maldives instituted a transitional justice process to address decades of systematic human rights abuses including the widespread use of arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, and the forced depopulation of entire island communities. While the country's decision to confront its violent past is not unusual, the institution it has established to undertake that task is. Rather than institute a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC), refer cases to its Human Rights Commission, or undertake criminal trials in its domestic judicial system, the Maldives has taken the unprecedented step of establishing a temporary Ombudsperson's Office for Transitional Justice (OTJ). Comparing the OTJ to national human rights institutions and TRCs, this article examines how and why the Maldives' transitional justice process has taken this unusual form. It suggests that the OTJ represents a new attempt to address the full range of human rights abuses, including violations of social and economic rights, perpetrated by repressive regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I will first describe the extent of the influence of Buddhism in Taiwan, presenting some data on the demographic importance of this religion in terms of people who identify with it, but also in terms of associations that claim to do so. I will then introduce the positions of the main masters of this tradition relevant to four kinds of political issues relevant to Taiwan: the democratic transition process itself, the development of Taiwan's welfare regime, cross-strait relations with China, and the contribution of Buddhist associations to the international influence of Taiwan in the context of the latter's diplomatic isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa attained its constitutional democracy in 1994 from a contemporary political order that has been shaped by the country's history of colonialism, segregation, less or no service delivery to black communities, and apartheid. Since the inception of the second decade of democracy, the country has experienced numerous service delivery protests, raises brings doubt about whether or not democracy exists in South Africa. The current study was carried out in Hlanganani Cluster in Collins Chabane Local Municipality. A qualitative research methodology that utilised a phenomenological research design was used to investigate democracy, democratisation and governance in the Hlanganani Cluster. A sample of 15 respondents from the area participated in the study. The results of the study revealed that the broader definition of democracy is not familiar in the area, yet the political rhetoric one more widely embraces the concept of democracy. Hence, the challenges of poor service delivery, lack of accountability of public officials' lack of transparency, and corruption are key obstacles hindering the full realisation of democracy in the area. It is recommended that the government enhance the participation of local communities in decision making, encourage the youth, and create a democratic space for civic society to maintain checks and balances. The results of the study are also useful for crafting strategies for creating an enabling environment for democracy, democratisation, and good governance to thrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of Major-General Suharto's "New Order" regime, Indonesia has struggled to deal with its authoritarian legacy. This article argues that in the quarter of a century since his disappearance, the Indonesian poet-activist Wiji Thukul (1963-1998?) has become a martyr for the still unfulfilled progressive ideals of the Reformasi (reform) movement that helped to bring down that regime in 1998. Using the developing body of theory around "secular" or "political" martyrdom, this article examines the process by which this status has been achieved, situating its development alongside the emergence of the Refusing to Forget movement, as well as comparing and contrasting his fate with that of two other candidates for the label of Reformasi martyr: those of the labour activist Marsinah (1969-1993) and the human rights lawyer Munir Said Thalib (1965-2004). It argues that Thukul's role as a martyr has been significant in maintaining progressive public discourse about the human rights abuses of the Suharto period, as well as the continuing illiberalism of the period since the end of the regime, and that Thukul remains relevant to efforts to stimulate and nurture the fragile democratisation project that was initiated in the late New Order period. In particular, the authors see Thukul's brand of grassroots creative practice as playing a central role in his emergence as a progressive icon and in giving his life and work international significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the transformation of welfare states carries far-reaching implications for property relations, there is an astonishing amnesia regarding property in research concerning the welfare state. To date, the French sociologist Robert Castel is the only thinker to have illuminated the connection between property and social rights: he understands transfer payments and public infrastructures as social property and describes them as rehabilitation of the previously propertyless. Starting out from Castel's concept of social property, the article discusses its strengths and weaknesses and elaborates conceptually on what it would mean to think of social rights consistently as social property. The authors argue that it is a worthwhile endeavour to think further with and go beyond Castel's concept of social property. This allows not only to think about public alternatives to private property and to theorise the dismantling of social rights as expropriation, but also to think further on the democratisation of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pedagogical reform is an institutional change that involves revising the rules of the game in practice, the legitimacy of which depends on political and legislative contexts. In the context of Myanmar's experience transitioning into a democratic society, this study discusses the changes in theoretical equilibria concerning pedagogical practices with reference to the changes in the links between the national regime, education policies, and teacher preference about practices. As the country transitioned from a junta to a civilian government, education policies became more democratised. However, the coup d'état of February 2021 could retract these changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students, through teaching and learning, must reflect on what they do not know. It is only when they recognise what they know, and what they do not, that they will awaken to their own curiosity. The more they can open themselves to others and their epistemologies, the deeper their own self-reflection in relation to others. In this way, engendering curiosity opens students to the possibilities of other kinds of identities, thoughts, and actions, and hence, the value of all forms of knowledge. This article considers, firstly, the importance of deliberative encounters as opening opportunities for engendering curiosity in others' traditions; secondly, for co-creating new knowledge in the interests of invoking transformative learning and action towards issues of common concern. And thirdly, by bringing into conversation democratisation and decolonisation, an argument is made for the cultivation of an ubuntu justice, which is not only concerned with recognising the Other, but is intent upon forgiveness and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of social media into political discourse is becoming the norm, facilitating citizen engagement and amplifying voices across the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This study centered on a literature review on the role of social media in political participation within the region. Through exploration across three databases, 50 articles were identified, with 42% of these closely related to the research focus and categorized under five distinct themes. Findings reveal various perspectives on the impact of social media on political engagement, with scholars offering different interpretations on its influence. Furthermore, majority of research underscores the role of social media in mobilizing protests and revolutionary movements driven by heightened participation observed in some SSA countries. Social media platforms are increasingly perceived as avenues to express opinions on pertinent issues contesting unfavorable government actions. Thus, this study posits the emergence of a “New Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa,” propelled by the positive utilization of social media in political spheres.

In this introduction, the authors present the ambition that guided the composition of this edition devoted to family law. They first highlight the interest in addressing the intersection between the process of democratisation and the process of transnationalisation of families. These two processes are refracted in family law. They find their origin in the same refusal of a substantial moral definition of the “good family”. However, all normative perspective is not abandoned. A new normative and effective relationship is established between interactions and institutions. The new regulation of the family gives an important place to interactions and their immanent normativity. Legal principles (human rights, procedural standards) give expression to this mutation. Institutions are no longer given before the interaction, but rather constitute instruments for repairing the interactional order. This trend in the evolution of the law is particularly visible in the two cases treated in the issue: homosexual marriage and international child abduction. The close analysis of these two situations, however, suggests the persistence of obstacles to these transformations, due to the persistence of the principle of national sovereignty. En esta introducción, los autores presentan la ambición que guió la composición de esta edición dedicada al derecho de familia. En primer lugar, destacan el interés por abordar la intersección entre el proceso de democratización a y el proceso de transnacionalización de las familias. Estos dos procesos se refractan en el derecho de familia. Encuentran su origen en el mismo rechazo de una definición moral sustancial de la “buena familia”. Sin embargo, no se abandona toda perspectiva normativa. Se establece una nueva relación entre interacciones e instituciones. La nueva regulación de la familia da un lugar importante a las interacciones y a su normatividad inmanente. Los principios jurídicos (derechos humanos, normas procesales) reemplazan las reglas que definen la “buena familia”. Las instituciones ya no se dan antes de la interacción, sino que constituyen instrumentos para reparar el orden interaccional. Esta tendencia en la evolución del derecho es particularmente visible en los dos casos tratados en el número: el matrimonio homosexual y la sustracción internacional de menores. El análisis cuidadoso de estas dos situaciones, sin embargo, sugiere la persistencia de obstáculos a estas transformaciones, debido a la persistencia del principio de soberanía nacional.

The article discusses the role of institutions of representation – understood as one of the examples of the idea of democratisation – in the construction of the Polish school system. The basic changes that have occurred in this area since the beginning of the 1990s have been reconstructed. These processes have been reinterpreted in the context of three models of democratisation. Thus, the text presents diverse – and not always consistent – approaches to democratisation of the Polish school system after 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates why anti-democratic laws persist in democratic societies, focusing on South Korea's National Security Act (NSA). Enacted in 1948, the NSA restricts freedom of expression and movement to deter pro-North Korea behaviour. Despite being at odds with the tenets of liberal democracy, the act remains in place. Existing public opinion data indicates modest to strong support for the law, but measurement concerns leave much to be desired. Using a choice-based conjoint, we test the impact of democratic norms and national security rationales on various policy propositions related to the NSA, including its abolition. Results show widespread support for the Act, driven by both democratic norms and security concerns. Progressives are more likely to support revisions limiting the scope of the Act on the basis that it safeguards democracy, but they agree with conservatives that it should not be abolished. This research contributes to understanding South Korea's post-democratic transition and the balance between national security and democracy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic breakthrough in Indonesia in the late 1990s was made possible through the dynamic interactions between the civil society organisations (CSOs) and its ruling elites. Although some of the former ruling elites were affected by the political transformation, others have evolved and survived as ‘authoritarian diasporas,’ In fact, the former ruling party, Golkar, also survived the change and is considered one of the ‘authoritarian successors parties.’ Based on these two conceptions developed by James Loxton and elite adjustment by Panji Anugrah Permana, this article explores the resilience of authoritarian legacies in post-Reformasi Indonesia, particularly among the authoritarian diaspora and its influences on Indonesia’s democratisation, particularly during the Jokowi years. By examining the three main sectors among the former authoritarian elites in politics, businesses, and the military, this article makes a case for democratic backsliding in Indonesia under the Jokowi administration due to the resurgence and the roles played by the former authoritarian elites in re-capturing politics and political change from the CSOs. The analysis in this article is based on a field study and library research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the historical background and conduct of recent elections in two small island nations in Asia-Pacific, Fiji and the Maldives. It assesses the situation of democracy prior to elections, and afterwards in 2020-2021. This article seeks to contribute towards filling the gap in literature, with regards to comparative case studies on electoral authoritarianism in small island states. The two nations with dissimilar history, religion, ethnicity and geology, held national elections in 2018. Fiji comprising volcanic and limestone islands with a multiethnic and multi-religious population is located in the Pacific Ocean. The Maldives with lowest lying coral atolls, and a homogeneous population of one ethnicity and one religion Islam, is located in the Indian Ocean. The elections were conducted under differing circumstances of electoral authoritarian rule in the aftermath of multiparty elections, with repression in the Maldives increasing, and repression in Fiji easing. But the 2018 election results saw a return to transition to democracy in the Maldives. Conversely in Fiji, the electoral authoritarian government was re-elected. Challenges to democracy remained unchanged in both nations during the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hungarian public administration development path can be displayed in four stages: "democratisation" from 1990 until 1998, the beginning year of the EU accession negotiations; "Europeanisation" as preparing for EU accession until 2004, when Hungary became full member of the EU together with 9 other countries. The next phase is the unsuccessful "quest for efficiency" until 2010, including 2008, when the Hungarian state budget faced insolvency and turned to the IMF for a standby loan. Finally, in 2010 the era of continual crisis management started with the financial and economic crisis, the migrant crisis, the Covid--19, and the war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article in honour of Justice Johan Froneman, I consider an early judgment of his on the Constitutional Court, Bengwenyama Minerals (Pty) Ltd v Genorah Resources (Pty) Ltd 2011 4 SA 113 (CC). I read the case as an important property law judgment, showing already at an early stage in the Court's jurisprudence strong traces of a transformative vision of property law developed by Van der Walt, Ngcukaitobi and Wilson, among others that I describe as a democratised property law. I show how the three pillars of this approach (the move from objects to objectives; the opening up of the canon of recognised property interests; and the move from property to propriety) all feature in Froneman J's Bengwenyama judgment. On this basis I then conclude by making the point that real transformation of property law derives much more from the kinds of "small moves" made by Froneman J in Bengwenyama than from the grand-scale solutions such as "expropriation without compensation" or state custodianship of land that have dominated political imagination over the past several years.

Since the fall of Major-General Suharto’s “New Order” regime, Indonesia has struggled to deal with its authoritarian legacy. This article argues that in the quarter of a century since his disappearance, the Indonesian poet-activist Wiji Thukul (1963–1998?) has become a martyr for the still unfulfilled progressive ideals of the Reformasi (reform) movement that helped to bring down that regime in 1998. Using the developing body of theory around “secular” or “political” martyrdom, this article examines the process by which this status has been achieved, situating its development alongside the emergence of the Refusing to Forget movement, as well as comparing and contrasting his fate with that of two other candidates for the label of Reformasi martyr: those of the labour activist Marsinah (1969–1993) and the human rights lawyer Munir Said Thalib (1965–2004). It argues that Thukul’s role as a martyr has been significant in maintaining progressive public discourse about the human rights abuses of the Suharto period, as well as the continuing illiberalism of the period since the end of the regime, and that Thukul remains relevant to efforts to stimulate and nurture the fragile democratisation project that was initiated in the late New Order period. In particular, the authors see Thukul’s brand of grassroots creative practice as playing a central role in his emergence as a progressive icon and in giving his life and work international significance.

En partant de questions d’ordre juridique soulevées par un terrain réalisé auprès d’auteurs et autrices francophones de récits de fans (ou fanfictions), cet article vise à comprendre les enjeux éthiques et moraux sous-tendus par la numérisation de cette activité. La réflexion proposée mobilise des données qualitatives et quantitatives, obtenues auprès de 71 enquêtés lors d’entretiens semi-directifs portant sur leur positionnement en tant qu’auteurs de fanfictions, et sur les relations qu’ils mobilisent pour parvenir à publier. Elle se nourrit également d’observations faites sur les dispositifs de publication en ligne et d’un retour sur certains des travaux consacrés au Web et aux travaux de fans. L’objectif est de comprendre le rôle joué par le numérique dans la définition et la constitution de cette activité en tant qu’expérience sociale, mais aussi dans sa démocratisation et les réflexions collectives qu’elle permet.

This article examines the European Union’s role as a promoter of democracy in the countries participating in the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative. Particular attention is paid to those tools used by the EU to promote democracy in the specified countries, namely: political and diplomatic actions, election observation, international cooperation, EU development assistance for effective governance and civil society, sanctions, various platforms and democracy support funds, and financial support. In order to assess the state of democracy in the countries of the EaP, a number of indices were considered, namely: the Freedom House Democracy Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index and the Eastern Partnership Integration Index to clarify the correlation between the integration processes of Eastern Partnership countries and the effectiveness of reforms. In addition, the authors used the data of the Normandy Index for 2019-2023, which captures, among others, the state of democratic processes. The research hypothesis states that EU’s influence on the countries of the Eastern Partnership in terms of democratisation is not always effective, due to both exogenous and endogenous factors. The mechanisms applied by the EU should complement/intensify the internal transformations of the EaP countries that foster democratisation.

Au cœur de la présente étude portant sur la prolifération des partis politiques face à la démocratisation de la République Démocratique du Congo, se trouve l’objectif de ressortir les causes et les conséquences de la création accélérée des partis politiques sur la démocratie R.D. Congolaise. Pour cela, la préoccupation majeure se résume à évaluer son impact sur le processus de démocratisation des institutions dans ce pays.

In a real sense, post-third wave democratisation was a transition to democracy after 1991. The character brought down authoritarian regimes such as one-party systems, military regimes, and the personalisation of power. The consequences led to the establishment of democratic governments in different political situations. The article argues that the democratic experience dictates the non-feasibility of elections during the transition process, as there are massive irregularities that marred the conduct of elections in different forms. This article contests the founding (first) elections that were conducted under the supervision of the military leaders. The outcome of the transition elections raised an issue about the quality of future democracy. This includes the socio-economic development that interfaces with the dividends of democracy. Therefore, post-third wave democratisation defines the new African politics. The methodology employed in this study includes qualitative focused on secondary data. The article submits that civilian-military relations are the new paradigm shift in African politics. Given the new approach, the researcher foresees that the politicians will deepen democracy in the two countries. However, military intervention in politics was a result of non-commitment to democratic principles in the past. The tradition became unending, and the countries that organised democracy-based unethical practices could witness military intervention or otherwise civil war that may obstruct the new democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the European Union's role as a promoter of democracy in the countries participating in the EU's Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative. Particular attention is paid to those tools used by the EU to promote democracy in the specified countries, namely: political and diplomatic actions, election observation, international cooperation, EU development assistance for effective governance and civil society, sanctions, various platforms and democracy support funds, and financial support. In order to assess the state of democracy in the countries of the EaP, a number of indices were considered, namely: the Freedom House Democracy Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index and the Eastern Partnership Integration Index to clarify the correlation between the integration processes of Eastern Partnership countries and the effectiveness of reforms. In addition, the authors used the data of the Normandy Index for 2019-2023, which captures, among others, the state of democratic processes. The research hypothesis states that EU's influence on the countries of the Eastern Partnership in terms of democratisation is not always effective, due to both exogenous and endogenous factors. The mechanisms applied by the EU should complement/intensify the internal transformations of the EaP countries that foster democratisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, Egypt saw one of the largest protest movements in its modern history: the 25th of January revolution. One of its major demands was the call for democracy and end of dictatorship after 30 years of Mubarak's rule. After ousting Mubarak, the Egyptian public sphere witnessed an openness. Even with increasing levels of oppression and violence, there were open spaces for freedom of association, expression, and demonstration, etc. Yet, in 2013 and with the intense protests against the elected Muslim Brotherhood (MB) president, the military interfered and ousted the elected president. In light of these events, Egypt witnessed a backlash against democracy under the pretext of fighting 'terrorism'. Since then, Egypt has been seeing manifestations of this relapse on almost all levels, in terms of legislations, decrees, practices that closed the public space to any protesting voices, with higher levels of oppression and violence against the opposition and not only the so-called 'terrorists'. In this context, this paper proposes to dissect the Egyptian stumbling road to democratisation since 2011. It examines internal factors as well as the role of regional and international actors in orchestrating developments in Egypt. The paper proposes that the process of democratisation in Egypt has faced multiple drawbacks, not only related to regime type (military rule) but also with respect to social movements, the involvement of regional actors, etc.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay investigates the rise of authoritarianism in Morocco and its resurgence despite several reforms implemented by the Moroccan regime. The author provides a new perspective on democracy and democratic transformation whilst also considering the political regime's particularities, such as the constitutional imprints, the political configuration, and cultural history. The research questions are addressed with a focus on the 2011 constitutional reform. We will offer an original perspective on democracy and democratisation in Morocco, considering the fact that the latter is employed as a vast political framework for demonstrating international conformity and, legitimising authority and institutions. This essay investigates the resurgence of authoritarianism in Morocco despite the several reforms implemented by the Moroccan regime since the independence of the country in 1956. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond the euphoria of the early revolutionary moments, in 2010-2011, muted counter-revolutionary setbacks followed elite-led 'democratisation'. For those who construed the political developments in the aftermath of the popular uprisings in Tunisia, in the wake of Ben Ali's autocratic regime dismantlement, as a first step in the direction of a 'democratic transition', disappointments were on the horizon. By the summer of 2021, the sudden re-emergence of a powerful presidency in the name of 'returning sovereignty to the people', while the ghost of the oligarchic state and the spectre of the authoritarian elites still hung about, opened the door for the return of a bureaucratic police state. Meanwhile, the effects of lingering economic and health crises were compounded by politico-constitutional wrangling. These further clouded an already polarised social environment and created the political conditions for the 'restoration' of the 'presidentialist regime'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has invested billions of dollars in promoting democracy in the Maghreb. In the decade following the Arab Spring, some of that investment appeared to be bearing fruit, particularly in the case of Tunisia. Today, however, the Maghreb has joined the global trend of authoritarian backsliding. This article will examine US democracy promotion efforts in the Maghreb over the past 20 years to assess what role US support has had in helping as well as hindering democratisation in the region. The article will look critically at the tools and policy approaches employed by the United States beginning with President George W. Bush's Freedom Agenda and establishment of the Middle East Partnership Initiative, examining the Obama administration's approach towards the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings, and ending with President Biden's renewed focus on democracy. The piece will attempt to answer the question of why, despite significant and high-level attention on democracy promotion, US efforts have failed to produce their desired results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of the captivated gaze has been taken up repeatedly in philosophy. Plato's Allegory of the Cave stands paradigmatically for this. Here, the gaze at the shadowy images prevents people from taking the path to the sun. Denis Diderot's critical reinterpretation of Plato's Allegory of the Cave is less well known. In Diderot, the view of the artificial light images is just as captivating as Plato's shadow images. Unlike there, however, Diderot does not distinguish between perception and cognition but instead focuses on the significance of the seemingly unimportant shift of the gaze within the cave. Diderot determines the starting point of the realisation of freedom in the liberation of one's own gaze from the captivation intended by third parties. Prerequisites for the liberation of the gaze are the realisation of an interruption. It is shifts in the alignment of the eyeballs that become visible here as lucid intervals and which, in Diderot, become the starting point of power analysis and the site of revolt and freedom practice. In this article, I will show how Diderot's demand for enabling the individual realisation of lucid intervals is not first and foremost an aesthetic, but a highly political one. The criteria of art, which are defined by Diderot and have not lost their relevance until today, are based on his explosive insight that the incessant captivation of the gaze stands in the way of democratisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mill's System of Logic (1843) indicates that the definition of 'nationality' he offered in Considerations on Representative Government (1861) is not a throwaway comment but a carefully considered causal hypothesis tailored to his politico‐ethological research programme. This matters because Lord Acton's critique of Mill's claim that free institutions are almost impossible in multinational states ignored the definition, thereby obscuring subsequent scholars' vision of the conceptual dimension of this famous dispute. Although Mill struggled in his politico‐ethological endeavour, he was sufficiently confident to judge that, if nationalities seek self‐determination through exclusive control of the state, liberal democratic institutions would be unlikely to emerge in multinational states, let alone survive and prosper. Since Acton's critique presupposed an undemocratic conception of free institutions and a far weaker notion of national self‐determination, it failed to contradict that judgement. Indeed, once their conceptual disagreements are clarified, Acton's empirical analysis can be seen to support it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world's cities are plagued by serious ills of injustice, inequality and uneven development. Through hard-fought struggles against these urban inequalities and injustices, cities remain important breeding grounds for forms of democratic action that have the potential to reinvigorate the practice and potential of democracy itself. Contemporary struggles over rights to the city generate new answers to questions at the heart of the democratic ideal. In the everyday battles that take place over the institutions and infrastructures that will shape their everyday lives, urban inhabitants frequently resist the ossification of democracy in its inherited forms. Their struggles not only demand new solutions to the pressing urban challenges they face, they also challenge democracy as it is and make claims about democracy as it should be. As such, the historical geography of democracy maintains a close association with the city. This Special Feature on Democratising Cities brings together a survey of city-scaled possibility, canvassing diverse democratisation strategies across a variety of places. We treat democratisation as a process of extending and enacting a logic of equality as the foundation for legitimate authority in the face of specific problems and injustices. Our focus is on the doing of democratisation, exploring a set of innovative democratic practices that people in cities are employing in their efforts to make a better urban life—from alliances, networks, issue-based movements and citizen platforms to digital strategies, political contracts, participatory budgeting, occupations and alternative lifestyles and communities. We show how these practices of democratisation generate new understandings of the who, what, where, when and how of democracy itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role religious institutions, communities, and individuals might play in democratising 21st-century cities. Based on participatory action research with the Sydney Alliance, a broad-based community organisation in Sydney, Australia, I examine how a civil society coalition attempts to draw religious communities into the political life of the city, the way religious culture and space shapes the political culture of the coalition, and the challenges faced by the coalition in working across religious and nonreligious difference. I argue that political coalitions like the Sydney Alliance that work across diverse worldviews are pulled in two different directions: the effort to democratise and make space for worldview plurality appears to lead to political moderation, despite apparent commitment to progressive social change. Whilst the effort to diversify democratic participation and syncretise the best aspects of religious and secular political cultures has promise, ultimately the contributions of religious organisations to democratisation in Sydney through the coalition is ambivalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Baltimore's exclusionary divisions are palpable in the city's long-standing concentration and segregation of its African American population and in its institutions of governance. The city is synonymous with carceral governance, or governance via the criminal justice system and other practices of control, which constrains the political expression of urban citizenship. A focus on the period since the city uprising in 2015, triggered by racist police violence, underlines that the fundamental struggle concerns the democratisation of the city's governance and how this is envisaged. The research affirms a key schism between incremental change, associated with co-option into the status quo, and visions of radical, transformative change. But considering the choices and activities of three civil society organisations refines this bifurcated understanding of civil society responses to carceral governance. The organisations move from protest to policy by combining outsider strategies, focused on youth leadership development, with insider strategies of collaboration with, and policy advocacy targeted at, different tiers of government. In making choices about when they work with and when they work against the state and city elites, the organisations navigate the co-optive risks of incrementalism when it is perceived as contributing towards their vision of transformative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study systematised the preconditions, reasons, peculiarities, procedural aspects, legislative outline, and consequences of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries, namely Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. At the same time, the author based their work on the assumption that lustration – or purge of the officials – was one of the main prerequisites for legitimising political power as a result of the collapse of “old” autocratic communist regimes and the beginning of democratisation and consolidation of the countries of this region. In other words, the study was mainly aimed at clarifying the content and functions, legislative outline and regulation, practices and effects of lustration processes in post-autocratic and democratising political regimes of the Visegrad Group Countries. To do this, the meaning of the concept of “lustration” and the state of the study and understanding of its procedural manifestations and expected effects in the Visegrad Group Countries were first outlined. After that, the author studied and structured the political, legal, and institutional causes, the nature and types of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries. Finally, a comparative analysis (in the format of individual case studies and regional comparisons) of logic, content, and practical implementation of lustration acts, processes and procedures in the analysed Visegrad Group Countries was carried out. As a result, it was concluded that lustration – at least symbolically and ideologically – was indeed a successful mechanism for legitimising a more successful transition from the previous or “old” autocratic regime to the new democratic political regime in the region. After all, a qualitative theorisation of the phenomenon, essence, and components of lustration processes was performed in the Visegrad Group Countries, and the region itself is now quite often held up as an example to other states in this context. However, at the same time it was found that in reality lustration in the countries under consideration was regulated and implemented in very different ways – both in terms of procedures and the resulting consequences, – and this was largely influenced by various dividends and risks during the renewal of political elites through channels and by means of various lustration options. However, in general, the practice of lustration in the region has shown that after the symbolic legitimisation of “new” government, in almost all Visegrad Group Countries lustration started to become less effective and increasingly manipulative and artificial.

The relevance of the stated research subject is conditioned upon the fact that at the beginning of 2022, Ukraine faced new challenges that threaten its sovereignty and territorial integrity and are related to russia's armed aggression. The full-scale invasion is frequently justified by russian politicians as a “fall from grace” and a historical misunderstanding. However, there are hundreds of facts that confirm the thesis that Ukrainian statehood is the result of the centuries-long struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence from the empire. The purpose of this research is to analyse the political path of Ukraine from the period of national and state revival to the present stage of historical development. To address the tasks set, the author used a range of general scientific and special research methods, including historical and genetic, political and legal analysis, and comparative and institutional analysis. The results obtained in the course of the study should be considered as the identification of the main stages of the establishment of Ukrainian statehood and the analysis of the events that established and strengthened Ukraine's independence. In addition, the author identifies the reasons for the strengthening of national-democratic movements and ideas during the Ukrainian Revolution in the late 1980s and in independent Ukraine, explains the content of national revival processes in different historical periods, and analyses the prospects for the development of the state against the backdrop of the war with russia. The materials of this study can be used in research and applied fields, and to explore the issues of Ukrainian state-building, nation-state building in the context of independence and transformation of political institutions