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The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of collective memory in the value contexts of post-modernity. During the 20th century, the culture of memory is revealed through the individual-collective polarity, and in the postmodern era attention is focused on the boundary between them, on the culture of memory in the dimension of the modern media, on the contexts of the global information war. While individual memory loses touch with the past in the dimension of simulated identity, collective memory is usually associated with tradition as a reservoir of memory of the past. Collective memory in the age of modern media is in certain danger of targeted negative external influence, falsification, and inflation. The deepest cultural fears of the 20th century are the deformation or loss of memory, as well as the fear of memory substitution. The main value is linking memory with authenticity in the reproduction of the basic narrative in the cultural practices of today, in which the individual intersects with the collective. That is why the article pays special attention to the border between individual and collective memory, the culture of recall in communicative projects, and the reflection of moral dilemmas in different models of historical memory, the confrontation of different memories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the essayistic discourse of Jasmina Musabegović with a focus on her second and last book of such procédé, Naličje historije (The Reverse Side of History) (1999), without neglecting her early essayistic work compiled in her first book of essays, The Secret and the Meaning of a Literary Work (1977). Since the literary criticism and essayistic work of this author, on the one hand, and her literary and artistic work, on the other, are closely related and interwoven with seemingly contradictory but identical ideologemes, for a more complete insight, her micro-essays that make up fabric of her novels are occasionally taken into consideration in the analysis. The conclusion reached shows that the author’s later literary critique essays, i.e. those that the author wrote during and after the recent war, where the intimate intertwines with the universal and meets a multitude of opposing pairs as well as occasional paroxysms conditioned by a change in life experience, represent a specific, fluid essayistic discourse that can be characterized by the newly coined phrase “women’s essay”.

Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the politics of memory as a broad system of cultural practices and communications in modern Yakutia in the context of the development of cinema as a segment of national identity. The author analyzes the role of historical politics in the development of national memory and identity in the Republic of Sakha-Yakutia in the context of the visuality of modern culture. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles proposed in the memorial and visual turns, which significantly changed the vectors of memory studies, actualizing the principles of interdisciplinarity. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of common and unique features of the functioning of visual dimensions in the politics of memory in Yakutia. The article analyzes 1) visualization strategies of memorial culture, 2) modern Yakut films as elements of modern mnemonic space, 3) the role of visual practices in the development of the memorial canon. The article presents a broad understanding of the historical politics of memory. The author believes that the politics of memory should not be limited only to the activity of specialized institutions and professional politicians who manipulate the facts of the past to solve the problems of the ruling elites. In this article, the politics of memory is analyzed through the prism of national cinema, perceived as one of the forms of constructing images of the past. National cinema, in the context of the politics of memory, solves tasks similar to the same ones of institutionalized actors, but does it by different methods. Therefore, in this article the impact of historical politics to the development of national identity is shown through the prism of the culture of memory and the memorial canon. The results of the study suggest that representatives of the Yakut national intelligentsia are the main actors in historical politics because they construct memorial culture contexts of collective memory visualization. It is assumed that visual forms of memory complement the traditional narrative-discursive strategies for constructing images of the past in the Yakut identity and common mnemonic space.

The article is devoted to the scientific analysis of the problem of memorialization of terrains of Babyn Yar in sovereign Ukraine. The author revealed the historical context of this issue, succinctly presenting the history of the tragedy of Babyn Yar, the crimes of Nazi regime, the murder of civilians — Jews and non-Jewish people of Kiev, during the German occupation of the city during World War II. The article pays special attention to the current state of preservation of the memory of the victims of Babyn Yar, the political component of this problem, in particular the fight against the pro-russian project of commemoration, including Holocaust victims and victims of Babyn Yar. The article considers the main scientific, memorial and political aspects and principles of activity of the private fund "Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Center" (BYHMC). In the article are given the examples of this foundation's interference in Ukrainian memory policy in order to change the Ukrainian tradition of honoring the memory of the victims of World War II, which has developed over the past thirty years, and attempts to promote historical narratives of the Putin regime. The ways of overcoming such influence on the politics and culture of memory in Ukraine are offered, the advantages of the state concept of complex memorialization of Babyn Yar are presented.According to the author, the first step towards the implementation of this concept should be to consolidate the efforts of all those interested in honoring the memory of the victims of the Holocaust and Babyn Yar. First of all, it is a joint effort of specialized, professional institutions, state institutions and non-governmental, public associations to create a real National Memorial on the Babyn Yar territory, which will perpetuate the memory of all civilian and military victims of this tragic place not only in the capital but throughout the country. The author emphasizes the importance and urgency of this form of struggle for memory and history, the need to resist Russian aggression in the field of forming a historical memory of World War II in Ukraine.

Complex socio-historical processes and turning epochs, as well as numerous segments that are an integral part of people's lives, are the subject of interdisciplinary studies. War is one of the most dramatic, most complex social phenomena. In addition to armed operations, there are a number of other dimensions related to war, starting from psychological, legal, sociological, social, economic, cultural to others. Critical and multiple perspectives contribute to the completion of images of politics, wars and their relations. The disintegrations of the ideological paradigm and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were accompanied by the (re)construction of new national identities, the outbreak and duration of „wars“ of different memories, the reshaping of consciousness and the re-examination of history, especially those related to World War II. The history of that war in Yugoslavia was undoubtedly the history of several wars which were stacked on top of each other. The main issue with Bosniaks in that war is a multiperspectival topic that requires a multidimensional and deideologized presentation of the position and the position of all involved actors. Numerous issues related to that war, the complex position of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, the emergence of civic responsibility, Bosniak protection of the vulnerable Serb Orthodox population, humanity and assistance, beyond post-war ideological premises and „official truths“ remained more or less marginalized, although they seek more objective and complete answers from multiple angles, for the sake of a more complete view of the past. What is called „local“ or „regional history“, as evidenced by diverse experiences, indicates the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a certain area. The Second World War in Sandžak could not be understood more objectively outside the broader Yugoslav context. This is also special for the history of Novi Pazar, the largest city in Sandžak which was the subject of many different political plans and conceptions. The history of this city has several sections. After the withdrawal of German forces from Novi Pazar, the Chetniks tried to conquer this city for three times in the fall of 1941. However, thanks to the dedicated defense and the help of Albanian armed groups from Kosovo, Bosniaks managed to defend themselves and Novi Pazar. Even in such a dramatic situation, numerous examples of humanity, solidarity and assistance of Bosniaks to the intimidated Serb urban population have been recorded. In the most difficult days of the war, when Novi Pazar was exposed to Chetnik attacks, a significant part of Bosniaks took actions to prevent anarchy, to save Serbs from terror and revenge. The task of science is to constantly discover forgotten and unknown parts of the past, to re-examine previous knowledge. Everything that happened has a whole range of perspectives. It is necessary to have a multidimensional understanding of the causes and course of events, circuits and time limits, to explain narrowed alternatives. Any reduction of historical totality to only one dimension is problematic. Every nation, every state, in a way, write their „histories“, remember different personalities, events, dates, emphasize various roles, perpetuates monuments, emphatize with different causes and consequences. Contemporary abuses of the interpretation of the war past, one-sided approaches, fierce prejucides and quasi-historical analyzes in the service of the politics damage interethic relations and lead to further growth of tensions and distancing between nations and states in their region.

Knowledge of world / European history is important for a more complete understanding of complex processes, for comparisons and placing national and regional history in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. What determines the course of history is sometimes “a series of smaller events in the midst of the context of big ideas”. The borders of the region are determined by geographical, cultural and geopolitical characteristics, as well as the political interests of those builders whose interpretation has dominance. In expanding or narrowing the territory of the Balkans, politics was usually more decisive than geography. Historical events in that area should be presented from the positions of all its peoples, including Muslim communities. Their narratives also form a legitimate part of the picture of that past. Muslims were not the “favorites” of multiple Balkan historiographies that minimized and marginalized their component, functioning as factors shaping their own national and political ideologies. Historiography does not only deal with the reconstruction of the past, but, with all the difficulties and pitfalls, it also interprets it. A fragmentary study of the destinies of Muslim communities hinders the identification of the broader processes and common denominators of their parcelized history. The processes of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization also led to their particular consciousness within the newly formed, post-Ottoman states. Their historical experience is largely not “condensed, preserved, and generationally transmitted”. The attitude that Muslims are “foreigners” in Europe is part of the mentality and process known as the “Eastern Question”. Minds are not too prone to change. Calling all Muslims “Turks” is not the result of ignorance, but of a concrete attitude. It was not until the Berlin Congress of 1878 that the question of their protection became somewhat relevant. The system of such protection was inadequate, without supervisory mechanisms to control the implementation of commitments. Major political changes most often brought about religious and ethnic changes and displacements in the Balkans. In the study of the decades-long process of formation of the Serbian state in the 19th century in the area of the Smederevo Sandzak and the emigration of Muslims from it, special attention is paid to the fate of two small settlements (Mali Zvornik and Sakar) on the right bank of the Drina. After the surrender of the towns to the Serbs in 1862, only Mali Zvornik and Sakar remained in the hands of the Muslims. The origin of the settlement of Mali Zvornik is connected to the existence of the Zvornik fortress and the town of Zvornik on the left bank of the Drina, which was first mentioned in 1412. Mali Zvornik grew on the right bank of the Drina as part of the town of Zvornik. In the first half of the 18th century, travel writers mention that Mala or Mahala of the Bosnian town of Zvornik, whose inhabitants were called Maholjani, was located there. South of Mali Zvornik lies village of Sakar. In the 19th century, in Mali Zvornik and Sakar, on the border with the Smederevo Sandzak, Muslims made up the majority of the population. As only the Drina separated them from the settlements of Divič and Tabaci on its other side, the inhabitants of these settlements were firmly connected by kinship, friendship and marriage, and they were economically oriented towards each other. The Principality of Serbia was persistent in its demands to get Mali Zvornik and Sakar, having in mind their geostrategic position. By the decision of the Berlin Congress in 1878, they became part of Serbia. Until 1912, these were the only settlements in it with a majority Muslim population. They lost that majority over time. What is conditionally called “local” history, in addition to great narratives, indicates, confirmed by various experiences, the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a particular area.

Cultures of remembrance that are officially affirmed by national elites in the Western Balkan countries, that is in the former Yugoslavia, are a source of ongoing conflict. Various collective memories and mutually antagonized interpretations of the past, show that Croats, Serbs, Bosnians, Macedonians, Montenegrins and others who lived together for centuries and decades within a single state, after all interpret and remember their common history in completely different ways. Their social narratives about the past and dominant cultures of memory are predominantly selective, one-sided, intolerant, exclusive. After a long time, they lived together members of different ethnic, religious and national backgrounds and their historically unfinished and unsuccessful attempt to form a common Yugoslav culture and unique Yugoslav identity, a difficult civil war occurred, ethno-nationalism escalated, and people who were very close and very similar to one another, tried to create as much difference and distance between themselves through violence. All national communities that participated in the wars of the 1990s, emphasized defending national culture as one of their main tasks. The warring parties sought to destroy everything that reminded them that different people, their neighbors and friends of a different religion were living there. Today, three decades after these conflicts, they are still prisoners of their attitude to history. The culture nevertheless brings them together and inspires them to understand themselves more and to cooperate better.

Similarly to other European countries, the history of the Roma population in Croatian areas was marked mostly by most periods of persecution and suffering, when the authorities tried to use repression in order to assimilate the Roma into the majority population. One such period was during World War II, when genocide against the Roma was carried out in many European countries by the Nazi authorities and their allies. After the War, the culture of remembering Roma victims became marginalised in Croatia. This paper examines how Croatian lexicography approached the issue of the significance of Roma suffering during World War II in selected lexicographical works from 1945 till today, and compares it to lexicographical publications from certain other European countries. Research shows that Croatian lexicography neglected the importance of Roma genocidal suffering as a central point in the history of the Roma population. Such a similar marginal attitude towards Roma suffering in World War II was present in other European lexicographies, which is only one of the arguments in favour of the thesis that post-war society in Europe, including Croatian society, neglected the importance of researching Roma suffering in war and thus marginalised the culture of remembrance of Roma victims of genocide, especially in science and culture.

The radical change of politics and ideology in the post-Communist states in the Yugoslav area caused a revaluation of national histories. The production of desirable history has the political support of the current authorities in the states that emerged from the break-up of Yugoslavia. The features of revaluing the past and writing desirable history are: anti-communism, anti-Yugoslavism and radical nationalism. At the same time, the engaged attitude towards anti-fascism as a national phenomenon is evident. Partisan anti-fascism is diminished or denied, the partisan movement and Communist ideology are criminalized by insisting on real and imagined crimes, retaliation and repression against ideological opponents. Communism is completely declared a totalitarianism and a nationally harmful ideology. On the other hand, the ideology and practice of the subjects of collaboration are being relativized and efforts are being made to relativize responsibility, to present collaboration as a national need. Through a series of resolutions and recommendations from 1996 to 2019, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe obliged the former socialist states to reconsider their past, to "dismantle" communism and remove the consequences of Communist rule, to rehabilitate victims of punishment for ideological conflicts. Everything is at the level of theory and anti-communist ideology. Procedures are not standardized, as the re-examination of the Communist-socialist past should be performed by the proposed subjects who can competently revise history and eliminate the consequences of totalitarian rule. History is being re-examined by whoever wants it, and rehabilitation without guilt is being done by local courts. There are no clear statements that revisionist practice is conditioned by European resolutions and declarations, but the character and content of revisionist journalism is in line with the adopted requirements.

The article is a polemic with the text by Dragiša Vasić entitled “History and Ethnic Identity in Sarajevo Fog: Examples of Politicizing and Mythologizing the Bosniak Historical Narrative,” published in the previous issue of Tokovi istorije. It analyzes the methodology used by Vasić, the sources on which he based his thesis, his argumentation, and his references. Special attention is given to the final part of Vasić’s text, which was assessed as a political pamphlet unworthy of a scientific journal.

The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).

The aim of the paper was to establish the frames of remembering the Yugoslavian past in the Serbian media in the context of two important anniversaries which coincided: the centenary of the first Yugoslavia (the Kingdom of SHS) and the 75th anniversary of the second, socialist Yugoslavia. Drawing upon the theoretical and methodological paradigms of the memory culture and the concept of framing, the analysis was focused on the coverage of five daily newspapers online editions: Blic, Danas, Večernje novosti, Politika, Kurir and central news programs of the public broadcaster Radio Television of Serbia and Television N1 in the period between 28th November and 4th December. The results of the conducted research showed the presence of three frames: revisionist, nostalgic and critical counter-narrative, constructed by different strategies. The media framing of the Yugoslavian past reflects the decades-long frozen conflict of memory in public discourse between official, institutional, and unofficial critical, engaged, so-called, counter-memories.

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The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.

The paper analyzes the attitudes of Serbian citizens towards the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, expressed during the period of gradual stabilization of the capitalist order. The analysis is based on the data collected in 2012 on a representative sample of population in Serbia, within a project of the Institute for Sociological Research of the University of Belgrade - Faculty of Philosophy. Research findings showed that, in the period of accelerated transformation of society, positive opinion about socialist Yugoslavia was very pronounced among Serbian citizens. However, there are statistically significant differences in the level of agreement with pro-Yugoslav attitudes among different social groups, as respondents' age, social class and value orientations are identified as important factors.

The purpose of the research is to describe the specifics of the formation of the discourse of politics of memory in Russia and to determine the means of its instrumentalization as applied to the processes of development of civic culture, aimed at unification of people around the common historical heritage. Regarding methodology, the potential of cultural & sociological approach, constructivism, the theory of social and symbolic capital, and inter-disciplinary analysis of monumental policy and its role in consideration of civic culture and creation of significant images of historical past is used. The authors dwell on the key directions in the spheres of studying the politics of memory in Russia as a tool of formation of civic culture in the context of global and regional trends; determine the specifics of politics of memory in Russia and define the state's role in this process in view of the tendencies of formation of civic nation and unification around the common historical heritage; describe the complexities which might be faced by politics of memory in South of Russia -- which are largely predetermined by the ethnocultural differences; consider further perspectives of development of research of politics of memory and civic culture in Russia within the influence of the "Eastern European discourse of memory" and other regional narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Serbian-Bulgarian relations, which were often marked by political and diplomatic conϐlicts and wars, culminated in the World War I. After the war, the Bulgarians became deeply rooted in the collective memory of the Serbs as an “arch-enemy” and the most hated nation. This could also be seen in the way the common recent past was interpreted. The aim of this paper is to show the ways the publicly and ofϐicially treasured memory of the recent past of Serbian-Bulgarian relations can be used politically, and the way the war sufferings and calamities, historical dates and events, were used in the internal political and ideological discourse.

Interpretations of texts on Sarı Saltuk may serve as a central example of the entanglement of Muslim and Christian contexts in (south-)eastern Europe and the Near East. Analyzing the fifteenth-century Saltuk-nâme and reports by Evliya Çelebi from the seventeenth century, a wide extension of the area concerned, as far as Poland-Lithuania, Muscovy and Sweden, can be observed. With the change of the contents of reports from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, an increasing interest in Christians participating in the veneration of sites connected to Sarı Saltuk can be remarked. Yet descriptions of a veneration of Sarı S altuk in a non-Muslim setting r emain firmly embedded in Christian contexts, complicating a transreligious interpretation of them. In today’s Turkish perspective, though, Sarı Saltuk is no longer contextualized in a manner encompassing Russia and Poland, too, but much more in a context focusing on and affirming national Turkish Anatolian or nationalized post-Ottoman contents in the Balkans.

This paper, based on the analysis of Albanian odonyms in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica and Serbian odonyms in the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, examines the current ideological and political orientations, differences in regard to cultural and social priorities of residents living on both sides of the Ibar River, as well as the manner and extent of abolishing the old and establishing the new town identity. It is established that odonyms, among other things, play an important role in shaping the public opinion and value system of the population. The research has shown that both Albanian and Serbian odonyms are of the commemorative type, and that Albanian commemorative odonyms primarily consist of names of war and rebellion participants, whereas Serbian commemorative odonyms are devoted to cultural dignitaries. Furthermore, although Albanian odonyms considerably outnumber the Serbian odonym corpus, the latter is characterised by a greater variety of motifs.

In this article, I present my personal story as a teacher-educator who participated in a binational (Israeli-German) teaching project that investigated the reading processes of students belonging to the second and third post-Holocaust generations. The students read literary works in Hebrew, German, and other languages written by members of the second and third post-Holocaust generations. My involvement in the project triggered the question of how to represent their experience of reading the literary works, of the teaching processes, and of what I learned from the process. This led to the writing of an autoethnography that accompanied my work as a teacher-educator in this project. The autoethnographic writing process was significant for my comprehension of the issue of Holocaust memory due to the fact that I am a second-generation Holocaust survivor. While the experience described is important in understanding the processes that are probably undergone by teachers who are second- and third-generation Holocaust survivors, the manner in which the Holocaust ethos is perceived in Israel precludes discussing them.

Između 1870 i 1945, Alzašani i deo Lorenaca12 (Mozelani13) menjali su svoju nacionalnost četiri puta. Za vreme dva svetska rata 1914–1918. i 1939–1945, neki su nosili francusku, a većina nemačku uniformu. Prvi svetski rat 1918. godine završili su kao pobeđeni, da bi se 1919. našli u taboru pobednika na osnovu odluka Konferencije mira u Versaju koja ih je dodelila Francuskoj. U Drugom svetskom ratu 1940. godine doživeli su poraz kao i svi Francuzi, zatim je najveći broj njih uključen u nemačku vojsku (1942), da bi 1944–1945. bili oslobođeni od strane saveznika. Jedan alzaški humorista mogao je zato da kaže da je jedina uniforma koja im je po svoj prilici odgovarala bila uniforma ratnih zarobljenika. Kako je, dakle, izgrađeno pamćenje takve populacije? Kako je ono urezano na kamenu spomenika stradalnicima koji u srcu gradova Alzasa-Mozela svedoče danas o podvojenosti prošlosti ovih oblasti? Podeljeno i suprotstavljeno nasleđe prošlosti istoka Francuske može da se analizira u nekoliko hronoloških i problemskih celina. Razvoj značenja pojmova sećanje (souvenir) i pamćenje (mémoire) u francuskom društvu u drugoj polovini 20. veka pokazuje u kojoj meri su spomenici žrtvama stradalim u ratovima bili odraz vremena u kome su nastali. Za razliku od većine spomenika stradalnicima u Francuskoj, spomenici u Alzasu i departmanu Mozel najčešće nose hrišćanska obeležja. To može da se objasni posebnom zakonskom regulativom koja je primenjivana u Alzasu-Mozelu posle njihove reintegracije u nacionalne okvire 1918. godine. Ipak, ikonografija i natpisi na ovim spomenicima su se razlikovali između većih i manjih gradova u inače veoma urbanizovanoj oblasti Francuske. Poseban status ovih oblasti doprineo je da se između dva svetska rata uspostavi osoben „građansko-religijski“ kult u kome je sveštenstvo imalo značajnu ulogu. Uspostavljeni model pamćenja prošlosti radikalno je izmenjen za vreme aneksije Alzas-Mozela od strane nacističke Nemačke, koja je uništavala spomenike koji su podsećali na francusko prisustvo. Period neposredno posle Drugog svetskog rata i povratka ovih oblasti Francuskoj bio je sličan razdoblju posle Prvog svetskog rata: insistiralo se na patriotskom ushićenju ali i obnovi religijskih osećanja. Međutim, veliko kulturološko i religijsko previranje krajem šezdesetih godina XX veka imalo je posledice i u domenu pamćenja. Na osnovu postulata opšteg osporavanja svakog autoriteta, stavljani su pod znak pitanja i pojmovi oko kojih je nekada uspostavljan konsenzus u društvu: otadžbina, vojska, vera i poštovanje prema žrtvama predaka. Od tada je priliv građana zainteresovanih za komemorativne svečanosti bio u stalnom opadanju. Ipak, krajem devedesetih godina XX veka došlo je do ponovnog oživljavanja interesovanja za Prvi svetski rat pod uticajem izražene pažnje koja je poklanjana Drugom svetskom ratu. Mnogi spomenici stradalnicima su „ponovo otkriveni“ zbog različitih pitanja koja su počela da interesuju široku publiku. U ovom periodu, javila su se i nova mesta pamćenja koja se znatno razlikuju od onih iz dvadesetih godina XX veka bilo da podsećaju na proces francusko-nemačkog pomirenja, aspekte francuske kolonijalne prošlosti ili lokalne istorije Alzas-Mozela. U Alzas-Mozelu, kao i u ostatku Francuske, pamćenje prošlosti doživelo je velika previranja u poslednjih tridesetak godina. Zbog povećanja nezainteresovanosti mlađih generacija za javne svečanosti kao i usled procesa dehristijanizacije, „nacionalni i hrišćanski“ kult vezan za spomenike stradalnicima u Alzas-Mozelu izgubio je veliki deo svoje snage. Ipak, nezaobilazni u srcu gradova, spomenici stradalnicima su ostali važan simbol za Alzašane i Mozelane koji žele da ispolje svoju vezanost na lokalnom, nacionalnom i ponekad konfesionalnom nivou. Na taj način, oni izražavaju dvojnost i posebnost istorije koju mnogi ne žele da zaborave, čak i ako je ona odavno prevaziđena i uzvišena francusko-nemačkim pomirenjem i procesom stvaranja Evrope čiji je Strazbur jedan od centara.

Fußball is the most popular sport in Germany. The reasons for this extraordinary status and success of association football in Germany are complex. In this article, answers are searched for in the context of the historical development of German society. After a review of the recent development of German football and football historiography, the paper focuses on two issues relating to the origins of German football. These are the transformation of football in the then dominant body culture of gymnastics, and secondly its impact on the German process of nation-building. Both processes are not only linked, but also related to the concept of manliness in German sport and society. This is the reason why women’s football in Germany was not accepted until the late 1960s in German society—and British as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Holiday memories maintain the continuity of a society with the past and help keep the past alive in the memory of the community. The holiday calendar of the Yugoslav and Serbian state in the second half of the 20th century changed with every regime change, which meant that the contents of holiday memories changed along. The culture of memory in Serbia during socialism served the purpose of “socializing” the society, but also imprinting the achievements of the people’s liberation war into the consciousness of the people. In the holiday culture of memory in Serbia after 2000 political holidays are intertwined as symbols with the newly established tradition of remembering events from the first half of the 19th century, as well as religious holidays with roots in the mythical past. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177028: Strategije identiteta - savremena kultura i religioznost]

This article analyses how it was that the Sarmatian portrait, a phenomenon typical of Polish Baroque art in the twentieth century, came to be a symbol of Polishness, and to what extent this pop-cultural vision of the ‘Polish Baroque’ was formed by contemporary art historiography. Looking at exhibition catalogues and works published on Baroque art and the Baroque portrait, it explores the origins of the popularity of the Sarmatian Portrait in Cold-War Poland. Despite its direct connection to the ideologically problematic history of the Polish ruling class – the szlachta or gentry – there were many retrospective exhibitions on Polish Baroque portrait art held during the time of the People’s Republic. Due to their supposed realism they were regarded as the emanation of a timeless Polish spirit, and were often juxtaposed to western European portraits of the same period, which were described in negative terms as artificially idealistic and excessively courtly.

The revitalization of religion in postsocialism is followed by the revitalization of individual narratives about religious life in socialism. On the one hand, the lived experience is connected to the contemporary revitalization of religion and the public discourse promoted by the Serbian Orthodox church on the repression it suffered during socialism, and on the other hand, interlocutors tell of their positive experiences which stand in contrast to official stories. The research presented in this paper is directed toward the conceptualization of individual narratives which actualize the memories of the faithful of the life during socialism. Special attention has been paid to those aspects of the past which interlocutors consider relevant for interpreting their own relationship with religion, meanings attributed to memories and ways in which they are connected and interpreted i the context of the present.

With the onset of political overturn in Serbia in 2000, the process of the ideological reconfiguration of public places was simultaneously being put in motion. One of the most prominent means of this endeavor was naming and renaming of urban space, primarily of streets and squares, but also treatment of existing memorial sites and monuments and commissioning and erection of new ones. These undertakings were especially prominent in Serbia’s capital Belgrade. Such processes were opposed several times by certain political parties and groups which organized street-actions of counter-naming of Belgrade’s thoroughfares and campaigns against newly designated public monuments, and power-play and identity politics of such proceedings will be commented on here. This paper will discuss practices of several artistic and political groups which carried out unofficial street-renaming actions and performances, or discussed and opposed proposed new memorials. By (re)naming certain urban spaces, hegemonic political coalitions are trying to construct significant symbolic places, while oppositional counter-actions are seeking to overtake those same places and reinterpret them. This paper will attempt to sum up and inquire into the ideological politics of official memory discourses and artistic and political counter-politics and actions of opposition or alternative commemoration.

Copyright of Religion & Culture / Religija ir Kultura is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historical and cultural memory is put into practice through narratives. As a narrative medium, literature plays an important role in the process of transformation of the past events in cultural memory. This transformation includes critical reflection or affirmation of various aspects of memory and its social context. Literary texts in this paper include short stories of Jan Drda, Josef Škvorecký and Zdeněk Rotrekl which deal with the final days of the World War Two.

The revitalization of religion in postsocialism is followed by the revitalization of individual narratives about religious life in socialism. On the one hand, the lived experience is connected to the contemporary revitalization of religion and the public discourse promoted by the Serbian Orthodox church on the repression it suffered during socialism, and on the other hand, interlocutors tell of their positive experiences which stand in contrast to official stories. The research presented in this paper is directed toward the conceptualization of individual narratives which actualize the memories of the faithful of the life during socialism. Special attention has been paid to those aspects of the past which interlocutors consider relevant for interpreting their own relationship with religion, meanings attributed to memories and ways in which they are connected and interpreted i the context of the present.

This article examines two chapters from Martin Sabrow's 2009 edited volume Erinnerungsorte der DDR, one on antifascism and one on Buchenwald. These two case studies exemplify the complexities of the contemporary German memorial landscape. In particular, they thematize the remembrance of the Nazi past in the German Democratic Republic and how this GDR past has, in turn, been tendentiously remembered since unification. By examining the layering of memories in these two chapters, we argue that the theoretical models which often underpin contemporary German memory work, Sabrow's volume included, serve to obscure the role of the state as carrier of official memory. On the basis of this study, we show that concepts dominant in today's Germany promote a unified national narrative. In particular, terms such as the 'culture of memory' (Erinnerungskultur) and cultural memory (kulturelles Gedächtnis) downplay conflicting, contentious and diverse memories relating to the GDR past. As such, the article provides a timely note of caution for memory studies and memory work, which increasingly applies these models to wider, non-German contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how rebel Serbs in Croatia reinterpreted narratives of World War Two to justify their uprising against the democratically elected Croatian government in 1990 and gain domestic and international legitimacy for the Republika Srpska Krajina (RSK) parastate. While scholars have written about the strategies nationalist elites used regarding controversial symbols and the rehabilitation of World War Two collaborators in Croatia and other Yugoslav successor states, the RSK's “culture of memory” has received little attention. Based on documents captured after the RSK's defeat in 1995, this article shows that it was not only the government of Franjo Tudjman that rejected the Partisan narratives of “Brotherhood and Unity,” but a parallel process took place among the leadership in the Krajina. Ultimately the decision to base the historical foundations of the Croatian Serbs' political goals on a chauvinist and extremist interpretation of the past resulted in a criminalized entity that ended tragically for both Serbs and Croats living on the territory of the RSK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Historiae Artis Slovenica is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Historiae Artis Slovenica is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is no doubt about the particular importance of the revolution of 1989 in the present German memory culture. The historical research is reaching an agreement on the question concerning the various factors bringing birth to the East-German uprising 20 years after this incident: the economical crisis, the mass emigration, the civil right movement, the mass protest movement, the reform movement in the grass roots of the SED and the strict refusal of any reforms in the SED leadership. But there are still controversial debates about the historical evaluation of the separate factors. Especially the actual role of the civil rights movement is considered an open-ended question. In this context former civil rights activists are arguing against its marginalisation and the national narrative of "1989", which is dominated by the German unification. The article will focus on the present themes and forms of memory of the East-German revolution of 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]