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To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2009.00714.x Byline: Paul Teague (1) Abstract: Abstract This article uses the theory of path dependency to explain the evolution of employment conflict resolution systems in Ireland and Sweden. It argues that the traditional 'voluntarist' conflict management path followed in Ireland has fragmented as a result of a series of internal developments that have reduced trade union density, increased the importance of employment law in the settlement of workplace disputes and established social partnership as the main wage-setting mechanism. By contrast, the Swedish system has experienced reform within the boundaries of the established conflict management path, which is largely attributable to the still powerful role played by trade unions within the country. Thus, while the operating rules of the system have changed, its core underlying principles - collectivism and self-regulation - remain intact. Author Affiliation: (1)School of Management, Queens University Belfast Article History: Final version accepted on 14 September 2008.

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2008.00706.x Byline: Paul Teague (1), Jimmy Donaghey (1) Abstract: Abstract The present system of social partnership in Ireland is in its twentieth year. A range of explanations have been put forward to explain why social partnership has been so durable even though it does not possess the institutional endowments often considered necessary to sustain tripartite industrial relations arrangements. Although these accounts are considered to have merits, this article suggests that they also suffer from a range of weaknesses. The article suggests that the longevity of the social partnership regime is a result of it being part of an unorthodox system of institutional complementarities that triggered a spectacular period of economic and employment growth. Author Affiliation: (1)Queen's University Belfast Article History: Final version accepted on 29 July 2008.

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2006.00426.x Byline: Jimmy Donaghey (1), Paul Teague (1) Abstract: ABSTRACT The big EU enlargement of 2004 has fuelled the debate about whether labour migration from the east to the west is causing social dumping in the European economy, with the effect of upsetting established national systems of labour market regulation. This article reviews the effects of migration on EU labour markets. It also examines three recent industrial relations disputes which were about job displacement. It argues that there is little evidence of greater labour mobility causing new social dumping pressures on a widespread basis. However, it goes on to suggest that the situation may change if the EU adopts neoliberal policies such as the initial draft Services Directive at the same time as promoting greater labour market openness between the Member States. The article concludes by arguing for a better policy mix which would on the one hand involve the EU maintaining its commitment to the free movement of workers and on the other hand strengthen labour standard-setting mechanisms at both the EU and national levels. Author Affiliation: (1)School of Management and Economics, Queen's University, Belfast Article note: Jimmy Donaghey is Lecturer in Management and Paul Teague is Martin Naughton Chair of Management, School of Management and Economics, Queen's University, Belfast. should be addressed to Dr Jimmy Donaghey, School of Management and Economics, 25 University Square, Queen's University Belfast, Belfast BT7 1NN, UK; email: j.donaghey@qub.ac.uk

The Irish model of social partnership is considered distinctive as it is based on the principles of deliberative democracy more than adversarial bargaining. The deliberative features of the model are considered to be threefold. First, the negotiations to conclude national social agreements are not confined to the government, trade unions and employers, but also include a wide range of civil associations. Second, agreements are not simply concerned with wage determination, but cover a wide range of matters designed to promote social inclusion. Third, there is an effort to avoid agreements being overly centralized by promoting programmes at the local, territorial level. This paper examines the validity of this argument by assessing efforts to forge a local dimension to the social partnership model. The conclusions suggest that while the model has improved the delivery of public services, it is premature to claim that Irish social partnership represents a new model of labour market governance based on deliberative democracy.

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