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Minimum unit pricing for alcohol (MUP) came into effect on 1st May 2018 in Scotland, raising the price of the cheapest shop-bought alcohol. Small retailers are a key source of alcohol for communities, often located in areas of high alcohol-related harm. We sought to examine their experiences of MUP implementation and impact. We conducted semi-structured interviews in-store with 20 small retailers in central Scotland at two time points: October – November 2017 (6–7 months pre-implementation); and October – November 2018 (5–6 months post-implementation). Prior to implementation, some retailers did not understand MUP, including how prices would link to product strength, or were concerned about anticipated implementation burden. Several expressed support for reducing 'problem' drinking or suggested that MUP would increase alcohol prices in supermarkets bringing them into line with small retailers. Despite initial concerns, small retailers reported minimal disruption following implementation of MUP, which was generally straightforward. Compliance was taken seriously and price calculations relatively manageable. Few/no negative reactions from customers were reported. Some felt that the measure enabled them to better compete with larger retailers/supermarkets. Concerns about MUP expressed by some trade bodies prior to implementation were largely not borne out in the experiences of small retailers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: The study examined normative school drug-education practice in Scotland and the extent to which it reflected the evidence base for effective drug education. Methods: Current guidance in Scotland was compared with systematic review evidence on drug-education effectiveness; a survey was mailed to primary, secondary and special schools (928 questionnaires returned); and 100 drug-education lessons were systematically observed across 40 schools. Findings: Nearly all schools provided drug education but modes of delivery and learning approaches did not always reflect the evidence base. There was a strong reliance on information provision and more limited use of social influences, resistance and normative approaches. Teaching was reasonably interactive, particularly with teachers who had been trained. Although drug education was provided across all school years, there was limited linkage and some duplication of content for different age groups. The rationale for resource use was not always clear, and some resources were inappropriate for pupils. Conclusions: Recommendations for closing the gap between evidence and practice include: guidance that emphasizes more strongly the weight of evidence behind recommendations; training in effective approaches; greater continuity and integration of drug education across the whole curriculum; a review of resources; and better guidance on using external visitors. (Contains 8 tables and 1 note.)

Background: The ActWELL randomised controlled trial assessed the effectiveness of a weight management programme delivered by volunteer lifestyle coaches (LCs) in women attending breast clinics. The intervention focused on caloric intake and physical activity, utilising behavioural change techniques including a weight awareness plan (WAP). The current work is a secondary analysis of the ActWELL data and aims to examine the response to the weight self‐awareness plan (used as part of the intervention programme). Methods: The LCs invited participants (n = 279) to undertake an implementation intention discussion to formulate a self‐weighing (SW) plan. Bodyweight scales were offered, and recording books provided. The physical activity component of the intervention focused on a walking plan assessed by accelerometers. The LCs contacted participants by telephone monthly and provided personalised feedback. Mann–Whitney tests and chi‐squared analysis were used to examine the effect of SW on weight change. A qualitative evaluation utilising semi‐structured interviews was also undertaken. Results: Most participants (96.4%) agreed to set a weekly SW goal and 76 (27%) requested scales. At 12 months, 226 (81%) returned for follow up. The median (interquartile range) weight change for those who self‐ reported at least one weight (n = 211) was −2.3 kg (−5.0 to 0.0) compared to −1.2 kg (−5.0 to 0.03) in those who did not (n = 14). Participants who reported weights on more than eight occasions (39%) were significantly more likely (p = 0.012) to achieve 5% weight loss compared to those who weighed less often. Low numbers of accelerometers were returned that did not allow for significance testing. Qualitative data (n = 24) indicated that many participants found the WAP helpful and motivating. Conclusions: Greater adherence to the WAP initiated by volunteer coaches is associated with achieving 5% weight loss. Key points: Volunteer coaches successfully supported women to lose weight in the ActWELL trial.Secondary analysis demonstrated that adherence to a weight awareness programme was associated with achieving 5% weight loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background In response to public concerns and campaigns, some United Kingdom supermarkets have implemented policies to reduce less-healthy food at checkouts. We explored the effects of these policies on purchases of less-healthy foods commonly displayed at checkouts. Methods and findings We used a natural experimental design and two data sources providing complementary and unique information. We analysed data on purchases of small packages of common, less-healthy, checkout foods (sugary confectionary, chocolate, and potato crisps) from 2013 to 2017 from nine UK supermarkets (Aldi, Asda, Co-op, Lidl, M&S, Morrisons, Sainsbury's, Tesco, and Waitrose). Six supermarkets implemented a checkout food policy between 2013 and 2017 and were considered intervention stores; the remainder were comparators. Firstly, we studied the longitudinal association between implementation of checkout policies and purchases taken home. We used data from a large (n [almost equal to] 30,000) household purchase panel of food brought home to conduct controlled interrupted time series analyses of purchases of less-healthy common checkout foods from 12 months before to 12 months after implementation. We conducted separate analyses for each intervention supermarket, using others as comparators. We synthesised results across supermarkets using random effects meta-analyses. Implementation of a checkout food policy was associated with an immediate reduction in four-weekly purchases of common checkout foods of 157,000 (72,700-242,800) packages per percentage market share-equivalent to a 17.3% reduction. This decrease was sustained at 1 year with 185,100 (121,700-248,500) fewer packages purchased per 4 weeks per percentage market share-equivalent to a 15.5% reduction. The immediate, but not sustained, effect was robust to sensitivity analysis. Secondly, we studied the cross-sectional association between checkout food policies and purchases eaten without being taken home. We used data from a smaller (n [almost equal to] 7,500) individual purchase panel of food bought and eaten 'on the go'. We conducted cross-sectional analyses comparing purchases of common checkout foods in 2016-2017 from supermarkets with and without checkout food policies. There were 76.4% (95% confidence interval 48.6%-89.1%) fewer annual purchases of less-healthy common checkout foods from supermarkets with versus without checkout food policies. The main limitations of the study are that we do not know where in the store purchases were selected and cannot determine the effect of changes in purchases on consumption. Other interventions may also have been responsible for the results seen. Conclusions There is a potential impact of checkout food polices on purchases. Voluntary supermarket-led activities may have public health benefits., Author(s): Katrine T. Ejlerskov 1, Stephen J. Sharp 1, Martine Stead 2, Ashley J. Adamson 3, Martin White 1, Jean Adams 1,* Introduction In most industrialised countries, large supermarket chains [...]

Debate is ongoing about mandating COVID-19 vaccination to maximise uptake. Policymakers must consider whether to mandate, for how long, and in which contexts, taking into account not only legal and ethical questions but also public opinion. Implementing mandates among populations who oppose them could be counterproductive. Qualitative telephone interviews (Feb-May 2021) with British adults explored views on vaccine passports and mandatory vaccination. Participants (n = 50) were purposively selected from respondents to a probability-based national survey of attitudes to COVID-19 vaccination, to include those expressing vaccine-hesitancy. Data were analysed thematically. Six themes were identified in participants' narratives concerning mandates: (i) mandates are a necessary and proportionate response for some occupations to protect the vulnerable and facilitate the resumption of free movement; (ii) mandates undermine autonomy and choice; (iii) mandates represent an over-reach of state power; (iv) mandates could potentially create 'vaccine apartheid'; (v) the importance of context and framing; and (vi) mandates present considerable feasibility challenges. Those refusing vaccination tended to argue strongly against mandates. However, those in favour of vaccination also expressed concerns about freedom of choice, state coercion and social divisiveness. To our knowledge, this is the first in-depth UK study of public views on COVID-19 vaccine mandates. It does not assess support for different mandates but explores emotions, principles and reasoning underpinning views. Our data suggest that debate around mandates can arouse strong concerns and could entrench scepticism. Policymakers should proceed with caution. While surveys can provide snapshots of opinion on mandates, views are complex and further consultation is needed regarding specific scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The advertising of e-cigarettes in the UK is regulated through the revised EU Tobacco Products Directive and the Tobacco and Related Products Regulations, with further rules set out in the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) Committees of Advertising (CAP) Code. Focusing on the ASA CAP Code Rules, we examined e-cigarette advertising regulation compliance in traditional advertising channels and on social media.Methods: We conducted a content analysis of UK e-cigarette and related product advertising using a randomly selected sample (n = 130) of advertising in traditional channels and on Instagram which appeared between January and December 2019. All ads were independently double-coded to assess compliance with each CAP Code Rule.Results: In traditional channels, our sample of advertising had largely good compliance. Only very small numbers of these ads appeared to be clearly in breach of any of the ASA rules (5% were in breach of Rule 22.7; 2% of Rule 22.9; and 1% of Rule 22.10). In contrast, we judged that all of the Instagram sample (n = 30) was in breach of Rule 22.12. For some rules, it was not possible to make definitive judgments about compliance, given uncertainty regarding how a rule should be interpreted and applied.Conclusions: We found overall good compliance for advertising in traditional channels, but assessed all of our social media advertising samples was in breach of regulations. Current guidance on e-cigarette advertising could be improved to facilitate e-cigarette advertising assessment and regulation. It would be beneficial to bring consumer perspectives into the assessment of regulation compliance.Implications: The regulation of e-cigarette advertising is a global concern. The UK Government has a statutory obligation to review the Tobacco and Related Products Regulations by May 2021. This study assessed compliance with current UK e-cigarette advertising regulations on placement and content. We identified areas where greater clarity is needed and outlined implications for future regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Since May 2017, standardized packaging has been mandatory in the UK, with packs required to display an 'information message' explaining that there are more than 70 carcinogens in tobacco smoke. Methods Three waves of a longitudinal online survey in the UK with smokers pre-standardized packaging (Wave 1: April–May 2016) and followed up post-standardized packaging (Wave 2: September–November 2017, Wave 3: May–July 2019). Of the 6233 smokers at Wave 1, 4293 responded at Wave 2 and 3175 at Wave 3. We explored knowledge of the number of carcinogens in smoke, and whether knowing that smoke contains more than 70 carcinogens mediated change in the belief that the dangers of smoking are exaggerated (risk perception), stubbing out cigarettes, quit intentions and quitting. As the information message is larger on roll-your-own packs than on cigarette packs, as the packs are larger, we also explored whether there was any difference in knowing that smoke contains more than 70 carcinogens between exclusive cigarette smokers and exclusive roll-your-own smokers. Results Knowledge that there are over 70 carcinogens in smoke increased among smokers across waves, with the increase from Waves 1 to 3 greater for exclusive roll-your-own smokers than exclusive cigarette smokers (adjusted odds ratio=1.44; 95% CI 1.03–2.03). Knowledge that there are over 70 carcinogens in smoke mediated higher risk perception but not stubbing cigarettes out, quit intentions or quitting. Conclusions The information message improved knowledge of how many carcinogens are in smoke, particularly among exclusive roll-your-own smokers, and this was linked to higher risk perception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]