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For those fleeing violent political conflict home-country politics may be uniquely challenging. Given the high stakes which refugees are more likely to engage in home country politics? This article focuses on two sets of factors: experiences of hardship in the context of emigration, transiting and settling to their destination country; and the ongoing social ties to family and friends left behind. For our analysis, we draw on a recently collected nationally representative survey of Syrian refugees in Canada (N = 1974). We find that among those resettled in Canada, experiences of hardships in Syria and while in transit in their interim country are associated with less engagement in the political affairs of Syria. On the other hand, those who have a harder time settling into life in Canada also tend to remain more interested in home-country politics. In contrast to some findings in research on labour migrants, those who maintain close personal ties to friends and family back in Syria remain more engaged with politics. Together, the findings highlight the unique pressures refugees face and the role these pressures may have on continued interest in the political affairs of their home country after migrating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social ties play a central role in migrant labor market integration. Whereas existing research focusses on the co-ethnic ties that also drive migration, this paper examines the effect of connections that reach beyond the co-ethnic community. Studying the effects of such ties is challenging as they are generally both a cause and consequence of integration. We examine a case where a quasi-random sub-set of migrants is provided ties that reach outside the co-ethnic community upon arrival in Canada through a refugee sponsor program where community groups support refugees with whom they have no pre-existing ties called the Blended Visa-Office Referred (BVOR) program. Although sponsorship has no effect on the probability of employment, we find that it improves skill utilization. Refugees with sponsors are more likely to obtain higher-skilled employment and less likely to be self-employed. We also present data on the characteristics of friendship networks to support our argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration yields pervasive cross-border social engagements, yet homeland political involvements are modest to minimal. This contrast reflects the ways in which the distinctive characteristics of expatriate political life impede participation in the polity that emigrants have left behind. As polities are bounded, moving to the territory of a different state yields political detachment: diminishing awareness of home country political matters and weakened ties to the home state's electoral institutions. To assess this argument, we use a representative survey of the Mexican-born population in the United States to analyze two critical conditions for participation in expatriate elections: emigrants' ability to demonstrate eligibility to vote and their knowledge about voting procedures. We find clear signs of detachment. Most Mexican emigrants are not in a position to participate in homeland politics. Social ties, while pervasive, are associated with more knowledge only for the very small segment of the most engaged.

Do discriminatory US immigration policies affect foreign public opinion about Americans? When examining negative reactions to US actions perceived as bullying on the world stage, existing research has focused either on US policies that involve direct foreign military intervention or seek to influence foreign countries' domestic economic policy or policies advocating minority representation. We argue that US immigration policies – especially when they are perceived as discriminatory – can similarly generate anti-American sentiment. We use a conjoint experiment embedded in a unique survey of Nigerian expatriates in Ghana. Comparing respondents before and after President Trump surpisingly announced a ban on Nigerian immigration to the United States, we find a large drop (13 percentage points) in Nigerian's favorability towards Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the Pew Hispanic Center's 2006 National Survey of Latinos to study the everyday, routine cross-border activities of travel, remittance sending and telephone communication among Latin American immigrants in the United States. We ask how migrants vary in the intensity of their cross-border connections, distinguishing among the transmigrants, those captured by the host-country national social field, and those who maintain some ongoing home-country tie. We then examine the characteristics associated both with variations in the intensity of connectedness and with each specific type of connection. We show that most migrants maintain some degree of home-country connectedness, with a minority severing ties and a still smaller minority maintaining ties at a high degree of intensity. Connectivity is highly responsive to the location of key social ties, acculturation, and citizenship status, as well as the costs associated with the different types of cross-border activity. Keywords: Transnationalism; immigration; cross-border activities; remittances; assimilation; return visits. DOI: 10.1080/01419871003624050

Survey research on migrants is notoriously challenging, especially if the goal is to collect data across a range of countries. Social networking sites’ ability to micro-target advertisements to migrant communities combined with their near-global reach makes them an attractive option. Yet there is little rigorous evaluation of the quality of data thus collected—especially for populations from developing countries. We compare samples of Nigerian emigrants in Canada and Italy and Nigerians (at home) in Nigeria recruited through targeted advertising on Facebook and Instagram to population estimates. We find our samples contain varying degrees of bias in the case of age and gender and systematically miss those with little formal education. How much this affects our samples’ representativeness varies across contexts: discrepancies are much smaller for emigrant populations in Canada than in Italy and much larger in Nigeria, where a large share of the population has little formal education and limited literacy. Post-stratifying each sample on age, gender, and education does not ameliorate bias on other variables such as ethnicity, religion, period of migration, or political attitudes. We discuss the potential and limitations of social-media-driven sampling and highlight key considerations for implementing it to collect multi-sited data on migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the literature asks whether immigrants and their descendants come to resemble the 'mainstream', this paper places the acquisition of a new national identity at the centre of attention, contending that the views of ethnic outsiders provide strategic leverage in identifying any underlying consensus regarding the bounds of the nation and the means by which those bounds should be implemented. We contend that becoming 'American' entails adopting American attitudes towards persons beyond the territorial divide, a population that includes nationals of one's country of origin or ancestry. The paper develops a conceptual framework to understand how attachment to the people of the state of emigration gets transformed into attachment to the people of the state of immigration. The paper provides a demonstration of that process, focusing on Mexican immigrants and their descendants and using a variety of data sources to highlight and unpack different dimensions of Americanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do migrants make the decision to naturalise? The majority of the literature focuses on the economic costs and benefit calculus of individual migrants, usually those who arrived as adults. Yet a large and growing population of foreign-born individuals arrived as children. Despite spending their formative years in the United States, many remain foreign nationals into adulthood. Based on results from a discrete-time event-history model of naturalisation of 1.5 generation respondents in California we argue that the cost–benefit trade-offs underlying most accounts of naturalisation decisions will apply in different ways to this population. We show that especially for this population the decision to naturalise cannot be conceptualised as an individual choice but is strongly embedded within the family and co-ethnic context which, in turn, introduces symbolic concerns and country of origin related factors into the decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on book "Origins and Destinations: The Making of the Second Generation" which shows nature of population movements across state borders yields effects well after migration has occurred. It mentions efforts to control migration continue to yield effects long after migration has occurred and children of immigrants from countries with more secular orientations. It also mentions higher educational attainment and higher levels of civic engagement.

Many immigrants in Western countries hail from countries where attitudes towards gender relations and sexual norms are considerably more conservative than in the host countries where they eventually settle. This paper assesses whether immigrants and their children acculturate in this dimension, and how migrants’ cultural practices and economic integration influence this process. Presenting a conceptual and methodological innovation, this paper treats acculturation as a process by which immigrants (and their children) shift from the attitude distribution in the origin country to the one of the host country. Using a cross-classified hierarchical regression model and data on attitudes towards homosexuality in 83 countries of origin and 23 destination countries, I model the relative influence of origin and destination contexts on the attitudes of 15,000 immigrants and children of immigrants in Europe. In line with previous work, I find considerable evidence for acculturation across and within generations, but also important variation: respondents who use the home-country language, who are religious, or who are economically marginalised, show less acculturation in attitudes, though these effects vary between immigrants and the second generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent can immigrant parents transmit their home-country language to their children? Drawing on a recent national sample of children of immigrants in France, this paper examines the effects of parental language socialisation and exposure to the parental home country on language ability and language practices of their adult children. The data show that parental efforts at transmitting the language are necessary, but ultimately insufficient especially when it comes to language practices. Almost none of those who grew up without or with only minimal exposure to the parental home-country language use it. But even among those who had extensive exposure only a minority end up using it in their daily lives. The only domain where the second-generation uses the parental home-country language to a non-trivial degree is in the family context. In addition parental resources can have contradictory effects. While successful transmission of home-country language in the immigrant context requires significant resources, those parents who have these resources are less likely to try to pass on their language. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How, and as what, are immigrant minorities incorporated into the political process? A set of prominent approaches focus on the political opportunity structure that immigrants encounter. Although promising in many aspects, these approaches fail to consider the internal heterogeneity of both immigrant populations and opportunity structures. This is partly a result of taking ethnic groups rather than political entrepreneurs as the unit of analysis and of not disaggregating the political context properly. I show how Russian-Jewish immigrant political entrepreneurs in New York City used very different strategies of ethnic mobilization, each emphasizing a different ethnic cleavage: one making claims in the name of Russians, the other downplaying Russianness and highlighting the Jewish identity dimension. Both strategies had good chances at success thus illustrating that political opportunity structures may encourage different claims-making strategies at the same time. Ethno-political entrepreneurs navigate complex political landscapes that are ex-ante only partially transparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]