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System justification theory (SJT) is a thriving field of research, wherein the primary questions revolve around why individuals and groups are motivated to see the systems they depend on as just, fair, and legitimate. This article seeks to answer how accurate the postulates of SJT are when compared to competing self‐interest claims of social identity and social dominance theory. We addressed the ongoing debates among proponents of each theory by identifying who, when, and why individuals decide to system‐justify. We used data comprised of 24,009 participants nested within 42 countries. Multilevel models largely supported the competing claims of social dominance and social identity theories over SJT. The most robust findings were: (1) greater objective socioeconomic status (SES) was associated with greater system justification; (2) the consistent positive relationship between subjective SES and system justification was partially mediated by life satisfaction; and (3) both ends of the political spectrum were willing to system‐justify more when the political party they favored was in power. The results presented are used to discuss both the current state and the future directions for system justification research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined how potential job candidates react to a hiring organization that requests diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) statements, which conservatives in the United States and elsewhere have criticized as being unrelated to job function and inappropriately political or ideological. Across three studies (two of which were pre‐registered), we compared reactions to requests for DEI (vs. teamwork or conservative values) statements as a function of race (Black vs. White), political conservatism and symbolic racism (Total N = 1108). When a DEI (vs. teamwork or politically conservative values) statement was requested, participants who were more (vs. less) conservative perceived the organization as less just, expressed less interest in the job, and expected poorer person‐organization fit, even when a job‐related rationale was provided. Further, participants who were more (vs. less) conservative evaluated a request for a statement consistent with conservative values more favourably. Thus, criticisms that DEI statements are overly political are not applied to other statements that might elicit similar concerns. Moreover, an internal meta‐analysis suggested that the relationships of conservatism to justice and interest (but not person‐organization fit) in response to requests for DEI (vs. teamwork) statements were not independent of racism. Findings were consistent with social dominance theory; racism may underlie seemingly race‐neutral backlash to DEI statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many environmental psychologists have relied on the Wildlife Value Orientations (WVOs) scale to understand the individual patterns in cognitions and behaviors related to wildlife, limits in scope constrain its application across other topics. Conversely, Ecological Dominance Orientation (EDO), defined as preference to maintain an anthropocentric arrangement between humans and the natural environment, has demonstrated applicability across a variety of contexts. Despite both constructs being applied in the field, the relationship between the two constructs remains understudied. We sought to understand the associations between EDO and WVO within the context of support for lethal control of deer within two communities located in Georgia, USA. Results suggest that EDO strongly predicted WVOs and had a strong, positive direct and indirect effect on support for lethal control. Future research centered on EDO may help bridge our understanding of individuals' beliefs about wildlife and other parts of the natural world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of extremist and terror activities by the various groups which are alleged to be associated with Muslim religion, people of non-Muslim communities hold a negative perception about Islam and Muslims. This study examined challenges faced by Muslim students in two public universities in Zimbabwe. The study was informed by the Social Dominance Theory. Eighteen Muslim students participated in the study, and they were identified through purposive sampling from students' religious societies. The findings revealed that Islamophobia in public universities has resulted in Muslim students facing various challenges that include stigmatization and labelling, institutional and religious discrimination, being denied their religious rights such as performing their prayers and their societies not being recognised as official religious society at the institutions whilst other faiths and religions are awarded that opportunity. The participants also pointed out that they encounter hate crimes and verbal abuse in the lecture rooms. Students from minor religions therefore face grievous challenges in public space in Zimbabwe where the majority of the population claim to subscribe to Christian faith. The study proffers several recommendations among them; universities should investigate discrimination on grounds of religious affiliation, conducting awareness campaigns to benefit minority religious groups and sensitising university staff to be religiously conscious in their conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As White activists are growing the racial justice movement, their antiracism frequently disrupts the racial hierarchy, which features whiteness in a dominant role, especially in interpersonal relationships. We investigate how White antiracists disrupt whiteness in interpersonal relationships. We interviewed 16 White antiracists who had experienced significant relationship distance due to their antiracism. We conducted thematic analyses to understand the conflicts that emerged between antiracists and their White counterparts as activists challenged White racial dominance. Antiracists disrupted whiteness by exercising social power to punish racist offenders. In response, their White counterparts resisted these challenges by exerting their instruments of power to sanction antiracists. The conflict with White people led antiracists to build greater personal and social capacity for antiracist activism. This study illustrates how conflicts can emerge during social change efforts even at the microlevel as parties exercise power to contest or support the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This experiment aimed to examine emotional responses to athletic images featuring male and female athletes in 'gender-appropriate', 'gender-neutral', and 'gender-inappropriate' sports. Recruiting 236 subjects, this research has complex findings. The findings include – that when viewing pictures featuring male athletes, female subjects reported a significantly higher level of pleasure and arousal compared to their male counterparts; that regarding affective responses to different types of sports, male subjects reported the lowest level of pleasure and arousal in viewing athletes competing in 'gender-inappropriate' sports and that when viewing pictures featuring athletes competing in 'gender-inappropriate' sports, female subjects reported a significantly higher level of pleasure, arousal, and dominance than their male counterparts. Possible explanations and implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends Michael L. Radelet's 1989 study of rare cases in which Whites have been executed for committing capital crimes against Blacks to include an assessment of White executions involving Latinx and Asian victims. The threefold aim is to (1) establish the frequency of such rare cases, and (2) explore the extent to which status characteristics (beyond race, ethnicity or gender) are present for these rare events; and (3) offer social dominance theory as a viable explanation for the patterns found in the data. An analysis of unique data from the Texas Department of Criminal Justice shows that out of 570 executions imposed between April 1982 and July 2020, only six cases led to the execution of Whites for crimes against Blacks (1.1%), sixteen cases for crimes against Hispanics (2.8%), and one case for crimes against an Asian American (0.18%). Beyond the minority status of the victim, two or more status markers were present when Whites were executed for crimes against people of color. The results, which are consistent with expectations drawn from social dominance theory, highlight the differential value placed on minority lives and call into question the legitimacy of the death penalty in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study's purpose is four-fold: (1) To test the nomological validity of the X-Scale; (2) To assess the bi-dimensionality of the consumer xenocentrism construct in a new geographical setting; (3) To determine the predictive validity of consumer xenocentrism on the willingness to buy foreign-made products and preferences for foreign brands; and (4) To analyze the relationship between consumer xenocentrism and demographics variables. The conceptualization of this research is based on System Justification Theory and Social Dominance Theory. The study was carried out across Russia employing an online survey. Results support the bi-dimensionality of the X-Scale, and indicate that consumer xenocentrism is negatively related to the consumer disposition of ethnocentrism and positively with cosmopolitanism. The X-scale explains significantly more variance on foreign brand preferences than its related consumer dispositions. In addition, consumer xenocentrism is manifested toward preferences for products and brands coming from developed countries instead of developing or transitional ones. Russian consumers are xenocentric, and the ones significantly scoring higher in this construct are males and those speaking more than one language. These results lead to a discussion of the nature of Russian consumer xenocentrism and its potential managerial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colleges and universities should serve as inclusive environments positioned to provide a strong education to all students. However, bias and discrimination mar the college atmosphere for many. Simultaneously, there is a paucity of research that examines student views of diversity and inclusion in both higher education and sport management. Employing mixed methods, this research examined the perceptions of diversity and inclusion among undergraduate students in sport management programs. Data demonstrate that student perceptions differ across measures of sex, race/ethnicity, upbringing, internship experiences, and transfer status. Findings suggest implications for embedding diversity and inclusion topics within sport management curricula to develop competencies crucial to students' educational success and future in the sport industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community psychology is driven by the values of social justice, action, and accountability to oppressed groups, with a large body of literature devoted to understanding how to work in partnership with communities through participatory methodologies (e.g., community‐based participatory research, participatory action research). However, some community psychologists may work in partnership with oppressive institutions (e.g., the criminal justice system) in order to transform these institutions toward greater equity and justice. In this conceptual review, I explore the unique challenges and opportunities of partnering with oppressive institutions for social change. First, I define oppressive institutions as those that are hierarchy‐enhancing under social dominance theory and draw on theories of social change to explain when and why we might choose to partner with these institutions in research and action. I then review case studies of the ethical dilemmas community psychologists have faced in such partnerships. Finally, I propose a conceptual framework for practicing accountability when partnering with hierarchy‐enhancing institutions. This framework includes specific practices that research/evaluation teams might incorporate into their relationships with institutional partners and communities impacted by the institution. Highlights: This article reviews challenges in partnering with oppressive institutions for social change.Case studies of these partnerships demonstrate the potential for collusion with oppression.I propose a conceptual framework for practicing accountability to our values in these partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on social dominance theory as a theoretical lens and based on a qualitative study of female managers and supervisors at different levels of the organization, we investigate the barriers women in Nigeria face in their careers. In their accounts of discrimination, corruption, familial/domestic responsibilities, cultural perceptions of gender, and ingrained religious beliefs, participants draw attention to the intense difficulties they face in their careers. We highlight the significance of context and argue that Nigeria is notable for an extreme attitude of male preference at work involving an intensification of career barriers that reflects the entrenched and systemic nature of male dominance in Nigerian organizations. We capture this in the concept of the "hypermasculine organization," which is characterized by exaggerated male advantage, a tendency towards gender‐based exploitation and abuse together with a justificatory logic based on rigidly enforced gender roles. These debilitating factors affecting women in organizations have potential implications for other countries in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional conservation scientists approach conservation conflict from a resource-management perspective, in which both wildlife and non-living natural resources are managed to balance the interests of competing human stakeholders. We instead explore conflict between the powerful and less powerful humans and wildlife alike. Applying tenets of social dominance theory to ecological networks, we propose that socio-political power structures that marginalize human populations – denying voice and inclusion – may contribute to similar neglect of wildlife species. Considering nonhuman species as collections of agentic beings seeking to satisfy their own survival interests and that of their respective “social” group, we connect the subjects of social justice and ecological justice through common challenges rooted in the social psychology of power.

Research suggests that racial slurs may be "reclaimed" by the targeted group to convey affiliation rather than derogation. Although it is most common in intragroup uses (e.g., "nigga" by a Black individual toward another Black individual), intergroup examples of slur reappropriation (e.g., "nigga" by a Black individual toward a White individual) are also common. However, majority and minority group members' perceptions of intergroup slur reappropriation remain untested. We examined White (Study 1) and Black (Study 2) individuals' perceptions of the reappropriated terms, "nigga" and "nigger" compared with a control term chosen to be a non-race-related, neutral term ("buddy"), a nonracial derogative term ("asshole") and a White racial slur ("cracker") used by a Black individual toward a White individual. We found that the intergroup use of reappropriated slurs was perceived quite positively by both White and Black individuals. Our findings have important implications for research on intergroup relations and the reappropriation of slurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research estimates the points of relative group representation at which members of dominant and nondominant groups declare an organization to be diverse. Across 7 studies, members of dominant groups, relative to members of nondominant groups, reported that diversity was achieved at lower representations of the nondominant group within an organization. This was explained by the dominant group members’ relative opposition to using the equal representation of groups as a standard against which to judge diversity. This mediation was also replicated with the antiegalitarian dimension of social dominance orientation, suggesting that the setting of diversity thresholds serves a hierarchy relevant function. Group differences in thresholds of diversity were strongest when people were evaluating whether an organization was sufficiently (vs. descriptively) diverse, when group status was perceived to be threatened, and when the nondominant group was also a numerical minority in the relevant context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on social dominance theory, the present research examines how the characteristics of a potential investor – namely, social dominance orientation (SDO) (i.e. the degree to which individuals seek to maintain inequality between groups) interacts with the characteristics of the entrepreneur (i.e. race) to influence capital decision-making. Study 1 found that as a function of individuals' SDO, individuals supported a policy that would increase funding access to White but not minority entrepreneurs. Study 2 found that as a function of SDO, individuals were willing to invest in White but not minority-owned firms. The perceived threat of the entrepreneur's success to the extant racial hierarchy explained differences in investment decisions. The present research in the field of entrepreneurship is the first to apply Social Dominance Theory and Social Dominance Orientation (Sidanius, J., and F. Pratto. 1999. Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression. New York: Cambridge University Press.), which have received much attention in social psychology and organizational behavior, to funding access and investment decisions. In doing so, these studies answer the call by (Klotz, A. C., and D. O. Neubaum. 2016. "Research on the Dark Side of Personality Traits in Entrepreneurship: Observations from an Organizational Behavior Perspective." Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice 40 (1): 7–17.) to examine the relationship between "darker" personality traits, such as SDO, and entrepreneurial outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents the psychometric proprieties of the Italian version of the Social Dominance Orientation7 (SDO7) Scale, originally developed by Ho et al. (2015). We recruited a convenience sample (N = 497) to answer an online self-report questionnaire, including the SDO7 Scale and other relevant convergent and divergent measures. The confirmatory factor analysis revealed that SDO7 presents a satisfactory fit to the data, both as a two-correlated factor structure and as a one-dimensional measure. The two-correlated factor structure is confirmed as composed by two subdimensions as in the original version: the SDO-Dominance (SDO-D) and the SDO-Anti-Egalitarianism (SDO-E). Since the total SDO7 score measures people's support for asymmetrical group relationships, the SDO-D is concerned with people's support for dominant-submissive forms of intergroup relationships whereas the SDO-E refers to the desire to support intergroup inequalities. The scale and subscales also present satisfactory indexes of reliability as well as convergent and divergent validity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it was hypothesized that experimentally manipulated levels of power would moderate the association of dispositional social dominance orientation (SDO) with preferences for harsh punishment. In particular, we expected to detect a stronger effect for dispositional SDO in the low-power condition, relying on the notion that low power enhances sensitivity to threats to the status quo, and that high SDO individuals are particularly motivated to enforce hierarchy-enhancing measures as punishment. SDO scores were measured two months prior to the experiment, and then immediately after the experimental session. As expected, preexperimental SDO interacted with the power manipulation. We found stronger preexperimental SDO effects on punishment among low-power participants. We also anticipated and found that individuals high in SDO increased further their postexperimental SDO scores if assigned to a high-power condition. The discussion focuses on the importance of SDO effects among low-status groups and on how situational roles shape dispositional self-descriptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We contextualise Cotterill, Sidanius, Bhardwaj, and Kumar’s (2014) paper within a broader literature on caste and collective mobilisation. Cotterill and colleagues’ paper represents a fresh and timely attempt to make sense of the persistence of caste from the perspective of Social Dominance Theory. Cotterill and colleagues, however, do not examine caste differences in the endorsement of karma, and take behavioural asymmetry among lower castes for granted. Cotterill and colleagues also adhere to a Varna model of the caste system that arguably is simplistic and benefits the upper castes of Indian society. We caution that emphasising behavioural asymmetry and endorsing the Varna model might further stigmatise lower castes, especially Dalits, and feed into a conformity bias already predominant in caste-related psychological research. We argue that the conceptualisation and operationalisation of Right-Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation and legitimising myths in the Indian context needs to take into account the particular meaning and functions of these constructs in specific intergroup contexts, and for identity positions salient within these contexts. We contend that any examination aimed at better understanding the nature of social hierarchy and oppression within the caste system and Indian society in general remains inconclusive without including a focus on the construction and contestation of social categories and social identities.

The current research examined the capability of Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientations (SDO-D and SDO-E), the five Moral Foundations Orientation (MFO), and Religious Fundamentalism (RF) to predict economic conservatism, social conservatism, and foreign policy conservatism. Based on data gathered from a sample of students attending a public university located in the northeast U.S., multiple regression analyses indicated: 1) RWA and SDO-D were predictors of economic conservatism; 2) only RWA predicted social conservatism; and 3) RWA and RF predicted foreign policy conservatism. In all cases, RWA was the strongest predictor of economic, social, and foreign policy conservatism. We discuss the reasons RWAs endorse conservative economic, social and foreign policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In June 2015, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced that a woman would replace Hamilton on the $10 bill. In April 2016, it announced that Harriet Tubman would replace Andrew Jackson on the $20 bill, instead. After each announcement, we surveyed nationally representative samples of American adults and asked them what they thought of these proposed changes for the $10 bill (Study 1, N = 209) and the $20 bill (Study 2, N = 208). Predictors of currency preferences were gender, race, political affiliation and their respective prejudices and biases—sexism, racism, and political ideology. On the basis of social identity, system justification, and social dominance theories we predicted that privileged groups (i.e., males, Whites) and groups who desire to maintain the status quo (i.e., Republicans, conservatives, sexist and racist individuals) would prefer to leave Hamilton on the $10 bill and Jackson on the $20 bill. Results were consistent with these predictions: Overall, we found that under‐represented groups and more liberal individuals support the proposals from the U.S. Department of the Treasury. These findings suggest a bill of money is not just a piece of paper. The person depicted on U.S. currency can be perceived as an in‐group or out‐group member and this can affect judgements in line with relevant social psychological theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper extends the social dominance perspective to the Indian context by examining the role of belief in Karma (sanchita) in the justification of the Indian caste system. Using social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) and the dual process model (Duckitt, 2001) as guiding theoretical frameworks, we tested four related hypotheses within a sample of 385 Indian university students. In particular we expected that social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) would both make relatively strong and independent contributions to participants’ endorsement of Karma (H1), as well as their support for antiegalitarian social policies and conventions (H2). We also predicted that endorsement of Karma, itself, would be strongly related to support for these policies, net of the influence of SDO, RWA, as well as generalized prejudice (H3). Finally, and consistent with the notion that Karma functions as a legitimizing ideology, we hypothesized that it would at least partially mediate, net of generalized prejudice, the relationships between SDO and RWA, on the one hand, and antiegalitarian and conventional social policies, on the other (H4). Results of latent variable structural equation modeling provided support for all four hypotheses. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

Utilising a qualitative case study approach, this research study set out to understand discrimination experienced by immigrant students in their interactions with South African students and the prejudice immigrant students expressed against Black South African students. Findings reveal that the discrimination experienced by immigrant students could be clustered into four broad themes, namely categorisations and prototypes; practised stereotypes; academic and social exclusion; and work ethic. Furthermore, statements immigrant students make about South African students seem to fall into two broad categories, namely lack of value for moral integrity and lack of value for education. Educating students to value human dignity and to view each other as cosmopolitan citizens of the world could be a way to ensure social cohesion and harmony of future generations to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research has documented the problematic community response to sexual assault: the majority of sexual assaults reported to police are never prosecuted. Social dominance theory suggests that this response is a form of institutional discrimination, intended to maintain existing social structures, and that police personnel likely draw upon shared ideologies to justify their decisionmaking in sexual assault case investigations. This study drew upon social dominance theory to examine how police justified their investigatory decisions to identify potential leverage points for change. The study revealed that the likelihood of a case referral to the prosecutor increased with each additional investigative step completed; of the different types of justifications provided by police for a less-than-thorough investigative response and stalled case, blaming the victim for the poor police investigation proved to be the most damaging to case progression; and the type of explanation provided by police was impacted by specific case variables. As suggested by social dominance theory, the study demonstrates that police rely on several different mechanisms to justify their response to sexual assault; implementing criminal justice system policies that target and interrupt these mechanisms has the potential to improve this response, regardless of specific case factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a thematic overview of a subset of controversial officer involved shootings that have occurred in Denver, Colorado during a period of thirty years (1983-2012). Determining whether a shooting was legally justified involved multiple participants, including local, national, and international representatives. The primary stakeholders were City and County District Attorneys regarding whether to file criminal charges against the officer, and Managers of Safety for whether officers acted within police departmental policy. Although most cases were processed without conflict, a small number were challenged by members of the community based on thematic reasons of shooting individuals who had not committed a crime, violating continuum of force standards, and entrusting law enforcement officers with the power to use deadly force both off-duty and while working secondary jobs. Despite outcome legitimacy vested in a small number of public officials, community members often reported a lack of justice and accountability. They struggled to get public officials to take notice and implement systematic change. Reviewing controversial shootings highlights the multiple issues involved in protecting law enforcement officers from encountering criminal charges, and in essence the procurement of colonial control. Critical Race Theory (interest convergence and storytelling), Social Dominance Theory, along with the historical framework of W. E. B. Du Bois, were utilized to explore a number of officer-involved shootings that continue to produce disparate outcomes by race, class, and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Workplace bullying has become an omnipresent problem in most organizations. Gender differences have recently received increasing attention in the workplace bullying domain. OBJECTIVE: Integrating social dominance theory with gender role theory, this study explores whether male minority and supervisor gender are related to the incidence of workplace bullying. METHODS: Data from 501 public servants employed in the tax administration institute of Taiwan was collected via a questionnaire and analyzed using hierarchical regression. RESULTS: Male minority reported more workplace bullying than did the female majority. Subordinates working with male supervisors had more exposure to bullying than those working with female supervisors. However, male supervisors did not exacerbate the relationship between male minority and workplace bullying, while females exposure to workplace bullying was attenuated when working with male supervisors. CONCLUSIONS: These findings confirm the important role of gender differences when predicting bullying at work and support the view that gender is not merely an individual antecedent of bullying, but rather acts as a social factor to influence the incidence of workplace bullying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although affirmative action based on race and/or ethnicity is a widely debated political issue within the public sphere, relatively few studies have examined the correlates of people's attitudes towards gender-based affirmative action. The few studies that have assessed this topic suggest that both Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and sexism are independently associated with people's opposition to affirmative action for women. The current study expands upon this literature by investigating the moderating effect of Benevolent Sexism (BS)-a dimension of sexism that sees women as weak and in need of protection-on the relationship between SDO and support for gender-based affirmative action within a nationally representative sample of New Zealand adults ( N = 5697). Specifically, we argue that protective aspects of BS will weaken the previously-identified positive relationship between SDO and opposition to affirmative action for women. As expected, our results showed that SDO was positively, whereas BS was negatively, associated with opposition to gender-based affirmative action. Also as predicted, BS attenuated the relationship between SDO and opposition to affirmative action for women. These results replicate and extend past research by demonstrating that SDO is an ideology that works to maintain existing unequal structures. We also show that part of the insidious nature of BS is that it offers women ostensible short-term benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how two social factors (perceived social injustice and social dominance orientation) relate to the likelihood of cyberbullying. Online experiments involving 12 hypothesized social injustice scenarios in the work place tested the impact of these two social factors on the likelihood of cyberbullying across adult samples drawn from two countries (USA and China). Results revealed that (a) perceived distributive injustice positively predicts the likelihood of cyberbullying; (b) social dominance orientation negatively predicts three types of perceived social injustice; (c) and social dominance orientation positively predicts the likelihood of cyberbullying. The analyses revealed only one significant difference between results from the USA versus Chinese samples. These findings indicate that social factors (social injustice and social dominance orientation) can influence cyberbullying dynamics across multiple nationalities. • Perceived distributive injustice increases the likelihood of cyberbullying. • Acceptance of unfairness increases the likelihood of cyberbullying. • Acceptance of unfairness decreases perceived social injustice. • People in different nations differ in their perceived interactional injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: We propose and test the Social Dominance Paradox of majority opposition to minority political entitlement in a national sample of the European majority group in New Zealand (N =4628). The paradox arises because for the majority ethnic group, Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) should simultaneously and differentially predict support for, and resistance to, minority political interests through opposing ideological mechanisms: Color-Blind Ideology (subjectively egalitarian ideology which functions to maintain inequality by de-emphasising group membership) and Ethnic System Justification (which recognises ethnicity and asserts that ethnic relations are fair). We argue that for the majority group, SDO should predict increased ethnic group salience, and should thus predict decreased Color-Blindness. However, SDO should also lead people to view existing hierarchical arrangements between ethnic groups as legitimate, leading to increased Ethnic System Justification. These dual ideologies should in turn both predict opposition to minority political entitlements. Predictions were supported, and occurred in addition to the strong direct effect of SDO on opposition to minority political entitlement. These findings provide an important, and theoretically predicted, paradox evident for those high in SDO; and emphasise the subtlety and explanatory power of Social Dominance Theory for understanding support for minority political entitlement. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

A belief in human dominance over nature lies at the heart of current environmental problems. In this article, we extend the theoretical scope of social dominance theory by arguing that social dominance orientation (SDO) is an important variable in understanding person–environment relations. We argue that individuals high in SDO are more willing to exploit the environment in unsustainable ways because SDO promotes human hierarchical dominance over nature. Four studies provide support for this perspective. High SDO was associated with lower levels of environmental concern in a nationally representative New Zealand sample (Study 1) and in country-level data across 27 nations (Study 2). SDO was also positively related to utilization attitudes toward nature (Study 3) and mediated the gender difference in beliefs about anthropogenic climate change (Study 4), and both occurred independently of right-wing authoritarianism. Implications for the human-dominated view of nature subscribed to by those high in SDO are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Dominance Theory, as forwarded by Sidanius and Pratto (Social dominance: an intergroup theory of social hierarchy and oppression, ) and as elaborated upon in continuing research by themselves and others, claims to offer a way of exploring the structuring of social systems along the lines of group-based hierarchies. In this article I endeavour to highlight the manner in which this mode of theorizing and of approaching the study of social 'realities' might have deleterious social effects, via its potentially self-fulfilling claims. I present an alternative way of approaching (co)-inquiries into the social worlds of which we are part--based on an examination of some qualities of retroductive thinking/imagining, which I interpret and extend in order to take more fully into account the impact of our knowing processes on the social worlds being addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Bridging social dominance theory and labour studies, this field study investigated the mechanisms underpinning the relationship between rejection of group-based domination and participation in union activities. Respondents ( N = 135) were members of a public sector union in California, that is, a hierarchy-attenuating institution. Results revealed that union identification mediated the negative relationship between social dominance orientation and active union participation. Moreover, the mediational effect of union identification was moderated by perceived union instrumentality (i.e. outcome- and process-based benefits afforded by the union), indicating that the relationship between union identification and participation was stronger among those union members who consider that the union affects workplace justice. The findings reveal the importance of both identity-based and instrumental motivations underlying union participation. The novelty of applying social dominance theory to union behaviour is underscored. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study established the internal consistency of the SDO6 scale as a measure of Social Dominance Orientation in South Africa. The reliability was determined for its original English version and for newly developed Afrikaans and isiXhosa forms. Reliabilities were determined for various demographic sub-groups. The English and Afrikaans forms showed high internal consistencies throughout, which were comparable to those found in other societies. The isiXhosa version of the scale had low internal consistencies, except for participants who had completed their schooling. Deleting three items from the isiXhosa scale improved its reliability for high school students to an adequate level. It is suggested that future research establishes the scales' validity in the South African context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study examined the relationship between exteriors of police department facilities and participants’ ratings of the buildings’ authority, professionalism, and approachability. After a pilot study, research was conducted with 122 participants who were undergraduate students from a small, liberal arts college in the Northeast. On each of three characteristics (authority, professionalism, and approachability), participants rated 16 color images of police departments located in the United States. The façade ratings for each characteristic were then categorized into factors through factor analyses. There were three factors for authority (Ineffectual, Strong, and Outdated); three for professionalism (Unskilled, Non-traditional, and Governmental); and four for approachability (Uninviting, Accessible, Public, and Impenetrable). The results were compared to participants’ scores on the Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale () and the Social Dominance Orientation scale (). Although the primary goal for the study was to determine whether there are consistent responses to police department exteriors, it was hypothesized that the façade ratings would relate to the authoritarianism ratings, with more authoritarian people expected to rate the façades higher in authority. Although this hypothesis was not supported, significant findings were related to gender. Applications to architectural design are discussed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The developmental period characterized by the transition from childhood and elementary school to early adolescence and middle school has been associated with increases in aggressive behavior and peer victimization. Few longitudinal studies, however, have examined the stability of aggression and victimization during this critical transition. This study uses latent class analysis (LCA) to examine patterns of aggressive behavior and victimization during the transition to middle school among urban, public school students ( N = 458; Girls = 53%; Latino/a = 53%; M age at t1 = 10.2 years). Independent LCA models were conducted using self-reported data assessing subjects' involvement in aggressive conduct and victimization during the spring semesters of grades four, five, and six. Elementary school students in the fourth grade initially belonged to one of four groups identified as aggressor, victim, aggressor-victim, and uninvolved latent classes. Contrary to prior research, membership in these classes changed significantly by the time students completed their first year of middle school with most youth participating in episodes of aggression and victimization during the transition. Six common paths that describe patterns of aggressive behavior and victimization from the last two years of elementary school to the first year of middle school were found. Findings are discussed in the context of social dominance theory and prior research that has found greater stability in aggression and victimization among early adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using representative survey data of 5,466 'titular' (i.e. named after the states or republics of residence) and Russian respondents, this study examines the relationship between ethnic and republic identification in 28 cities in five autonomous republics of the Russian Federation, in Ukraine and in the Ukrainian Republic of Crimea. In accordance with Social Dominance Theory, ethnic and republic identification turned out to be positively and more strongly correlated among dominant than among subordinate groups. Group-size ratio was not found to affect identification patterns. At the contextual level, perceived cultural threat and the endorsement of multiculturalism and minority rights moderated the association between ethnic and republic identification of both groups. Intergroup differences in identification patterns were smaller in cities where both support for multiculturalism and the perception of cultural threat were higher. These results also shed light on the developing relationships between Russian and titular populations in the former Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The question of whether SDO is a cause or mere effect of intergroup attitudes and behaviors has been the subject of heated debate. Much of the research brought to bear on the question, however, has used cross-sectional data that is not best-suited for making causal inferences. Using data from a panel study that tracked UCLA undergraduates over several years, we find support for the notion that SDO is a cause, rather than ‘mere reflection’ of prejudice and discrimination against outgroups. Specifically, using cross-lagged analyses among White students, we show that SDO measured in 1996 has significant marginal utility for predicting prejudice against a series of ethnic outgroups, as well as self-reported ingroup friendship preference, four years later, controlling for their 1996 levels. Conversely, outgroup affect and ingroup friendship preference measured in 1996 fail to predict SDO levels in 2000 once 1996 SDO levels are taken into account. Implications of these analyses for the debate on the interpretation of SDO as a relatively stable orientation towards group-based hierarchy in society are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four studies examined whether members of the dominant group (New Zealand Europeans) who were high in Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) employed ideologies of equality-as-meritocracy to legitimate opposition toward policy-based resource allocations that favor disadvantaged groups. We tested this model, derived from Social Dominance Theory, using cross-sectional (Study 1; N = 338) and longitudinal data (Studies 2–4) collected in New Zealand. As predicted, SDO (but not Right-Wing Authoritarianism) exerted a cross-lagged effect on Equality Positioning and not vice-versa (Study 2; 1 year, N = 81); Equality Positioning exerted a cross-lagged effect on attitudes toward resource-specific social policies but not vice-versa (Study 3; 4 months, N = 132); and the cross-lagged effect of SDO on attitudes toward resource-specific policy was mediated longitudinally by Equality Positioning (Study 4; 1 year, N = 47). These findings indicate that the ideological positioning of equality is (at least partially) driven by individual differences in the motivation for group-based social dominance, and this in turn determines support for social and political policies that govern the group-based allocation of resources within society and thus systemic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forecasting future obstacles, W.E.B. Du Bois once envisaged color to be the dilemma facing the United States of America (USA) in the 20th Century. Wherein some individuals may disagree with this claim and counter by alleging America has moved towards a post racial society, unremitted racial structuring subsisted in the 20th century and has continued to cast a dark shadow in 21st century American society. The realm of sport is no exception as Black student-athletes comprise approximately half of the football participants at the Football Bowl Subdivision (FBS) level. Oddly enough, Black head coaches are severely underrepresented at this level. Hence, whereas athletic directors, boosters, and other persons of decision-making authority implicitly acknowledge Black student-athletes' athletic prowess, the institution of college athletics has historically devalued Black coaches' capacity to guide a team. This is to say, potential Black coaches have been deemed incapable, not up to par with their White counterparts. Due to this conceived incapableness, Black coaches are analogous to individuals in lower stratums of caste-like societies. Critical race theory (CRT) and social dominance theory (SDT) are utilized as epistemological lenses to further shed light on these dire circumstances. Elaborated connections, recommendations as well as implications for current and future Black head coaches are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study explored the implications of an intergroup perspective on individual difference and situational influences on helping, specifically, outgroup members. In particular, we examined the effects of social dominance orientation (SDO) and group status threat on the amount and kind of help offered by Jewish participants ( n = 99) to Arab and Jewish students. Dependent measures were the likelihood of helping outgroup and ingroup members across various situations of need and, when help is given, the likelihood that it would be dependency-oriented rather than autonomy-oriented assistance. As expected, higher SDO individuals offered less help to outgroup (Arab) students, particularly when they experienced threat to group status, but not to ingroup members. In addition, higher SDO participants, when they did report that they would help, were more likely to offer dependency-oriented help to outgroup than to ingroup members. The theoretical and applied implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hypothesis that possessing multiple subordinate-group identities renders a person “invisible” relative to those with a single subordinate-group identity is developed. We propose that androcentric, ethnocentric, and heterocentric ideologies will cause people who have multiple subordinate-group identities to be defined as non-prototypical members of their respective identity groups. Because people with multiple subordinate-group identities (e.g., ethnic minority woman) do not fit the prototypes of their respective identity groups (e.g., ethnic minorities, women), they will experience what we have termed “ intersectional invisibility.” In this article, our model of intersectional invisibility is developed and evidence from historical narratives, cultural representations, interest-group politics, and anti-discrimination legal frameworks is used to illustrate its utility. Implications for social psychological theory and research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right wing authoritarianism (RWA) over time were examined using cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis of three waves of survey data before and after the 2004 Presidential election in Taiwan. A functionalist perspective (or group socialization model) predicts that: (i) supporters of a dominant political group that has held power for over 50 years should be higher in SDO and RWA than their opposition; and (ii) a formerly subordinate group should increase in SDO and RWA following electoral victory, whereas the dominant group should decrease following defeat. The first hypothesis was supported, whereas support for the second was mixed; the low-powered group increased in SDO and RWA following victory, but the high-powered group was unchanged. It appears easier to acquire the mindset associated with power than to lose it. Longitudinal path modelling showed that SDO became less connected to identity and political party support after an election that consolidated societal and regime change; the role of RWA shifted even more dramatically, from being connected to one political party and social identity pre-election to an opposing one post-election. Longitudinal path models slightly favoured a group socialization account over personality or social identity accounts in modelling correlations between SDO, RWA, political party support, and social identities over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study replicates and extends previous work by Oppenheimer and Wiesner [1990, Sex discrimination: Who is hired and do employment equity statements make a difference? Proceedings of the 11th Annual Conference of the Administrative Sciences Association of Canada, Personnel and Human Resources Division], and examined the effects of minority qualifications on hiring decisions, the effects of employment equity directives when minority candidates are less qualified and the effects of different types and strengths of employment equity directives on hiring decisions. The results indicate that when employment equity is in place, people are increasingly more likely to hire underrepresented group members, to the extent that they are more qualified. Men appear to be treated in a positively biased manner, and are more likely to be hired when they are less qualified. Women are less likely to be hired when they are under-qualified, and in the absence of employment equity directives or when there is a suggestion that women are underrepresented. Moreover, when␣employment equity directives are strengthened, there appears to be a subtle backlash for women but not for men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]