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[Conclusion] The strengthening of the social dimension of the EU is back on the agenda of European politics. The European Pillar of Social Rights, the revision of the Posted Workers Directive (Directive 96/71/EC), and the initiative for a Euro-pean minimum wage are interpreted by some as a turning point. However, the European Pillar of Social Rights is not legally binding, the revision of the Posted Workers Directive (Directive 96/71/EC) basically only repairs the damage caused by the CJEU's jurisprudence, and the future of the European minimum wage is completely open. The road to a more social Europe is still very long. Against this background, this Policy Brief asks how a formula for a social Europe could look like. Based on the assessment that European social policy is limited by structural bound-aries, I present a concept that takes these limitations into account. The for-mula for strengthening the social dimension of the EU can be formulated as follows: social minimum standards plus a reconfiguration of the internal mar-ket and EMU in a way that is compatible with the pillars of the European Social Model. The goal of the programme is the strengthening of the Euro-pean Social Model which is based on national institutions that have evolved over time and that are to be protected and developed further. All of the proposed measures would of course have to clear the high hurdles of the European decision-making processes which I discussed in the second section. Thus, progressive Europeans will still have to fight long and hard for a more social Europe. Without doubt, a common vision of a social Europe agreed to by all would be helpful. This Policy Brief is meant as a contribution to such a discussion.

Nach Jahren der politischen Auseinandersetzung einigten sich 2018 Europäisches Parlament (EP) und Europäischer Rat auf eine Novellierung der Entsenderichtlinie von 1996. Angesichts der grundlegenden Interessendifferenzen beim Thema Arbeitnehmerentsendung muss dieses Ereignis speziell vor dem Hintergrund der relativ hohen prozeduralen Hürden europäischer Entscheidungsprozesse überraschen. Dieser Artikel geht daher der Frage nach, wie und warum sich die Revisionsbefürworter trotz denkbar ungünstiger Voraussetzungen durchsetzen konnten. Dazu führt der Artikel eine Prozessanalyse durch, um die Mechanismen offenzulegen, die den Erfolg der Revisionsbefürworter ermöglicht haben. Die Analyse zeigt, dass der Erfolg der Revisionsbefürworter durch kontingente historische Rahmenbedingungen und Ereignisse begünstigt wurde. Zudem vermochten die Befürworter der Revision im Rat, dem EP und der Europäischen Kommission, die sich bietenden Gelegenheiten auf strategisch geschickte Art und Weise zu nutzen.

The reform of the euro zone is stuck. Against the background of political blockades, this report examines from a combined economic and political science perspective how the Euro can be prepared for the next crisis. The report first identifies general requirements for the stabilization of economic and monetary union. Next, the report reconstructs the political logic of the euro crisis and shows that the prospects for realizing far-reaching reform proposals aiming at a fiscal union are poor. Subsequently, the report develops a proposal of how, under the given circumstances, the room for maneuver within the existing framework of economic and monetary union can be extended in a pragmatic way in order to strengthen national fiscal policy as an instrument of macroeconomic stabilization.

The development of the public sector in Germany during the last decade differs fundamentally from the experiences of many other European countries. In many respects Germany can be seen as forerunner of public sector reforms in Europe. Austerity-driven reforms of the public sector have been conducted long before the crisis, already starting in the 1990s. During this phase, public employment decreased and working conditions deteriorated. Privatizations led to a fragmentation of collective bargaining. However, the development of the German public sector changed direction in the second half of the 2000s. Since then, public sector employment increased and working conditions have been improved. This holds true, in particular, for public care services such as the three branches analysed in this study: day care centres, primary education and hospitals. As this study shows, trade unions played a major role in this process of upgrading public services.

At the Social Summit in Gothenburg, on November 17th, 2017, the European Parliament, the Council and European Commission adopted the "European Pillar of Social Rights" (EPSR). It consists of 20 very generally formulated social policy (in the broadest sense of the word) principles which have been adopted in the form of a legally non-binding joint proclamation. The principles are formulated as social rights of individuals against the member states (Höpner 2017; Rasnaèa 2017, p. 17 onwards). The member states shall comply with these principles and implement them in national legislation. Furthermore, the principles shall be substantiated by legislative initiatives at EU level. The objectives that the Commission pursues with the EPSR are extremely ambitious. The pillar shall serve as a compass for a renewed process of convergence towards better working and living conditions in Europe (Rasnaèa 2017, p.13). Through the EPSR, the Commission is sending the signal that it has recognized the importance of Europe's social dimension. The Commission's initiative has to be seen before the background of the ongoing social problems in Europe, especially in some countries of the Eurozone. This WSI Policy Brief analyses and evaluates the European Pillar of Social Rights with regard to its impact on national and European policies. This is a translation of a slightly modified version of Seikel, Daniel: “Was bringt die Europäische Säule Sozialer Rechte”, WSI Policy Brief No. 17, 11/2017: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/224224 Am 26. April 2017 hat die Europäische Kommission ein Maßnahmenpaket vorgelegt, mit dem sie die soziale Dimension der Europäischen Union stärken will. Der zentrale Bestandteil des Pakets ist eine "Europäische Säule Sozialer Rechte" (ESSR). Diese besteht aus 20 sehr allgemein formulierten, im weitesten Sinn sozialpolitischen Grundsätzen, die in Form einer rechtlich-unverbindlichen gemeinsamen Proklamation von Kommission, Rat und Europäischem Parlament am 17. November 2017 auf dem Sozialgipfel in Göteborg verabschiedet werden soll. Die Prinzipien sind in Form sozialer Rechte von Individuen gegenüber den Mitgliedstaaten formuliert (Höpner 2017; Rasnaèa 2017, S.17f.). Die Mitgliedstaaten sollen die Prinzipien im Rahmen ihrer nationalen Gesetzgebung befolgen und umsetzen. Darüber hinaus sollen die Grundsätze auch durch europäische Gesetzesinitiativen konkretisiert werden. Die Ziele, die die Kommission mit der ESSR verknüpft, sind äußerst ambitioniert. Die Säule soll als Kompass für einen erneuerten Prozess der aufwärts gerichteten Konvergenz hin zu besseren Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen in Europa dienen (Rasnaèa 2017, S.13). Mit der ESSR signalisiert die Kommission, dass sie die Bedeutung der sozialen Dimension Europas erkannt hat. Hintergrund sind die anhaltenden sozialen Probleme in Europa, insbesondere in einigen Ländern der Eurozone. Der vorliegende WSI Policy Brief analysiert und bewertet die Europäische Säule Sozialer Rechte hinsichtlich ihrer Auswirkungen auf nationale und europäische Politik.