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This article studies the Self-Defense Forces’ (sdf) changing relationship with Japan’s security policymakers, reflecting on changing ideas of antimilitarism in the security discourse. For a long time after defeat in the Second World War, the Japanese public was concerned about protection from, not by, the sdf. Accordingly, strict bureaucratic monitoring and control limited the sdf’s participation in the policymaking process. Using government resources and personal interviews, this article traces how policymakers’ perception and antimilitarist attitude toward the sdf evolved as Japan confronted an increasingly challenging security environment that necessitated the sdf’s military expertise to be integrated in the policymaking process. It examines why and how politicians reclaimed civilian control over the military from civil servants and the process by which they granted increasingly more policy influence to uniformed officers. At a time of Japan’s militarization, this article contributes to understanding the development and remaining limitations on the sdf’s political position and policymaking influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the role of continuity in the development of Japan's defense sector at the present stage. The study examines the key steps of the Japanese leadership towards strengthening of national security policy against the backdrop of a tendency to gradual transition from the implementation of defensive measures to the formation of a base for offensive operations. The work also emphasizes Washington's serious influence on Tokyo's decision to significantly increase Japan's military power. Particular attention is paid to the current defense course of the Kishida Fumio administration in the context of growing regional threats from China and North Korea. Attempts to pursue a hybrid policy are noted, which involves balancing between promoting measures to strengthen the defense sector and confirming with the anti-war sentiments prevailing among the Japanese population.

The article examines the content of “state overseas interests”, which is an important Chinese diplomatic concept, and studies the role those interests play in the country's foreign policy strategy. The work analyzes a relatively wide range of Chinese research literature, conceptual and regulatory documents related to the PRC’s policy to protect its overseas interests. The author concludes that the Chinese leadership adheres to a narrow materialistic interpretation of overseas interests and does not regard their protection as an existential need as compared to the “core interests” of the country. At present, Beijing's pursuit of its overseas interests exhibits protective nature and is aimed at promoting country’s economic development, implementing foreign economic initiatives, improving international image and deepening its relations with other states. This situation is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future, but the emergence of more serious threats to China's overseas interests may bring about new changes in the country's foreign policy strategy.

The Caspian region is a strategically important area in the world. Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian Sea was divided between Iran and the USSR under an agreement. The article examines Iran’s foreign policy and security approach in the Caspian Sea, with a focus on the goals pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran in this regard and the measures taken. The article uses the problem-chronological method, content analysis and event analysis. As a result, it was revealed that Iran pursued the goal of achieving an equal, from its point of view, distribution of the Caspian Sea waters, defending its point of view at the summits of the Caspian states, but the exact percentage of the waters belonging to Iran has not yet been determined, which largely determines the delay of the Iranian side in ratifying the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea. However, Iran is generally satisfied with the agreements reached with the Caspian countries in the field of security and the prevention of foreign military presence in the Caspian.

Abstract Background The post-pandemic period, military conflicts, and geopolitical instability have all contributed to concerns regarding the world's sustainable and stable development, and small national economies are particularly vulnerable to these challenges. The five countries of the Western Balkan region (Republic of Serbia, Republic of North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Albania) have established their national interests and formulated security policies in line with their strategic commitment to the green transition and integration into the European Union. The region has been grappling with a multitude of challenges for several decades, and further instability may be expected beyond 2022. This paper aims to analyze the impact of sustainable development politicization on the security policies of Western Balkan countries and identify critical challenges to the region’s sustainable development. Main text The main research findings suggest that the security strategy of the Western Balkan countries was distinct from their economic and energy development until the beginning of the twenty-first century. Sustainable development is a strategic commitment of the Western Balkan countries, but it necessitates intricate changes, particularly in energy and economy. However, the Western Balkan countries have been confronted with new challenges due to the intricate geopolitical developments that emerged after 2022. The following are particularly noteworthy: frequently conflicting regional initiatives, the usage of energy resources and essential minerals, and significant impacts on how individuals form their opinion on these matters. The factors mentioned above are distinct security threats that require the Western Balkan countries to pursue solutions. Conclusions A politicized approach to sustainable development is a novel phenomenon that has to be incorporated into current security policy. Specifically, the present approach, which prioritizes the state's security, often conflicts with the emerging concept of individual security (which focuses on the stability of the economy and the environment). This situation adds a layer of complexity to the position of the Western Balkan countries. They have a limited capacity to impact geopolitical developments, and in order to make progress, maintain stability, and foster social peace, they must make concessions and cooperate with influential economies that frequently have conflicting geopolitical interests.

Mexico, like many other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean suffering persistent violence, has sought to shift its anti-narcotics and organized crime control policies to develop more effective responses to the crime challenges that the country faces. Building on research in Brazil, Colombia, Jamaica, and Mexico, this essay develops an analysis of crime as embedded within political, social, and economic networks that provide criminal activity with broad cross-sectoral support. This cross-sectoral support for criminal activity - which can involve both official corruption but also social support from entrepreneurs and popular sectors - helps to sustain crime even in the face of evolving state policy. We argue that different forms of crime control policy are affected in different ways by these illicit networks. The essay identifies three forms of policy – market suppression, organizational suppression, and behavioral modification – and examines through case studies the implications of internal and external illicit networks for these policies. López Obrador distanced his administration from the militarized security policy of the previous administrations, and yet has merely rebranded many of these existing policies. Without a policy that specifically addresses these illicit networks, any more novel interventions risk repeating the mistakes of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The post-pandemic period, military conflicts, and geopolitical instability have all contributed to concerns regarding the world's sustainable and stable development, and small national economies are particularly vulnerable to these challenges. The five countries of the Western Balkan region (Republic of Serbia, Republic of North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Albania) have established their national interests and formulated security policies in line with their strategic commitment to the green transition and integration into the European Union. The region has been grappling with a multitude of challenges for several decades, and further instability may be expected beyond 2022. This paper aims to analyze the impact of sustainable development politicization on the security policies of Western Balkan countries and identify critical challenges to the region's sustainable development. Main text: The main research findings suggest that the security strategy of the Western Balkan countries was distinct from their economic and energy development until the beginning of the twenty-first century. Sustainable development is a strategic commitment of the Western Balkan countries, but it necessitates intricate changes, particularly in energy and economy. However, the Western Balkan countries have been confronted with new challenges due to the intricate geopolitical developments that emerged after 2022. The following are particularly noteworthy: frequently conflicting regional initiatives, the usage of energy resources and essential minerals, and significant impacts on how individuals form their opinion on these matters. The factors mentioned above are distinct security threats that require the Western Balkan countries to pursue solutions. Conclusions: A politicized approach to sustainable development is a novel phenomenon that has to be incorporated into current security policy. Specifically, the present approach, which prioritizes the state's security, often conflicts with the emerging concept of individual security (which focuses on the stability of the economy and the environment). This situation adds a layer of complexity to the position of the Western Balkan countries. They have a limited capacity to impact geopolitical developments, and in order to make progress, maintain stability, and foster social peace, they must make concessions and cooperate with influential economies that frequently have conflicting geopolitical interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last three decades, Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been functioning as de facto states that unilaterally declared independence from Georgia. To this day, both have received substantial support from the Russian Federation. The article analyses the foreign and security policy of the Russian Federation towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia, based on the policy concepts of Russia and policy views of the most popular political parties on the basis of their electoral programs for the 2021 parliamentary elections. Whilst there was no clear strategy towards these entities in the 1990s, strategic significance was attributed to them after granting Abkhazia and South Ossetia recognition. Even though there is no clear consensus among political parties in Russia regarding the future status of these entities, it is very likely that the status quo will be the preferred choice over the next years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The General framework agreement for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina initialled in Dayton, USA, and signed in Paris, France, in 1995 stopped the war and brought peace. Bosnia and Herzegovina didn’t have a common army or police in that moment. First law enforcement agency on state level was State Bordes Service established in 2000 and after this several more has been established. Defense reform is completed in 2005 with the establishment of Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Security policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina have been adopted by the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina on February 8th 2006. Since then no change has been made to this policy. Security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina but also in other countries in the region of South Eastern Europe has been changed. Security threats and challenges significantly changed the perspective on security sector, organizational structure and response in many countries. Bosnia and Herzegovina don’t have National Security Strategy and Security policy is one the main documents for foreign policy, inner policy, defence policy, social policy, financial policy, democracy and human rights and protection of the environment. There is a clear need for redefinition of this document and approach to security challenges and threats in Bosnia and Herzegovina and harmonization with the documents of European union and neighboring countries in South eastern Europe.

States should avoid arbitrability in decision-making processes concerning foreign fighters by amending their current legislature including criminal prosecution of foreign fighters. Authorization regime similar to the one in Poland may offer higher guarantees, control and monitoring of medium to high-threat individuals whilst offering states direct targeting of prevention and mitigation policies. States should create a transparent and clear framework for evaluation of applications to travel abroad for the purpose of fighting with lawfully set discretion for state organs that will enable them to deny applications for political, social or even economic reasons.

Operating system (OS) security has been considered as a critical layer within the comprehensive security framework of computer information systems. Mandatory access control (MAC) mechanisms such as SELinux and AppArmor have been employed to strengthen OS security. However, significant challenges have been encountered in the application of MAC in practice, primarily involving the complexity of security policy configuration, which has demanded specialized expertise and often resulted in coarse-grained protection measures. Aimed at enhancing the process of generating security policies for AppArmor, an automated access control policy generation method was proposed based on large language models (LLM). The process began with a static analysis of the target application to extract preliminary security policy rules. Subsequently, the application was extensively executed to gather logs that achieved maximum code coverage. Large models, in conjunction with the gathered log information, static analysis outcomes, and few-shot learning, were utilized to autonomously generate security policies for applications. This approach significantly reduced the dependence on security experts, lowered manual labor costs, and diminished the subjectivity and complexity associated with manual security policy configurations. The efficacy of this methodology was demonstrated through a comparative analysis between the AppArmor security policies generated by this framework and the default policies, focusing on the policies’ correctness, completeness, and succinctness. The experimental findings reveal that the generated policies are not only comprehensive and succinct but also do not impede the normal operation of the application. These results underscore the effectiveness of the proposed method in streamlining the security policy generation process and enhancing the quality of the policies.

The management of network intelligence in Beyond 5G (B5G) networks encompasses the complex challenges of scalability, dynamicity, interoperability, privacy, and security. These are essential steps towards achieving the realization of truly ubiquitous Artificial Intelligence (AI)-based analytics, empowering seamless integration across the entire Continuum (Edge, Fog, Core, Cloud). This paper introduces a Federated Network Intelligence Orchestration approach aimed at scalable and automated Federated Learning (FL)-based anomaly detection in B5G networks. By leveraging a horizontal Federated learning approach based on the FedAvg aggregation algorithm, which employs a deep autoencoder model trained on non-anomalous traffic samples to recognize normal behavior, the system orchestrates network intelligence to detect and prevent cyber-attacks. Integrated into a B5G Zero-touch Service Management (ZSM) aligned Security Framework, the proposal utilizes multi-domain and multi-tenant orchestration to automate and scale the deployment of FL-agents and AI-based anomaly detectors, enhancing reaction capabilities against cyber-attacks. The proposed FL architecture can be dynamically deployed across the B5G Continuum, utilizing a hierarchy of Network Intelligence orchestrators for real-time anomaly and security threat handling. Implementation includes FL enforcement operations for interoperability and extensibility, enabling dynamic deployment, configuration, and reconfiguration on demand. Performance validation of the proposed solution was conducted through dynamic orchestration, FL, and real-time anomaly detection processes using a practical test environment. Analysis of key performance metrics, leveraging the 5G-NIDD dataset, demonstrates the system's capability for automatic and near real-time handling of anomalies and attacks, including real-time network monitoring and countermeasure implementation for mitigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper aims to delve into the core concepts and technologies surrounding network security in the cloud, and the deployment of cloud-native fortifications to address modern threats. The paper explores the unique challenges faced by cloud-based networks and the need to adapt security measures to this environment. It also discusses the principles and technologies that underpin cloud-native security solutions, highlighting their differences from traditional network security approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the conceptual basis for the Norwegian policy framed by 'deterrence and reassurance' towards the Soviet Union/Russia has consisted of two divergent 'balancing acts'. One is 'calibrated deterrence', where reassurance is the means to 'balance' the deterrent effect. The other is a 'balance' between two theoretically conflicting means of achieving security: calibrated deterrence, versus reassurance understood as efforts and means to achieve common security. The argument implies that reassurance balancing deterrence has represented different things according to its use. Clarifying these distinct dyads improves our theoretical understanding of how states conduct their deterrent policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Russia's evolving information confrontation strategy in the Nordic region between 2022–2023. It assesses Russia's approaches toward NATO members Norway, new member Finland, and prospective member Sweden. Despite decreased regional influence, the article finds that Russia persists with sub-threshold information confrontation tactics to bypass NATO deterrence. The strategy aims to shape NATO's presence, undermine Western cohesion, and reduce support for Ukraine. These sub-threshold activities underscore the coercive utility of Russia's information confrontation strategy in Russian strategic thinking. As tensions escalate due to the Ukraine conflict, Moscow will continue seeking to influence domestic debates in Nordic and European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ongoing terrorist attacks in the Sahel region call for strengthening the security system by using human DNA identification technology. In this context, public opinion must be considered when establishing solid standards and universal safeguards for one of the most invasive forms of surveillance and profiling. For this purpose, we gathered internet users' opinions in Burkina Faso (a country located in the Sahel region) on the use of DNA technology to support criminal investigations. The results revealed that 91.7% (431) of the 470 participants believed that this technology is currently necessary for the Burkina Faso's criminal justice system. However, the respondents expressed concerns about the custody and management of a national forensic DNA database. In this particular security setting, the public opinion of this study may provide leaders and political policymakers with clues for considering genetic fingerprints and implementing an national forensic DNA database to support criminal investigations in Burkina Faso whilst also considering the ethical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the strategy of self-exclusion in the foreign policy of small states, considering their goals and expected results of this strategy, that is, the main conditions for its implementation, the main determinants, and also identifies and characterizes its varieties and practical manifestations. In this context, global transformations also cause changes related to the positions and roles of small states in world politics and international relations. At the same time, global transformations change the understanding of the security of small states, which in turn leads to an increase in the number of studies in this area. Together, these factors become the rationale for the relevance of studying the security problems of small states in modern conditions. In conclusion, the results of the analysis are summarized, the features of the strategy of self-exclusion, common features and differences in its varieties are shown.

Objectives The article aims, firstly, to present a human being in the state security policy and in the mainstream of the main approaches to security theory: realistic, liberal, constructivist and behaviorist theories, and secondly, to indicate the main factors influencing people's antisocial behavior. Material and methods Several research methods were used in the study, including: analysis of source documents and research literature, systemic, formal, legal and institutional analysis. When characterizing human behavior in the state security policy, it was found that he/she was prone to anti-social behavior. The author also pointed to several security theories emphasizing human subjectivity in the system of national and international security. Results The conducted analyzes indicate that humans are the main subject of state security policy and are exposed to a number of threats that depend on their nature and It is worth noting that the ideas of human security are embedded not only in state security policy, but also in scientific (security) theories, and an element of their analysis is the identification of threats and the tendency of human beings to antisocial behavior. Conclusions As a result of the collected material and conducted analyses, the author pointed to the most important trends in structural security in scientific theories, expanding some cognitive fields and making certain harmonizations in relation to personal security. The value of these theories is mainly focused on the security of the state and its structures and societies, and much less on human personal security.

Change in Japanese foreign and security policy has long been characterized as "incremental". However, Japan's response to Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine provides an opportunity to reconsider this paradigm. In the aftermath of the 2014 annexation of Crimea, then-Prime Minister Abe Shinzō chose not to put Crimea on the agenda, prioritizing instead relations with Russia. However, Prime Minister Kishida Fumio responded to the 2022 invasion by increasing ties with NATO, promising to double Japan's military spending, and acquiring capabilities that were once considered off-limits, including cruise missiles. This dramatic policy shift is analyzed using punctuated equilibrium theory (PET). We find that the 2022 invasion became a focusing event, shifting public and elite opinion in unison. Where Crimea was played down, Ukraine was clearly linked to Asia, to a possible invasion of Taiwan, and as a threat to the entire liberal international order under which Japan had prospered. We argue that overall change in Japan's policy has not been continuous, rather, focusing events, such as Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, 9/11, and the 2012 "national security crisis" have precipitated fundamental change. Thus, we conclude that PET provides a better understanding of policy change than incrementalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) has achieved significant milestones in cybersecurity. KSA has maintained solid regulatorymechanisms to prevent, trace, and punish offenders to protect the interests of both individual users and organizations from the online threats of data poaching and pilferage. The widespread usage of Information Technology (IT) and IT Enable Services (ITES) reinforces security measures. The constantly evolving cyber threats are a topic that is generating a lot of discussion. In this league, the present article enlists a broad perspective on how cybercrime is developing in KSA at present and also takes a look at some of themost significant attacks that have taken place in the region. The existing legislative framework and measures in the KSA are geared toward deterring criminal activity online. Different competency models have been devised to address the necessary cybercrime competencies in this context. The research specialists in this domain can benefit more by developing a master competency level for achieving optimum security. To address this research query, the present assessment uses the Fuzzy Decision-Making Trial and Evaluation Laboratory (Fuzzy-DMTAEL), Fuzzy Analytic Hierarchy Process (F.AHP), and Fuzzy TOPSIS methodology to achieve segment-wise competency development in cybersecurity policy. The similarities and differences between the three methods are also discussed. This cyber security analysis determined that the National Cyber Security Centre got the highest priority. The study concludes by perusing the challenges that still need to be examined and resolved in effectuating more credible and efficacious online security mechanisms to offer a more empowered ITES-driven economy for Saudi Arabia. Moreover, cybersecurity specialists and policy makers need to collate their efforts to protect the country's digital assets in the era of overt and covert cyber warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the dynamics that shaped the recently adopted Regulation (EU) 2023/2675, known as the Anti-Coercion Instrument (ACI), which represents the EU's latest autonomous trade measure aimed at protecting the Union and its Member States from economic coercion by third countries. Unlike other legal instruments focusing on international trade, the ACI addresses geopolitical tensions and disputes fought through economic means, thereby departing from traditional trade policy objectives, and entering the sphere of foreign and security policy. This nexus was reflected during the interinstitutional negotiations of the ACI that significantly changed the instrument, whereas the main controversy revolved around determining instances of economic coercion and the subsequent selection of Union response measures. The paper engages with the question of how the genesis of the ACI can be understood by considering both the legal dimension and the critical influence of political and institutional factors. It contends that while the EU's legal framework provides the leeway to overcome the separation of trade and security foreseen by the Treaties, the institutional dynamics resulted in the instrument being decisively shaped by internal factors related to the division of competence within the EU, rather than external threats. The article advocates for a stronger political vision to determine what role the EU's trade policy can and should play within the overall shift towards greater strategic autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the role of political parties in influencing a democratic state's international security cooperation policy. It focuses on Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries pushed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The LDP as the ruling party saw Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries as an effort to success Abe's "Take Back Japan" campaign and to overperform the previous Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) administration. Moreover, Japan was able to expand its security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries because LDP and its junior coalition partner New Komeito, using its preliminary review system in foreign and security policy making, and its stable power in parliament, were able to pass security legislations allowing Japan's to have more security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2018, the enactment of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) has bestowed distinct privileges upon each person while imposing protocols to safeguard personal information. The GDPR effectively tackles an evident requirement within our interconnected, social media-driven society. However, its compliance poses a considerable challenge, particularly for small and medium-sized businesses. This work aims to identify and select the proper countermeasures in order to comply with GDPR, by using standard security controls. Thus, we designed a tool to handle some phases of the compliance process in an almost semi-automated way. The proposed approach relies on standard security control frameworks (namely NIST SP-800-53) and can be easily adapted to different frameworks. The proposed technique was validated using our university as a case study, through a simple demonstrator, although the solution can be transparently applied to different contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military now views cyberspace as a new warfare domain, with constant cyber operations potentially causing significant consequences. Internationally, countries are heavily involved in cyberspace, but international law lags behind this evolution, raising questions about its application and retaliation measures. This article investigates international law in cyberspace and cyber operations in warfare and terrorism, exploring recent calls for increased legislation. The impact of cyberspace nonregulation on international security is examined from both positive and negative perspectives. It argues that solving anonymity and attribution issues requires state collaboration, with an initial step of cooperation against cyber‐terrorism. The conclusion emphasizes the necessity of cyberspace regulation and legislation for international and national security, offering a starting point for discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States are security-seekers vis-a-vis 'significant others' who are cast as enemies in the international system. Usually, the study of the enemy image is connected with relative equilibrium concerning power capabilities. Less attention was given to a situation of a decisive power imbalance. Thus, a question arises whether such a situation will lead to a uniform enemy image? Concomitantly, what is the impact of the enemy image on security-related behaviour and policy preferences? To shed light on this problem, we analyse the strategic security documents of the Czech Republic and the Republic of Estonia to explore how they project the Russian Federation into their security discourses. By engaging the broader question of the discursive construction of the enemy in the national security documents, we seek to contribute to how vernacular perspectives feed into the regional dynamic of Central Eastern Europe understood either as an EU region or as NATO's Eastern Flank. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Japan’s former prime minister Abe Shinzō, security cooperation with Southeast Asia was central to preventing the South China Sea from turning into a “Lake Beijing” – completely under Chinese control. This paper explains why Abe’s security engagement in the region focused mainly on providing Capacity Building Assistance (CBA) to Southeast Asian coast guards agencies to counter China’s maritime assertiveness. Answers are provided by looking at not only international but also domestic factors. Based on key variables of post–Cold War Japan’s foreign policy, namely the US-Japan alliance, the dominance of economic tools, and normative and institutional constraints on the use of force, the analysis concludes that CBA was an ideal response to the complex demands and restrictions of Japan’s security policy. In particular, the economic benefits of providing CBA are an important finding of the analysis and one that has not yet received much scholarly focus.

Russia's war against Ukraine has severely damaged the European security architecture. This article examines the consequences of this rupture for German foreign and security policy. Just a few months before Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Germany saw the transition to an unprecedented three-party coalition government of Social Democrats, Greens, and Liberals. In a special address to the Bundestag three days after the invasion, Chancellor Olaf Scholz described Russia's war initiation as a historical Zeitenwende ("watershed") that called into question long-held beliefs about European security. In the wake of this, Scholz proclaimed far-reaching changes, including the announcement that military expenditure would be drastically increased, additional military capabilities would be procured, and new deployments would be committed to NATO's eastern flank. This article argues that the Zeitenwende amounts to an international orientation change in German foreign and security policy. Apart from identifying areas of significant change, the article also documents political contestation over the Zeitenwende's nature and extent as well as gaps between proclaimed changes and actual implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's invasion of Ukraine has been perceived as a fundamental shift at the international level, triggering reorientation in foreign and security policy, in particular among liberal democracies. At the same time, beyond such external shocks, states may incrementally adapt their positioning towards international affairs. To shed light on these dynamics, this article aims to quantitatively explore longer-term patterns of foreign and security policy in liberal democracies. In doing so, we make two contributions to the literature: First, we propose a quantitative operationalization of foreign and security policy change, combining military and non-military aspects, to explore the patterns of continuity and change over time (1988-2021), considering 20 liberal democracies. Second, we leverage insights from public policy analysis, in particular the punctuated equilibrium theory, to make sense of the identified patterns. Accordingly, we find support for the proposition that foreign and security policies typically change incrementally and that major change is rare. Moreover, while incremental shifts can be explained by domestic politics and institutional settings, major changes disrupt this pattern. In conclusion, the article discusses the plausibility of the quantitative analysis given the current policy shifts among democracies following Russia's war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article combines linguistic discourse analysis with role theory to create a role-theoretic discourse analysis framework for German security policy. To illustrate this, we employ topos analysis on 30 plenary minutes of parliamentary debates regarding the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan, conducted by German Members of Parliament between 2001 and 2014. We interpret their perception of Germany's roles in light of key behavioral norms related to German security policy. The parliamentary discourse, shaped by topoi, sets the stage for decisions on German military operations abroad. The use of topoi is influenced by dominant thought patterns, particularly the perspective on Germany's role in security policy held by the political elite. Political decisions, in turn, reflect behavioral preferences guided by these viewpoints. Our research reveals how changes in German security policy are mirrored in the discourse. This discourse is structured around five categories of topoi for legitimizing or delegitimizing military operations abroad: necessity, obligation, self-interest, capability and preparedness, and solution. An evaluation of the use of topoi through the lens of role theory indicates that perceptions of Germany's role have evolved over time, encompassing roles such as a "civilian power," a "normal state," and an "agenda-setting role" in sync with its foreign military engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Japan's former prime minister Abe Shinzō, security cooperation with Southeast Asia was central to preventing the South China Sea from turning into a "Lake Beijing" - completely under Chinese control. This paper explains why Abe's security engagement in the region focused mainly on providing Capacity Building Assistance (CBA) to Southeast Asian coast guards agencies to counter China's maritime assertiveness. Answers are provided by looking at not only international but also domestic factors. Based on key variables of post-Cold War Japan's foreign policy, namely the US-Japan alliance, the dominance of economic tools, and normative and institutional constraints on the use of force, the analysis concludes that CBA was an ideal response to the complex demands and restrictions of Japan's security policy. In particular, the economic benefits of providing CBA are an important finding of the analysis and one that has not yet received much scholarly focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process which started with the annexation of Crimea in 2014 has caused a deep stress in the European security order. Russia has not only threatened the European security architecture, but for the first time, Russia has openly challenged it through its actions. As such, the war in Ukraine was a turning point in both international relations and European security policy. Accordingly, the European Union (EU) has altered its foreign and security policy. Until then, the EU had acted within the framework of its responsibility to protect the security of its members through a normative structure and peaceful methods, representing a multilateral world order as a peace project. However, post-February 2022, it has adopted a power-oriented policy. Increased cooperation with NATO, the will to break all kinds of existing dependencies, strict sanctions ranging from economy to energy policy, and the increase in the use of military force have been indicators that Europe has entered a transformation. After 2022, its attempt to influence international relations and the international system with more solid means has demonstrated that the EU is an actor that does not completely abandon its liberal and constructivist identity but reacts realistically. This article analyzes how Russia's attack on Ukraine entailed a change for Europe within the debate of the realism and constructivism frameworks. In this context, the authors attempt to reveal the transformation of the EU after 2022, which has now been accepted as a turning point, and how the process of building a common foreign and security policy has shaped the future of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies automatizing the analysis of access control in big data management systems by modeling security policies. It analyzes modern methods of ensuring access control in this class of systems, determines the respective requirements, and chooses the most advanced method for describing security policies as part of the solution in development. The task of modeling security policies in big data management systems is formulated. The architecture, the main components, and the general operating algorithm of the software framework for solving the task, as well as the experimental validation results, are presented. The strengths and weaknesses of the framework are assessed and ways for its further upgrade suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to elucidate the changes in the security policy of the Turkish Republic, brought about by both internal factors due to the peculiarities of the state (e.g., the ethnic structure of the population) and external factors related to changes in the international environment (location in the part of the Middle East bordering the unstable areas of the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Iraq and Syria). After an initial period when Turkey pursued a policy of neutrality in international relations, there was a strategic turn toward the West after World War II. The last three decades have been a period of restoring relations with countries in the region and building a new security strategy based on the doctrine of deterrence and advanced defense, and, since the civil war in Syria, assertive military activism. According to the author, the overemphasis on hard power tools may contribute to the emergence of various types of balancing movements (by state and non-state actors) that may threaten Ankara's strategic interests. Balancing moves can cause geopolitical alienation and limit Turkey's freedom of action, reducing the effectiveness of diplomatic efforts, which are an essential tool for resolving international conflicts. The article draws on interviews the author conducted with Turkish researchers. These included Ferhat Pirinççi of Uludağ University in Bursa (7.11.2022), and Murat Aslan and Bilgehan Öztürk of the SETA Foundation in Ankara (15-16.11.2022).

Russia’s war against Ukraine has severely damaged the European security architecture. This article examines the consequences of this rupture for German foreign and security policy. Just a few months before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Germany saw the transition to an unprecedented three-party coalition government of Social Democrats, Greens, and Liberals. In a special address to the Bundestag three days after the invasion, Chancellor Olaf Scholz described Russia’s war initiation as a historical Zeitenwende (“watershed”) that called into question long-held beliefs about European security. In the wake of this, Scholz proclaimed far-reaching changes, including the announcement that military expenditure would be drastically increased, additional military capabilities would be procured, and new deployments would be committed to NATO’s eastern flank. This article argues that the Zeitenwende amounts to an international orientation change in German foreign and security policy. Apart from identifying areas of significant change, the article also documents political contestation over the Zeitenwende’s nature and extent as well as gaps between proclaimed changes and actual implementation.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been perceived as a fundamental shift at the international level, triggering reorientation in foreign and security policy, in particular among liberal democracies. At the same time, beyond such external shocks, states may incrementally adapt their positioning towards international affairs. To shed light on these dynamics, this article aims to quantitatively explore longer-term patterns of foreign and security policy in liberal democracies. In doing so, we make two contributions to the literature: First, we propose a quantitative operationalization of foreign and security policy change, combining military and non-military aspects, to explore the patterns of continuity and change over time (1988–2021), considering 20 liberal democracies. Second, we leverage insights from public policy analysis, in particular the punctuated equilibrium theory, to make sense of the identified patterns. Accordingly, we find support for the proposition that foreign and security policies typically change incrementally and that major change is rare. Moreover, while incremental shifts can be explained by domestic politics and institutional settings, major changes disrupt this pattern. In conclusion, the article discusses the plausibility of the quantitative analysis given the current policy shifts among democracies following Russia’s war in Ukraine.

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Information security policy (ISP) plays a crucial role in maintaining the availability, confidentiality, and integrity of sensitive data. However, it is of high complexity and heterogeneity due to the variety and redundancy of security policy practices and complexity of organisational systems. Various and duplicate ISP models and frameworks have been offered in the literature. The duplicate security policy practices, procedures, and processes in the existing models have made ISP disorganised, unstructured, and unclear to organisational users. As a result, there is still a need for a standardised and integrated model to make it simpler to share, manage, and reuse ISP practices amongst the organisations. The main objective of this study is to construct a metamodel to unify, organise, and structure ISP practices. By identifying, recognising, extracting, and combining the common information security policy practices from various ISP models in a built ISP metamodel called ISPM, we seek to make it simple for users and field specialists to derive/instantiate security policy models for their organisations. The development and validation process of the ISPM is based on the common security frameworks such as ISO 27001 frameworks. The developed ISPM consists of 19 common security practices: organisation, risk management, access control policy, edit, review, compliance, business management, backup and recovery, incident response, SETA program, security awareness, security training, security education, email security policy, cloud security policy, network security policy, website security policy, physical security policy, and privacy security policy. Each common security practice consists of several operations and attributes. The performance of the developed ISPM was compared to that of other models to evaluate its completeness and logicalness. Using ISO 27001 as a framework, the findings confirmed the comprehensiveness of ISPM. Therefore, it can contribute to organisations' security by helping them to develop their own security policy models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It can be expected that a new national security strategy of the Republic of Poland should be published in the spring of 2024. This is due to the need to take into account those matters in the field of external and internal security that have taken place since May 2020 when the current strategy is in force. This can be referred to, for example, the ongoing war in Ukraine, the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO, the end of the CoViD-19 pandemic, Britain's departure from the European Union structures, the strengthening of the PRC's role in the world, the international and trade isolation of the Russian Federation, the depopulation of our country, the occurrence of high inflation, environmental and technical threats. The new strategy must place a stronger emphasis on military security, critical infrastructure and defense facilities (industry, reserves, trained personnel, organizational structures, command system, civil defense) and political cooperation within NATO and the EU.

With the development of network technology, security in path planning problems has attracted widespread attention. We consider a path planning problem in which a planner computes a finite path that satisfies a specification. We assume that the specification includes mandatory safety/co-safety specifications. Moreover, we consider a security policy for this path. However, we assume that the information leaked to an intruder is not known beforehand. Then, we propose an enforcement mechanism referred to as a finite-horizon shield. This mechanism modifies the path computed by the planner as small as possible to satisfy the safety/co-safety specifications and security policy under the leaked information. We assume that the safety/co-safety specifications are described by LTL ${}_{f}$ formulas and the security policy by a hyperLTL ${}_{f}$ formula. Subsequently, we convert the formulas into quantified formulas and compute the modified path using a satisfiability modulo theories solver. As an example, we consider an opacity problem where there is another path whose leaked information is the same as that of the modified path. By simulations, it confirms that the output of shield depends on the leaked information and the modified path may have additional movements to ensure opacity. We also compare the computation time of the shield with that of a security-aware planning by simulation.

After Russia invaded Ukraine, Finland quickly applied for NATO membership. This step is not necessarily that drastic should Finland’s security policy development in the long term be examined with one’s focus set on a gradually-developed defence policy. It represents an important continuity in security policy, but also played a central role in advancing Finland’s steps to becoming NATO members. On the basis of different studies and accounts, the following points seem to be critical in constructing a preliminary narrative about Finland’s road to the Alliance. After the Second World War, Finland’s western relations became dependent on its bilateral relations with the Soviet Union. Finland was aware that it could not expect any support from the West as regards its security. Despite a security policy based on recognising facts, and the FCMA Treaty with the Soviet Union, the eastern neighbour was seen as the main, and, later on, the only military threat on the basis of history and Finland’s vulnerable geopolitical position. The threat, however, was concealed by so-called “doubletalk” in security policy discourse until the 2010s. In this context, state defence was developed to be an independent and modern territorial defence, ultimately there to defend against a large-scale invasion. Finland’s defence enjoyed high legitimacy and confidence in society, especially from the 1970s. Security policy was raised above normal politics to be a kind of super-politics with a strong political consensus. When the Cold War ended and Finland joined the European Union, defence policy and the defence establishment got a leading role in working an approaching NATO. Finland’s opportunities to conduct stabilisation policy in its close neighbourhood were seen as being limited, especially after Russia adopted a self-asserting foreign and security policy towards the West after 2007. At the same time, the subsequently increased cooperation, networking, and integration stimulated perceptions about western defence dependence. This increased emphasis on defence actually turned people’s attention to the extra security that NATO membership might provide. Applying for NATO, however, required the shock of a Russian invasion of Ukraine before the Finnish public was ready to see the risks of NATO membership as being less than that of its benefits.

Access control (AC) tools implement security policies for controlling access to various assets, including file systems, physical resources, and social media posts. They are also used as pedagogical tools for exploring and understanding intricate details of complex security policies. However, current tools are not developed based on the actual needs of security and policy professionals. They are not equipped to support basic and vital operations like providing a policy overview, policy comparisons, identifying and resolving policy conflicts. In this paper, we explore (a) the specific challenges faced in the collaboration between access control policy makers and implementers, and (b) the limitations that current tools have towards addressing these challenges. We argue that a lack of effective collaboration between policy makers and implementers may lead to a misunderstanding of security policy semantics. The main reason for this problem is that policy makers and implementers use different technical languages for communication. The lack of a common technical language leads to a miscommunication between the two parties. The key aim of our work is to review the currently available research-based access control tools and to identify their pros and cons. To accomplish this, we have reviewed a set of access control tools that have a wide variety of features and applications. We have also identified a set of tasks that these access control tools possess to help the work of policy professionals who are involved in the creation, management and maintenance of security policies. We also compared the functionalities of these tools, the different types of security policies that they support, and their visualizations. Together, these comparisons provide a clear understanding of what current access control systems lack and how they can be improved in order to support effective collaboration between policy makers and policy implementers. We have also found that many of these tools could be more accessible to non-technical policy professionals to understand the semantics of security policies if these tools provide features for visualizing security policies.

This article studies two of the most important public contests in contemporary Japanese politics, Prime Minister (PM) Koizumi’s postal privatization and PM Abe’s introduction of collective self-defense. I investigate the rhetorical dynamics of these public contests, and find that the initiations and the yearlong continued efforts by the prime ministers and their cabinets narrowed down the options for resistance in Japanese political networks, as manifested in coercion, compromises, and policy swaps by the main political parties involved. I make three theoretical and conceptual contributions. First, I map the rhetorical process of the political actors involved by combining existing research on rhetorical contestation and the findings from the two contests. Second, I sketch causal models for the two contests, and argue that the public contests and rhetorical strategies that were initiated functioned as a social mechanism in the case of PM Koizumi and as a social mediator in the case of PM Abe. Third, I intervene in an ongoing discussion about the presence of populism in Japanese politics, and conclude that PM Koizumi represented a quintessential populist neoliberal, while PM Abe’s re-interpretation efforts did not exhibit populist features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I, as a subaltern, offer a reverse gaze on White security plans to rescue the world from the tide of violent extremism. Violent extremism has been identified as a global security threat by the United Nations, which announced a Plan of Action to combat the threat in 2016. Education has been considered a valuable tool for preventing violent extremism. In 2017, UNESCO published a policy guide explaining how education can be used to prevent violent extremism. This article offers a critique of the UNESCO policy guide, using the construct of White ignorance as explained by Charles Mills and Jennifer Mueller's Theory of Racial Ignorance. This critique, coming from a location (Pakistan) where education has been under intense White scrutiny since 9/11, owing to its alleged link with violent ideologies, provides an inverse perspective on the problem of violent extremism. Using Mills's concept of the epistemology of ignorance, I argue that international security policies view security as maintenance of White hegemony and refuse to listen to the people labelled as a security problem by White epistemic authorities. I contend that it is the White security policy that needs to be educated to prevent violence and maintain durable security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There any many different access-control systems, yet a commonality is that they provide flexible mechanisms to enforce different access levels. Their importance in organisations to adequately restrict resources, coupled with their use in a dynamic environment, mandates the need to routinely perform policy analysis. The aim of performing analysis is often to identify potential problematic permissions, which have the potential to be exploited and could result in data theft and unintended modification. There is a vast body of published literature on analysing access-control systems, yet as performing analysis has a strong end-user motivation and is grounded in security challenges faced in real-world systems, it is important to understand how research is developing, what are the common themes of interest, and to identify key challenges that should be addressed in future work. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, no survey has been performed to gain an understanding of empirical access-control analysis, focussing on how techniques are evaluated and how they align to the needs of real-world analysis tasks. This article provides a systematic literature review, identifying and summarising key works. Key findings are identified and discussed as areas of future work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study conducts the first systematic review of major United States (US) think tank policy and strategy positions regarding defense of the Senkaku Islands. An analytical framework for content analysis is created and then applied to 76 documents spanning the 2010–2020 period. The policy orientations of 10 leading think tanks are identified, as is the strategic rationale behind their arguments. Because think tanks in the US exert tremendous influence on policymaking, the thick description conducted in this study can shed a great deal of light not only on the past but also the future scope of potential US policy options in the East China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following research aims at analysing the energy and security challenges that faces the current MENA region in accordance with the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It tries to give a comprehensive look upon the situation that defines today's political and economic world. At the beginning, it starts with the assessment of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and its consequences on Europe and the Maghreb. In the next part, it focuses on the various issues that complicate the situation in North Africa regarding energy and security factors. Then the article goes on to describe the gas pipelines that connects the two areas (Europe and North Africa) and it clarifies the threats that hinder the cooperation between them. With a short introduction of the role of Tunisia in this debate, the research finally tries to explore the possibilities in renewable energy resources regarding the substitution of Russian energy supplies on the European market. In the conclusion, the article wanted to give a short and brief, but thourough analysis about the energy and security situation in the region and what solutions are there for the parties to ensure their interests in this complex political, economic and security competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the recent war that thrust Europe into upheaval, taking a look at the European Union's common security policy is of paramount importance. In my paper, I shall examine how essential state functions play a role in ensuring national security and sovereignty, while also taking part in the EU's policies regarding this vital area of cooperation. My research focuses on what security entails on the level of the EU. In addition, I would like to explore what the boundaries of cooperation are, and how this policy was created. Of course, nations need each other in trying times, but does that leave no room for autonomous decisions? What are the limits, which allow no more freedom for state functions to take effect? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes an x-ray of the current situation at the Black Sea, Romania's most vulnerable flank, and proposes possible solutions for Romania, together with Bulgaria and in collaboration with Moldova, Georgia or even Turkey, to become a strong anchor, but also a basis for projecting an external position of the EU in this hot zone, which even envisages an extended collaboration up to the Baltic Sea, on the entire Eastern flank of NATO and the EU!. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the process of norm localisation in the security sector by analysing the context, format and functions of national security strategies published by the Visegrád countries between 1990 and 2020. After the end of the cold war, the "Europeanisation" of the security policy of Central European took place, which included the publication of Western-style national security strategies. Nevertheless, due to national and regional particularities, such documents serve specific political and communication functions, signifying that Visegrád states localised the practice of issuing national security strategies instead of merely copying them. This process led to the diminishing practical value of such documents at the expense of their communication role in terms of belonging and hedging. The article tracks these developments through the three waves of Central European national security strategies between 1990 and 2020 through the analysis of their political context, aims and specific attributes based on various criteria. Results of the research indicate that the functions of national security strategies varied in different stages of the norm localisation process, which questions the traditional method of comparing explicit strategies through content analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]