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The Chinese institution for population registration is called the hukou system. It divides residents into local and non-local hukou holders concerning geographical mobility. Within Chinese society, young people often move away from their birthplace and subsequently become non-local hukou holders in the destinations. The hukou system has become a barrier to the access of young people to urban rights, placing them in a peripheral position in society. To understand the often-overlooked geographies of young people in China, the article examines how the hukou system undermines young people’s right to the city. Subsequently, the invisible politics of young people in China is discussed, based on a scoping review that approaches the issue through three themes: young people’s tactics in their mobilities; housing inequality and residential segregation; and young people’s aspirations for the future. Combining authoritarianism and neoliberalism, the hukou system controls the distribution of city rights, and thus regulates the flows of young people. Such regulation constitutes a transitional regime that shapes the life trajectories of Chinese youths. Therefore, the article recommends hearing the voices of Chinese young people in the field of Children’s Geographies, and thus enabling their voices to influence future reforms of hukou policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that Henri Lefebvre's Marxism had anarchistic traits, but few have tried to specify what these traits are, or what they mean. This paper argues that Lefebvre's work should be seen as first and foremost an anti‐authoritarian theory that uses space, rather than a spatial theory. Written from a position that refuses to be either just ‘Marxist’ or just ‘anarchist’, this paper makes a claim to the possibility of a radical geography that can engage with and beyond both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Space is often produced digitally before it is produced physically. This article investigates how the right to the city can be broadened to include the appropriation of digital spaces to produce 'lived' transportation spaces. Focussing on mobilisation against highway expansion in Dallas, Texas, we ask the following: (1) what are the mechanisms through which space is conceived, perceived, and lived through the lens of mobility justice; (2) how might claims for technical information challenge dominant transportation policies and projects; and (3) how might participants inhabit digital spaces? We conduct a qualitative analysis of transportation planning narratives, visualisations, and public comments in three documents: the Dallas City Center Master Assessment Process, Coalition for a New Dallas' I-345/45 Framework Plan, and public survey data regarding proposed highway changes (n = 1241). Findings demonstrate how residents challenge transportation 'needs' as often determined in conceptual planning spaces. Further, technologies can be appropriated to produce differential spaces, which can alter the trajectory of highway projects. Challenging the legitimacy of institutionalised knowledge through the appropriation and production of digital spaces forms part of a larger claim to the right of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the multiple ways in which the lives of urban refugees are impacted by the presence of refugee camps. It builds on a growing body of literature on the urban refugee experience that recognizes the agency exercised in the rejection of the camp. But it also demonstrates how, in countries with an encampment policy, the presence of camps can limit urban refugees' mobility and their ability to take advantage of all that urban life has to offer. It also highlights the consequences of the choice refugees must make between receiving humanitarian aid in a camp and living unassisted in an urban area. The paper draws on qualitative interviews with refugees in Ethiopia, Kenya and Jordan. It presents conclusions on the inadequacy of the international response, which fails to capitalize on the presence of displaced people in cities, to achieve the supposed policy goal of "self-reliance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how the right to the city has been implemented in Ecuadorian housing policy after it was recognized in the 2008 Constitution, focusing on the link between this right and the right to housing. Based on the policy design framework, the study seeks to explore to what extent the set of policy instruments developed in the period 2009–2020 have been consistent with the right principles proposed in Constitution. Some limitations are identified, such as the prevalence of a housing policy model that disregards social production as an alternative and is disconnected from broader strategies of equitable urban development. The absence of indicators that account for the right to the city, and the lack of strategies that facilitate the articulation between the housing and land management competencies of the central and municipal governments are other fundamental constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent literature on home has focused on the importance of imagination and performativity in the making of places. In this article, I bring together the imagined and the material dimensions of home-making, to show how people (re)attach themselves to multiple places and, in the process, project idealized moral orders. These arguments draw on an ethnography of a mosque in Lisbon, established in 2000 by a group of Portuguese-Bangladeshi entrepreneurs, who have been negotiating with the municipality for a space to accommodate its growing congregation. In 2012, the city hall announced the construction a new square in Lisbon, the "Moorish square," a development project that would include several multifunctional spaces, some of which will be used to relocate this mosque. This article examines these negotiations as part of making a sense of home by my interlocutors from Bangladesh and, simultaneously, reveals the anxieties over the regulation and the place of Islam and Muslims in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police are omnipresent in Nigerian cities. The existence and actions of the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) in cities such as Lagos, Ibadan, and Abuja are intended like elsewhere in the urban world to deter, reduce, and solve crime. This is true of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the NPF, created to combat armed robberies, car-snatchings, kidnappings, and cattle rustling. Its methods of seeking greater public security, however, raises questions about the fairness and efficacy of urban policing in Nigeria. Its reported police predation and violence during its stops, searches, detentions, and custody of urban denizens exacerbate socio-spatial injustices in Nigerian cities. We draw on the concept of the right to the city and qualitative data, including key informant interviews with Nigerian police, lawyers, and common city residents, including self-identified victims of SARS brutality, to describe how SARS helps us understand the context and characteristics of urban policing in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Muslim community's struggle to maintain their cemeteries in Tel Aviv-Jaffa, and highlights a broader geo-temporal interpretation of the indigenous right-to-the-city. We analyse a succession of mobilizations against sales and demolitions of Muslim cemeteries across the city since the 1950s and investigate how activists recently gained tangible achievements by framing their protest as an urban citizenship mobilization. We show that by utilizing creative spatial performances, applying to municipal governance and stressing their right to use and produce urban space, to participate, and to have their local heritage acknowledged and commemorated, they invoked and reinterpreted right-to-the-city ideas. Their struggle also expanded this agenda, as they did not focus on their living area, but rather advanced claims related to the full city space and its history, and to the customary view of their spaces as 'terra nullius'. In analysing their struggle, we thus contribute to the right-to-the-city literature and agenda, highlight the right for commemoration as part of right to live in the city as equal citizens, and address the promise this case presents for minority ethnic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares housing projects in Asunción (Paraguay) and Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), identifying tactics to adapt them to the needs of evicted populations. It argues that standardized housing developments enforce civilizing norms, while informal adaptations by residents resist such controls. Both cases were analyzed through fieldwork at different times, using social research methods and ethnography. The research reveal that authorities aim to keep relocated populations under control, while residents creatively adapt spaces in resistance. This highlights the clash between enforced norms and individual needs, echoing questions about rights in the city space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New cities, often designed as development strategies, cause dispossession, displacement, and disruption of everyday lives of local communities. To further explore the effects of new cities and urban development in the Global South, this study explores the realities of farmers whose homes and livelihoods are affected by the construction of New Clark City in the Philippines. Employing the concept of the right to the city by Henri Lefebvre, this study delves into the farmers' agency in reclaiming space in the city being built on their rice fields. Through qualitative research methods, including interviews and participant observation, the study elucidates the strategies employed by farmers to assert their right to New Clark City. Highlighting that (re)claiming of space by the farmers is motivated by their need to make a living and provide for their families, the study builds on the understanding of the right to the city as the right of the inhabitants to shape their environment and manage their resources. Although the right to the city heavily depends upon the collective power to reshape the process of urbanization, the article argues that it can also be asserted through individual and unorganized actions.

This paper argues for the necessity of reclaiming the 'right to leisure' from a Lefebvrean perspective. The right to leisure is an under-studied concept in both human rights and leisure studies literature. While the 'reductionist' human rights approaches categorise it as a 'not so essential' human right, leisure studies are primarily interested in how inequalities occur in leisure settings within specific societies. Drawing on a Marxist framework, Lefebvre locates leisure in the centre of a new, radical understanding of citizenship which is substantially outlined in his concept of the 'right to the city'. This article argues that an unalienating form of leisure, which centralises creative agency and qualitative use of time and space, is both a reason and an outcome of the right to the city. In this sense, the emancipatory leisure ideal cannot be separated from an emancipatory notion of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anyone who has lived in a city knows that, separately from the administrative or electoral districts, there are districts that exist in the imagination. Areas of the city seem to have a distinctive character and ethos. The article suggests that such notional place‐forming occurs spontaneously through everyday sensations, life activities, and events and is spontaneously evaluative and comparative. In these ways, a notion of "intuitive district" differs from externally given analytical concepts commonly used in the literature to categorize urban divisions, such as neighborhood or quartier. Intuitive districts are subjective but also widely shared in urban communications. The article argues that they have an objective agency: They influence people's decisions, what they care about, how they move around the city, and interact (or do not interact) with other residents. Using the example of one post‐socialist city in Russia (Ulan‐Ude), the article explores how intuitive directs have formed and shows how their existence can have effect on highly diverse urban processes and actions, from the formation of gangland territories to house prices, from religious intensification to providing the foundation for public protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I look into the weakening state of housing justice in India, especially in the context of the Covid‐19 pandemic and increased state violence. I ask how and why housing rights in India have mostly remained limited in their approach without being able to demand broader access to the city through right to the city discourse. In trying to find answers to this question, I examine housing rights activism in India historically. I show how, while some movements and campaigns organically began to make such broader claims without even invoking the term 'right to the city', these efforts were short‐lived and those spaces were taken up by policymakers and courts. In this article I trace how a relative absence of a political language and movements' growing proximity to the policy world has shaped a very particular trajectory of housing rights in India. Within the context of this relative absence of a right to the city discourse even quiet encroachments of the poor have failed to claim their moral right to the city. In this moment, as the Indian state takes a more hostile turn towards the poor and to civil‐society organizations, I argue that it may be time to rethink ways of bringing back housing to the centre of political struggles in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis study addresses the critical research inquiry surrounding the persistence of gendered urban inequalities and the subsequent exclusion of women in urban settings within the broader context of gender, spatiality, and embodiment. Using feminist geographical theory and informed by Henri Lefebvre’s concept of the right to the city, the study investigates how the spatial characteristics of public spaces, along with underlying gendered dynamics, engender discriminatory and exclusionary practices that restrict women’s right to the city and public lived space. The study collected data through a questionnaire, in-depth interviews, and a mapping exercise utilising open-access Geographic Information Systems (GIS) software. The participants were 166 individuals from the historically racially segregated areas of Umlazi, Chatsworth, and Durban Central in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The findings reveal women’s negative experiences and perceptions of the risk of victimisation, which stem from a form of ‘self-imposed exclusion’ from public spaces, thereby limiting their overall right to the city. The study also highlights the intersecting hierarchies of race, gender, age, and nationality that (re)produce intersectional exclusions, contributing to multiple barriers to access. In conclusion, the study demonstrates that women’s exclusion from public spaces and their limited rights to the city results from a complex interplay between embodied ‘self-imposed’ exclusions, intersectional dynamics, and spatial constraints, which collectively infringe their embodied right to the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper reflects on the Housing Justice in Unjust Cities Project that unfolded in so-called brisbane in 2021, in response to concerns over how the framing of demands and solutions to the present housing crisis in so-called australia can reinvest in and further legitimise colonial-carceral-capitalist logics and structures. Using critical co-constructed autoethnography as methodology, the authors reflect on their own involvement in housing struggles as settlers on unceded Aboriginal land, the recent history of these struggles in so-called brisbane, and the lessons and reflections that instigated the Housing Justice in Unjust Cities Project, and which emerged from our experiences organising together. The project, comprising a series of radio interviews and broadcasts followed by a public forum, was an attempt to foreground what ongoing Aboriginal sovereignty means for struggles for housing justice, and to challenge the colonial logics and common sense that often permeates settler-led housing politics. Drawing on Indigenist research approaches and police and prison abolition discourse, we offer some partial reflections on building communities of struggle that refuse to accept a housing justice that begins and ends with a more equitable distribution of stolen land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the challenges surrounding the conceptualization and definition of spatial justice within our increasingly data‐driven society, this article commences an inquiry into the convergence of space, justice, and data within human geography literature and related disciplines, focusing notably on the urban field. The paper outlines theories concerning social justice‐based rights to the city, especially emphasizing the significance of existing literature that bridges such theories with recent scholarship on data justice. It supplements these discussions by deriving a theoretical framework for digital spatial justice rooted in other space‐based theories, exploring the more‐than‐human realms of non‐human entities, affect, and information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration reported that human error is involved in 94–96% of all motor vehicle crashes. Also in 2016, Bonnefon et al. predicted that autonomous vehicles could eliminate 90% of traffic collisions due to their elimination of human error. However, questions of safety, accessibility, and social equity have arisen after the first pedestrian death by an autonomous vehicle in its testing phase occurred in Tempe, AZ, in 2018. This project analyzes how social equity issues shape the discussion, creation, and implementation of governmental policies and regulations surrounding driverless automobiles in Tempe, using policy and text analysis as well as semi-structured interviews of government officials or residents of Tempe. Informed by the concept of the right to the city and critical legal studies, this research suggests that public policy around autonomous vehicles does create new and expand existing spaces for inequality in Tempe. This is exacerbated by increased awareness of inequality within Arizona's autonomous vehicle regulation scheme and its entire transportation system after the first pedestrian death by autonomous vehicle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of perceived injustice, a huge number of intense anti-World Cup movements took place throughout almost every host city from June 2013 to July 2014 in Brazil. Over a million Brazilians joined anti-World Cup protests in more than 100 cities throughout Brazil in early July 2013, and this civil resistance lasted until the beginning of the World Cup. After the Cup, a number of violent protests in Rio de Janeiro against the 2016 Olympics occurred as well, and these produced far more controversy over the event. This study examines the emergence of social movements against the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games held in Brazil. Despite the importance of the subject, there has been a scarcity of literature addressing networked social movements in Brazil that opposed mega-sporting events and how this relates to theoretical debates about differentiated citizenship and the right to the city. To fill this gap, this article aims to explore the characteristics of protests. Drawing on an analysis of archival sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork in Brazil, this study shows that such demonstrations can be best seen as “networked social movements” that had been struggling for the asymmetric distribution of rights around the neoliberal mega-events. These networked social movements entailed the characteristics of the right-tothe-city movements that intended to subvert the social systems of differentiated citizenship in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece aims to explain the spatiality of rights to basic services and amenities in urban agglomerations of West Bengal and the variables impacting them. The study used quantitative methodology to formulate an urban basic services and amenities index using House listing and Housing data and Town Amenities data, Census of India, 2011. It is noticed that there are huge variations in the provisioning of urban basic services and amenities within and among urban agglomerations. Variation in urban basic services caused due to civic status, population class, size, population density, population growth rate, and district GDP at constant prices. Drawing from the core-periphery model, we observed that the proximity to larger regional urban agglomerations like - Kolkata, Asansol-Durgapur and Siliguri defines the quality of basic services and amenities in an individual urban agglomeration. At the outset, the study proposes a rereading of ‘right to the city’ and the ‘right to the urban basic services’ as a spatial framework rather than essentializing it as a mere constitutional provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grassroots urban horticultural plots (hortas), part of the Porto Metropolitan Area in Northern Portugal, are presented as liminal spaces that hold a richness of community life and a “gift economy.” Often in existence for several decades and encompassing groups of over 20 or 30 people, these informal communities are, nevertheless, not cherished by the instances of city governance that do not stand in the way of the destruction of these low‐income urbanite horticultural communities. The use of de Certeau’s concepts of “strategy” and “tactics” are used to try and explain this incompatibility between these two forms of urban (self) governance that hinders the right to the city by the low‐income urbanites who have created these horticultural grassroots communities.

With rapid urbanization and migration to cities, particularly in developing nations, the focus and emphasis on city governance, politics, institutional capacity, and sustainability issues have become paramount in critical analyses and policy discussions. This paper examines the functional complexities of two large Municipalities in two port cities located in South Africa and India, specifically eThekwini (the city of Durban in the province of KwaZulu-Natal) and Cochin (in the state of Kerala). Following a brief overview of the characteristics of the two Municipalities, the paper delves into the system of governance, level of autonomy, participatory structures in place, the extent to which they can respond to the service delivery demands of the public in an inclusive manner, and approaches to addressing climate change concerns. The paper is contextualised with reference to the theoretical concept of the Right to the City.

The original Cerdà plan (Pla Cerdà) of 1855 for the extension of Barcelona is famous for its grid array of large blocks and wide streets to promote circulation. Each block was originally intended to have an area of open space in the center to provide for the needs of residents. Already by the 1920s, however, the center of the blocks had been filled with buildings. Barcelona currently suffers from a chronic lack of open space, excess noise, and air pollution that exceeds European Union law. This article aims to trace the agency of play as a dynamic process in urban planning to provide new sources of open space through Superblocks (aka Superillas and Supermanzanas). We begin with a brief history of their implementation in the city of Barcelona and the evolution of their justification from the 1990s onward. We then explain the capacity for urban transformation that Superblocks have and how they can modify the urban mobility model and the public space model. We then analyze the role of different forms of play that are used in the area of Poblenou to suggest how play can be used to increase the legitimacy of public participation. Finally, we observe the contingent role of play within urban socialization and in motivating and shaping the urban planning processes of implementing Superblocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People's organized struggles for housing challenge Brazil's exclusionary urbanization. Occupations of vacant buildings by social movements have been pressing municipalities to guarantee the right to the city. Climate change accentuates the risks associated with exclusionary urbanization, and responses to its impacts demand mitigation and adaptation measures that support transformations tackling inequalities and vulnerabilities. This paper highlights the dimensions of inequality, as well as the role of social movements in setting an agenda on climate justice while reducing vulnerability and creating housing alternatives in vacant central buildings of São Paulo and Natal. To this end, we conducted a review of relevant literature along with participatory action-research on insurgent practices of housing social movements in both cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With rapid urbanization and migration to cities, particularly in developing nations, the focus and emphasis on city governance, politics, institutional capacity, and sustainability issues have become paramount in critical analyses and policy discussions. This paper examines the functional complexities of two large Municipalities in two port cities located in South Africa and India, specifically eThekwini (the city of Durban in the province of KwaZulu-Natal) and Cochin (in the state of Kerala). Following a brief overview of the characteristics of the two Municipalities, the paper delves into the system of governance, level of autonomy, participatory structures in place, the extent to which they can respond to the service delivery demands of the public in an inclusive manner, and approaches to addressing climate change concerns. The paper is contextualised with reference to the theoretical concept of the Right to the City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, the promotion of urban agriculture by international organizations has led to the development of several programs in Latin American metropolises. In Quito, the capital of Ecuador, the implementation of the Agrupar program is particularly interesting due to the long-standing presence of agriculture and its significant stigmatization. This article explores whether the institutionalization of urban agriculture in Quito contributes to the formalization of a "right to the city." To do this, I examine, on one hand, the conditions under which Agrupar farmers are integrated into the urban space, and on the other hand, their actual participation in the production of the city.The study is presented in two phases and at two scales of analysis, referring to different objects of study: Agrupar as a discursive and normative framework at the city level, and the practices of three farmer collectives at the neighborhood level. The principal argument is that the Agrupar program does not constitute a policy of the right to the city, but it does act as a catalyst for collective action, potentially leading to "de facto right to the city" actions. The urban strategies of the farmer collectives demonstrate that integration into the city and participation in the production of everyday spaces remain central issues in popular neighborhoods, necessitating a genuinely rethinking of the interactions between urban residents and development actors.

This article presents three types of experimental urban governance projects (Cano Blandón, 2021) led by the Arquitectura Expandida Collective in collaboration with various grassroots urban movements. These projects are characterized by the principles of the right to the city (Lefebvre, 1969) and radical and insurgent territorial planning (Miraftab, 2009). (1) Collaborative self-construction projects explore organizational forms for the self-construction and self-management of cultural spaces. (2) They engage in tactical provocation seeking to dynamize urban negotiations with different urban agents in situations of high conflict in public space through the use of furniture. (3) Collective cartographies play a significant role, as diverse urban languages — including hip-hop, agriculture, urban sports, or community cinema, among many others — are used to analyze the contradictions between urban culture and urban planning culture.

This article explores the possibilities in harnessing drama-based research methodologies in examining youth's 'right to the city' during the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate emergency [Lefebvre (1996). Writings on Cities. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers]. Using 'auto-topography' [Heddon (2007). "One Square Foot: Thousands of Routes." PAJ 29 (2): 40–50. doi:] as a drama-based methodological prompt, the research considers how the right to the city is summoned, imagined and articulated by youth in one virtual Grade 6 classroom amid the alienation and isolation of a COVID lockdown in Toronto in November 2020. Specifically, this article attends to how auto-topography brought the 'real' and 'imagined' city into the virtual classroom, via Deleuze and Guattari's [(1985). "Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature: The Components of Expression." New Literary History 16 (3): 591–628] concept of 'the minor,' to contest majoritarian constructions of 'nature,' 'culture,' and urban citizenship. In particular, such 'minor' desires for the city, made appreciable by the imaginative and affective capacities of theatre and performance genres, gesture towards a politics of co-flourishing, where enchantment, generosity, gratitude, strangeness, surprise and hilarity– and, crucially, obligation and reciprocity – are integral to youths' right to the city in these times of pandemic and ecological instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special issue "Gentrification and the right to the geomedia city." The aim of the special issue is to make up for the lack of research on how gentrification is shaped and underpinned by the normalization of various media platforms that currently define urban life—and what these media mean to the resistance to gentrification. Building on the seven contributions that make up the special issue, this article introduces the concept of the geomedia city as a discriminatory regime of dwelling. The geomedia city refers not only to the digital infrastructures built into urban environments—circulating and embedding data—but more crucially to the social and cultural dynamics whereby certain norms, skills, and forms of capital (and thus people) are legitimized (or marginalized) in the city. As such, geomedia constitutes a territorializing force that lubricates urban displacement processes by defining who has the right to belong where. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the perceptions of households towards container urbanism, a rising alternative urban development trend in Ghana. The research connects the increasing popularity of container urbanism to the Right to the City and NIMBY (Not In My Backyard) phenomena, a relationship that has been under-explored in the context of Southern urbanism. Questionnaire surveys were administered to 337 household heads who are non-container users. The study reveals that these household heads view container improvisation as a function of choice, temporality, and affordability. The findings also indicate that a significant number of household heads are opposed to container urbanism due to its perceived negative impact on the urban environment and the loss of open spaces. Furthermore, the study found strong evidence for the regulation of container urbanism, which reinforces social divisions by marginalizing certain socioeconomic groups. The results demonstrate how opposition to container urbanism and informal urban processes, in general, can evolve from passive to organized resistance in African cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on national and local anti-homeless ordinances and investigates emerging spatial banishment strategies and their impacts on unhoused folks' basic freedoms. First, we review debates on co-existing geographies of punishment and care through theoretical and legal lenses. Focusing on sixteen cities in the United States, we examine categories of anti-homeless ordinances and their evolution in the past two decades. Next, we focus on Los Angeles and use archival research and interviews with activists to examine the expansion of newly emerging anti-homeless spaces. Our research details ad hoc strategies of spatial banishment targeting homelessness. We find that the city represents a fragmented landscape of "no-go-zones" for the unhoused. We posit that the COVID-19 pandemic enabled various spatial banishment strategies and that Los Angeles is neo-revanchist. We advocate for city policies that abolish spatial banishment strategies and respond to the needs of the unhoused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of urban living is evolving, and there is a growing interest in creating smaller, more connected, and hyperlocal neighbourhoods, where everything people need is within a 15-minute walk or bike ride. This paper challenges the concept of the '15-minute city' as a panacea for urban ills, by exploring the history of utopian urban planning and regeneration aimed at creating sustainable, inclusive and vibrant communities by desegregating disadvantaged groups. Specifically, we examine social mixing policies, which are recurring top-down interventions that pathologise concentrated urban disadvantage. We trace the evolution of these policies in Europe from the Garden City movement to post-war social housing redevelopment to the current 15-minute city, which we consider to be social mix by stealth. While such policies can reduce the degree of concentrated disadvantage in the short term, they tend to be ineffective in the long term, as deprived neighbourhoods often remain so despite attempts to make them more diverse. The paper argues that the 15-minute city would be implemented through de facto social mix actions at the neighbourhood level, which are insufficient to address the deeper structural issues that perpetuate spatial inequality and deprivation. We propose that longitudinal and comparative analyses, combined with 'right to the city' perspectives, should be considered in future research and policymaking to understand – and more importantly address – why urban renewal initiatives that aim for equitable outcomes at the neighbourhood scale ultimately fail to deliver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sustains a fundamental argument: any right to the city requires the recovery of the political capacity to decide the meaning, form, and foundation of cities, which are the properenclosures in which modern humanity dwells. To this end, the article clarifies the relationship between the modern process of urbanization and the phenomena linked to industrialization and thematizes the capitalist conditioningimposed on the modern city. In this way, it brings to light that urbanism is a decisive quality of modernity insofar as it makes possible the spatial expression of all other specifically modern phenomena. It is then argued that modern urbanism is a veritable machine of social atomization that mustbe deactivated if a true "right to the city" is to be made possible.

The development of the Northern VA and the Washington, DC metro area as a key node in the globalizing digital urban system is well established. This essay investigates the growth of that technological geography in the 1990s and 2000s as a part of the planetary epoch of human transformation that some have called the “Plantationocene” (vs. Anthropocene).

This paper explores how the right to the city is understood and practiced in relation to public space by contrasting two models of urban planning in Bogotá, Colombia. It contrasts a best practice right to the city/public space model with an alternative vision for urban ordering based on participatory forms of living heritage. I argue that this represents a kind of insurgent heritage that offers a potentially rich and powerful concept for extending the right to the city to further push for including alternative worldviews and practices in planning and policymaking. To develop this argument, I discuss theories related to public space, the right to the city, and critical heritage. I then use these to discuss an ethnographic study of heritage planning in the Traditional Center of Bogotá.

A global ageing population presents opportunities and challenges to designing urban environments that support ageing in place. The World Health Organization's Global Age-Friendly Cities movement has identified the need to develop communities that optimise health, participation and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age. Ensuring that age-friendly urban environments create the conditions for active ageing requires cities and communities to support older adults' rights to access and move around the city ('appropriation') and for them to be actively involved in the transformation ('making and remaking') of the city. These opportunities raise important questions: What are older adults' everyday experiences in exercising their rights to the city? What are the challenges and opportunities in supporting a rights to the city approach? How can the delivery of age-friendly cities support rights to the city for older adults? This paper aims to respond to these questions by examining the lived experiences of older adults across three cities and nine neighbourhoods in the United Kingdom. Drawing on 104 semi-structured interviews with older adults between the ages of 51 and 94, the discussion centres on the themes of: right to use urban space; respect and visibility; and the right to participate in planning and decision-making. These themes are illustrated as areas in which older adults' rights to access and shape urban environments need to be addressed, along with recommendations for age-friendly cities that support a rights-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, South Africa has experienced a consistent wave of local protests rooted in impoverished residential areas. Given the centrality of ideas about community within these protests, and building on Gramsci and Katznelson, this paper characterizes low-income residential areas as the "community trenches" of contemporary working-class struggle. Drawing on 29 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 287 interviews, I probe the meaning of community within local protests and its relationship to possibilities for building democracy from below. I argue that current manifestations of community have both benefits and limits: they help protesters to build solidarity across division and infuse their struggles with moral weight, but they also encourage localization, geographic isolation, and internal conflict. With reference to both historical and contemporary South African examples, the paper offers three possible rearticulations of community that—when woven together through interscalar connections—may facilitate democracy from below: community as participatory democracy; community as a right to the city; and community as national citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world's cities are plagued by serious ills of injustice, inequality and uneven development. Through hard-fought struggles against these urban inequalities and injustices, cities remain important breeding grounds for forms of democratic action that have the potential to reinvigorate the practice and potential of democracy itself. Contemporary struggles over rights to the city generate new answers to questions at the heart of the democratic ideal. In the everyday battles that take place over the institutions and infrastructures that will shape their everyday lives, urban inhabitants frequently resist the ossification of democracy in its inherited forms. Their struggles not only demand new solutions to the pressing urban challenges they face, they also challenge democracy as it is and make claims about democracy as it should be. As such, the historical geography of democracy maintains a close association with the city. This Special Feature on Democratising Cities brings together a survey of city-scaled possibility, canvassing diverse democratisation strategies across a variety of places. We treat democratisation as a process of extending and enacting a logic of equality as the foundation for legitimate authority in the face of specific problems and injustices. Our focus is on the doing of democratisation, exploring a set of innovative democratic practices that people in cities are employing in their efforts to make a better urban life—from alliances, networks, issue-based movements and citizen platforms to digital strategies, political contracts, participatory budgeting, occupations and alternative lifestyles and communities. We show how these practices of democratisation generate new understandings of the who, what, where, when and how of democracy itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shopping malls have replaced traditional public spaces and become an integral part of urban life in many cities. This paper seeks to explore the role of shopping malls as protest sites in Hong Kong during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill protest movement in 2019. As the protests decentralised and filtered throughout the city, shopping malls became sites of protest and battlegrounds between riot police and protesters. In addition to singing and chanting, organising sit-ins, and exhibiting protest art inside shopping malls, protesters also confronted mall employees as well as disrupted businesses. Based on information gathered through media reports, planning and policy documents, as well as ethnographic observations, this paper aims to examine the role of shopping malls in the urban development of Hong Kong, their function as public spaces during the protest movement, and how the politicisation of shopping malls shaped and sustained the protest movement. This paper contends that the protesters' appropriation of shopping malls not only represented an important first step of reclaiming the right to the city, but also exemplified how such struggle and resistance can be extended beyond traditional protest sites and into different everyday spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory Land use planning (PLUP) has recently become a significant element of planning in developing countries. Nevertheless, despite the appropriate goals, implementation still needs to be clarified in practical cases that jeopardize effective participation. Also, the formation of the necessary grounds for discussing the concept of the right to the city (RTTC) is crucial due to the significance of the rule of urban land use planning and participation to achieve citizenship rights. This qualitative research aims to provide a systematic review and a conceptual framework for the connection between RTTC and PLUP. We systematically reviewed 72 articles in English and specific documents available in Scopus, Web of Science, IEEE Xplore, ScienceDirect, DOAJ, and JSTOR databases that have considered PLUP and RTTC subjects from 1968 to 2020. In this context, we have defined a step-by-step search protocol that clearly defines the process of achieving the goal. The results show these concepts have gone through three time periods together: Examination of the conceptual basis and the theoretical basis (1968–2000), Mounting different dimensions and characteristics on the previous basis and leading to more mature concepts (2000–2010), and Emergence of spatial justice in the right to the city concept, forming a suitable platform for implementing and monitoring PLUP (2010-now). Also, we classified characteristics into two thematic areas (Context & Practice) and the related sub-areas in the proposed conceptual framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While cities make decisions regarding urban space, citizens who experience effects of decisions are excluded from decision-making processes. Urban plans are generally designed regardless of residents. The pursuit of searching for answer to the question: "Who are managing cities?" by urban politics, necessitates both neo-liberal urbanism and answer to the question "to whom cities belong." Since the 2000s, the concept of "right to the city" has been frequently brought to the agenda in the search for an answer. The problem of the study is "What are the results of urban transformation practices in the context of the right to the city and the rights of the citizens? In this context, the aim of the study is to discuss the results of urban transformation practices to produce urban space in relation to the violations of the right to the city and the right of the citizens, through the example of Beşikdüzü. The study was prepared with knowledge that urban transformation and spatial changes in Beşikdüzü led to the desire of citizens to own the in 2014-2019. Study reveals that the participation of city residents in the decisions taken regarding the production of urban space hasn't been enabled, there have been implementations that violate the rights of city residents, and the decisions have resulted in the destruction of the spaces which represent the identity of city, have led to the demand for conservation of city-by-city residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Defining global themes such as Urban Policy, Urban Sustainability, and even the Right to the City (RTTC) is fundamental to stimulating and establishing a continuous dialogue with the scientific community, mainly in the social sciences. Thus, understanding the dynamics around the scope of urban sustainability requires an analysis that is focused on multiple global realities. Taking a holistic view of Brazilian Urban Policy, this entry looks at the historical contexts that make urban sustainability the driving force behind this policy. In addition, an interdisciplinary consideration of urban sustainability is proposed using an analysis that is based on the connection between urban policies and social functions that reflect the idea of a sustainable city. The results of this analysis also point to the need for a continuous debate on the subject that primarily promotes new discoveries; this is so that the driving force of urban policy can gain new meanings and new guidelines can be implemented.

In the last decade, urban social movements that emerged in the Yugoslav successor states decided to form political platforms to enter the institutional arena, often after years of mobilisation for the right to the city. Their aim was to seize power at the local level, trying to provide an answer to the crisis of representative democracy and to oppose the process of centralisation of power. These platforms ran for elections in Zagreb (Croatia) and Belgrade (Serbia), to reclaim local autonomy on societal, environmental, economic and political matters. Based on ethnographic work, document analysis and a series of in-depth interviews with activists, this article explores the trajectories of two platforms, 'Zagreb Is Ours' (Zagreb je naš) in Zagreb, Croatia, and 'We Won't Let Belgrade D(r)own' (Ne davimo Beograd) in Belgrade, Serbia. It analyses the factors accounting for the choice of urban activists to embrace new municipalist ideas as strategic ideological and political positioning of their electoral platforms, arguing that the reasons are twofold: the embeddedness into regional and transnational activist networks, which facilitated the process of diffusion of new municipalist ideas across Europe and locally, and the resonance of new municipalism with socialist Yugoslavia's decentralised system of self-management and direct democracy, an historical experience that the platforms' initiators partially reappraised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Right to the City concept extends beyond cities to include broader urban-rural dialectical processes. This paper proposes that by analyzing claims to transform spaces as struggles to reshape underlying processes, it is possible to identify shared struggles between movements seeking to transform urban and agrarian spaces. The paper examines the role of agrarian social movements, such as La Via Campesina, in reconfiguring urbanization through their claim for food sovereignty. It builds on critical urban and agrarian studies to offer a process-based understanding of the commonalities between seemingly disconnected claims to reshape urban and agrarian spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the lived daily experiences of street vendors operating along the Main North 1 Road in the CBD of Maseru, Lesotho. This exploration considers how street vendors access and negotiate a claim for the right to the street. The challenges confronting these vendors in their daily hustling, including COVID-19 restrictions, are also examined. A narrative inquiry research design informs this article with data collected from interviews with purposively selected street vendors from Maseru. This primary data was triangulated with document analysis to increase the validity of the findings. The findings highlight strategies employed by vendors in Maseru that include integrating with the formal enterprises, diversifying their trades, resisting and frustrating certain decisions by the local authorities, and contributing to urban blight. A framework for interrogating and understanding street vending and its nuances is postulated based on the findings from Maseru. The article strongly appeals to the authorities to find more benign ways of integrating street vending into the production of cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many urban planners have used Lefebvre's concept of the right to the city as a dominant approach in urban studies. In this research, we try to draw a framework for the urban development of Bandar Abbas through the application of urban development components based on the right-to-the-city approach. Interpretive structural modeling is used in drawing urban development based on the right-to-the-city approach. The centrality of citizens in decision-making, self-management of space, the right to planning and designing the space, the right to transparency, and access to information at the first class are considered the key variables of Bandar Abbas urban development. The right to manage and organize the space, the right to accountability, democratic (institutional) capacity building, and social priorities in the decision-making process are the subcomponents of Bandar Abbas urban development. The presented model is the realization of people in space, where people take over the space and enjoy the benefits of urban life, if needed, they can freely express their opinions and limitations in the space and organize the city according to their needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]