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This forum discusses the concept of 'total peace' (paz total) and the notion of 'peace regions' (regiones de paz) recently coined by the government of Colombia to advance in the implementation of the Peace Accords signed back in 2016 with the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces FARC. Broadly drawing on a radical and critical geopolitics perspective, the forum's contributions offer a set of interpretations, exploring a wide range of different aspects, such as the relations with the previous concept of 'territorial peace' (paz territorial), the changing geographical dynamics of the armed conflict, the proliferation of unlawful armed structures and drug trafficking, and violent processes of capital accumulation. Moreover, specific themes such as environmental conflict, the political reintegration of the guerrillas, gender and differential approaches, and ethnic and peasant communities' perspectives are also addressed, without losing sight of the more general question of the country's territorial reordering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to analyse the impact of the armed conflict in Colombia on the environment, and in particular, terrorist attacks on the oil infrastructure and the phenomenon of oil spills in river basins in the department of Norte de Santander. The study covers the last decade, from 2010 to 2019, and is focused on one of the most violent departments in Colombia, through which the country's most important oil pipeline runs, connecting Caño Limón in Arauca and Coveñas in Sucre. Based on governmental and other reports, the papersituates these acts violence within within the wider dynamics ofarmed confllict. A model is also proposed pointing to the urgency of finding new variables and risk probability factors so that this threat to security in Colombia, currently as unpredictable as it is unresolved, may be effectively managed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper examines the notion of territorial peace associated with the Peace Agreement signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. More specifically, the political discourse of the FARC-EP is analyzed through nine in-depth interviews with prominent members of the organization, who, in addition, have held or hold positions of political relevance in the formation heir to the armed group – today the political party known as Comunes. The relevance, contradictions, tensions and problems that have accompanied the difficult process of implementation of the Agreement in Colombia will be addressed. The responses given by interviewees reveal a common narrative regarding the failures of the Iván Duque government's commitment and implementation but differ on the scope and significance of the dissident groups or the role that the Comunes party should play in defending the Peace Agreement. Additionally, the territorial dimension emergesas an underlying aspect that requires special attention in all the testimonies. El siguiente artículo examina la noción de paz territorial asociada al Acuerdo de Paz firmado en 2016 entre el gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP. Más concretamente, se analiza el discurso político de las FARC-EP a través de nueve entrevistas en profundidad a destacados miembros de la organización, quienes, además, han ocupado o ocupan cargos de relevancia política en la formación heredera del grupo armado -hoy el partido político conocido como Comunes. Se abordará la relevancia, contradicciones, tensiones y problemas que han acompañado el difícil proceso de implementación del Acuerdo en Colombia. Las respuestas dadas por los entrevistados revelan una narrativa común sobre los fracasos del compromiso y la implementación del gobierno de Iván Duque, pero difieren sobre el alcance y la importancia de los grupos disidentes o el papel que debería desempeñar el partido Comunes en la defensa del Acuerdo de Paz. Además, la dimensión territorial emerge como un aspecto subyacente que requiere especial atención en todos los testimonios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Armed conflict in Colombia with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) was only settled after 50 years and several attempts at negotiations. This sequence of events fits the pattern of "conflict ripeness" first proposed by William Zartman. But using a successful settlement as a way to determine ripeness can be tautological. To address this issue, we develop a formal model to identify the level of ripeness at which a conflict is settled. In an overripe conflict both parties end up spending resources in a military build-up that is out of proportion with what they obtain in the final settlement. We show that such overripeness is exacerbated by the access to resources and by the factional heterogeneity within the two sides. We illustrate these dynamics by looking in detail at the attempts at negotiation between Colombia's government and the FARC-EP. To that end, we combine statistical data, some previously undisclosed, and interviews with some key participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article highlights Peru's efforts to deal with its past political violence and how they were hampered by the denialist interpretations of the State and the lack of political will to guarantee the rights of truth, justice, reparation and non-repetition. It discusses the armed conflicts between the State and the Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path (CPP-SP) and Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (TARM) insurgent groups, the capture of SP leader Abimael Guzman, and the dismantling of the TARM.

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The following article uses a simple-game theoretic model to explain the termination of the Colombian-armed conflict. Assuming a rationality of the Colombian Government and the guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces, People’s Army within the internal armed conflict, an analysis of conjuncture and an identification of dimensions and strategies are used to try to explain the evolution of the armed conflict in the last two decades and its particular transformation. This is done by comparing the frustrated Caguán process, which took place between 1999 and 2002, with the recently completed Havana process that has put an end to more than five decades of internal conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essays collected in this forum discuss the political geography of the recent Colombian Peace Agreements, which aim to put an end to one of the most long lasting armed conflicts in Latin America. Central to many arguments in this accord is the concept of “territorial peace”. From a range of different academic disciplines and perspectives, the authors of this Forum explore this concept, focusing on its genealogy during the period of peace negotiations (2012-2016), its importance in the content of the agreement, and some of its connected dimensions, in particular to notions of ethno-territorial, sex and gender issues, as well as formal party politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)