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New Delhi's taking on the G20 Presidency represents a highly important—if not watershed—moment for Indian diplomacy. For an India that is transitioning from being a developing to a developed economy and whose great power rise centres upon core goals relating to development, modernisation, status, leadership, importance, prestige and pride, assuming the G20 Presidency seems transformational. A central part of the G20's remit also concerns constructing and maintaining global financial architectures and governance mechanisms, which India can now crucially influence as her own economic clout increases on the global stage. Moreover, New Delhi's Presidency signifies a pivotal time for the legitimacy of the G20 and one which potentially heralds a more representative era for the grouping, which will only enhance India's global pre-eminence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decline of major global empires has frequently rested upon an act of strategic naïvety. Such an action or decision, although innocuous at the time, results many decades later in those empires collapsing. History is punctuated by examples of great powers that have misjudged the intentions of a rising power, leading to a highly adversarial relationship. Such unintended consequences can be seen in United States policy towards China, which has allowed Beijing to emerge as a clear competitor that is threatening to usurp US hegemony. This article considers these dynamics across seven major empires, dating from ancient Carthage circa 814 BC to modern day Pax Americana. By connecting the past to the present, we find that comparable acts of strategic naïvety by other empires are now increasingly evident in current US‐China relations, and which have often occurred for similar reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Asia's largest and most rapidly rising powers in contemporary global politics, relations between India and China are becoming evermore intertwined with each other. Clear commonalities typify this symbiosis, including a shared civilisational basis, a mutual desire to rebecome great powers in international relations and common modernisation goals. At the same time, relations are beset by a number of issues, most notably long-standing territorial disputes, frictions over regional hegemony and wider diplomatic tensions (most prominently relating to China–Pakistan and India–United States ties). As such, India–China relations can be considered to resemble a 'double-edged sword', whereby elements of their interaction can be regarded as having concurrent benefits and liabilities. This article explores the historical roots and contemporary realisation of such a core dynamic over the last 75 years of relations between New Delhi and Beijing and investigates how their strategic goals are often simultaneously convergent and divergent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Objective: To determine the efficacy of a breakfast promotion intervention based on Health Promoting Schools processes. Design: Schools were recruited and randomly allocated into intervention (seven schools) or control [...]

Abstract Objective: To describe the settings for, and foods eaten at, breakfast for a sample of Queensland school children. Design: A cross-sectional study using a 17-item, self-completed questionnaire, and recall [...]

Objectives: To assess change in functional outcomes after a second focal high‐intensity focused ultrasonography (HIFU) treatment compared with outcomes after one focal HIFU treatment. Patients and Methods: In this multicentre study (2005–2016), 821 men underwent focal HIFU for localized non‐metastatic prostate cancer. The patient‐reported outcome measures of International Prostate Symptom Score (IPSS), pad usage and erectile function (EF) score were prospectively collected for up to 3 years. To be included in the study, completion of at least one follow‐up questionnaire was required. The primary outcome was comparison of change in functional outcomes between baseline and follow‐up after one focal HIFU procedure vs after a second focal HIFU procedure, using IPSS, Expanded Prostate Cancer Index Composite (EPIC) and International Index of Erectile Function (IIEF) questionnaires. Results: Of 821 men, 654 underwent one focal HIFU procedure and 167 underwent a second focal HIFU procedure. A total of 355 (54.3%) men undergoing one focal HIFU procedure and 65 (38.9%) with a second focal HIFU procedure returned follow‐up questionnaires, respectively. The mean age and prostate‐specific antigen level were 66.4 and 65.6 years, and 7.9 and 8.4 ng/mL, respectively. After one focal HIFU treatment, the mean change in IPSS was −0.03 (P = 0.02) and in IIEF (EF score) it was −0.4 (P = 0.02) at 1–2 years, with no subsequent decline. Absolute rates of erectile dysfunction increased from 9.9% to 20.8% (P = 0.08), leak‐free continence decreased from 77.9% to 72.8% (P = 0.06) and pad‐free continence from 98.6% to 94.8% (P = 0.07) at 1–2 years, respectively. IPSS prior to second focal HIFU treatment compared to baseline IPSS prior to first focal HIFU treatment was lower by −1.3 (P = 0.02), but mean IPSS change was +1.4 at 1–2 years (P = 0.03) and +1.2 at 2–3 years (P = 0.003) after the second focal HIFU treatment. The mean change in EF score after the second focal HIFU treatment was −0.2 at 1–2 years (P = 0.60) and −0.5 at 2–3 years (P = 0.10), with 17.8% and 6.2% of men with new erectile dysfunction. The rate of new pad use was 1.8% at 1–2 years and 2.6% at 2–3 years. Conclusion: A second focal HIFU procedure causes minor detrimental effects on urinary function and EF. These data can be used to counsel patients with non‐metastatic prostate cancer prior to considering HIFU therapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What has structured Chinese security practice over the last 100 years since the Xinhai (1911) Revolution? Moreover, what are the ideational principles and norms that have influenced China's international relations? Employing an analytical framework concerning norm creation ('security identity'), this article details how different norms originated, became established and subsequently served to orientate Chinese foreign policy behavior. Such a process has been critically informed by China's international interaction, learning and experience across the last 100 years, revealing how past relations can inform present and future conduct. Undertaking an analysis in this fashion implies not so much how a state 'should' behave but instead indicates the broad continuities structuring its security practice. From the focus upon security identity (which gives ideational rather than structural explanations of security behavior), our analysis rests upon the elucidation of three inter-related normative sources. These three sources have been tempered via the interplay between China's international interaction and internal political developments, and show the ideational precedents in China's foreign policy behavior. The three sources are: (i) the political (internal political developments); (ii) the physical (relations with neighboring/bordering states); and (iii) the perceptual (conceptions of self, the international system and their mutual relationship). Overall, the article finds a relative consistency to how security has been ideationally conceived of in China, and highlights three core norms essential to such a conception - centralized control, territorial restoration, and (re)becoming a great power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is undergoing a transitional period of rapid economic and social development. The way in which this period is managed will hold significant implications for the Chinese state concerning both its internal and external security. While fundamentally resting upon progressing from a developing to a developed economy, this transition highlights deep issues and tensions affecting China—ranging from rising societal inequalities to various separatism threats to mounting individualism. Regardless of internal succession struggles within the Communist Party of China (CCP), it is critical to focus upon this multitude of (mounting) social and economic issues—particularly outside of the political realm—that China's new leaders will have to face. Here, we highlight three themes central to this transition—a search for internal stability; China's multiple, interlocking internal issues; and the longevity, resilience and adaptability of the CCP—in order to assess their potential impact on China's domestic and, critically, external politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates how the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government influenced India's domestic politics from 1998 to 2004. It argues that the core norms constituting the BJP's ideological basis precipitated lasting changes in the nature and functioning of India's domestic politics. The article finds that through leading the NDA government, the BJP made trends that had been normalising prior to 1998 and mainstreamed them in Indian domestic politics. This mainstreaming created a lasting legacy comprised of two specific changes – the redefinition of Indian democracy along more multi-faceted and majoritarian lines and the entrenchment of communalism and communal politics. These changes persisted after the BJP-led NDA left power in 2004, continued into subsequent Congress-led United Progressive Alliances and produced a long-term behavioural shift in Indian politics. Such normative changes threatened the tenets of secularism and inclusiveness that had been the long-standing benchmarks of domestic politics since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How do national and political identities impact on a state's foreign policy? In turn, how does the analysis of different normative beliefs advance our understanding of India's foreign policy during the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) period? This article utilises a norm-based approach to investigate the composite entrenched beliefs underpinning Indian foreign policy. Such an approach generates historically contingent understandings of foreign policy beliefs across different political generations and ideologies. By focusing on pre-1998 Indian government and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) foreign policy norms, and comparing them with the actions of the BJP-led NDA in government, the paper assesses whether differing ideological beliefs either constrain or influence (Indian) foreign policy. In particular, two elements of Indian foreign policy are analysed—dealing with Pakistan and going nuclear—in order to evaluate continuity and change in the formation and development of foreign policy in India. It is found that although the BJP-led NDA were frequently constrained by underlying norms present in Indian foreign policy, their own established policy beliefs often challenged these norms and influenced new foreign policy directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What structured the fundamental nature of Indian security for the first 50 years of the country's independence? This article draws out four normative parameters that have been tempered and normalised during this period through India's international interaction along with her internal political developments. Using notions of 'security identity', the article unpacks these normative parameters in order to investigate holistically the interaction between both domestic and foreign influences in India's international relations. As such, the article finds a relative consistency to how security has been conceived of in India—displaying sustained threats to its territorial integrity, a continued democratic tradition, ongoing fears of communal violence plus an engrained desire for a greater global role. In turn, it has been the interface between internal and external factors that has structured, and continues to structure, Indian security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of diaspora in relation to constructivism within IR theory. It begins by investigating the origins, definition and implications of the phenomenon of diaspora, before focusing on issues concerning identity interpenetration and multiple loyalties. Consequently, the article outlines diaspora's relationship to constructivism, particularly in terms of identity formation and the self/other dyad, as well as in the analysis of culture and transnational norms, and concludes by examining the challenges and possibilities diaspora poses for constructivist IR theory. Acting as both commentary and conjecture, this article serves as a conceptual overview of diaspora, while arousing intellectual concern for what will be a dominant issue of emerging identity politics in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]