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This research aims to analyze the strategies employed by the Gerindra Party to enhance the electability of Prabowo Subianto in the 2019 presidential election in the Aceh Province, utilizing Organizational Theory, Social Exchange Theory, and Political Marketing Theory. The qualitative research method incorporated data collection techniques such as observation, interviews, and documentation. The findings indicate the success of Gerindra Party's organizational strategy in Aceh, leveraging organizational structure and the committed performance of party cadres, motivating them to collectively support Prabowo Subianto. The effectiveness of the political promise strategy is evident through the signing of a political contract between Prabowo Subianto and 26 Aceh religious figures, aimed at developing Aceh Province and realizing the Free Port of Sabang to boost the economy of Aceh's communities. Furthermore, the identity politics strategy was implemented due to the majority of Aceh's population being Muslim. The Gerindra Party crafted an image of Prabowo as a devout Muslim leader who is consistent, pro-people, and engaged religious Islamic authorities in garnering support through Islamic boarding schools, mosques, and associations in the Aceh Province. This approach strengthens the relationship between Prabowo Subianto, the Gerindra Party, and the Acehnese community.

This paper aims to analyze the impact of agrarian conflicts on the political trust of peasants who are victims of agrarian conflict in North Sumatra. The study utilizes political trust theory and agrarian conflict as analytical tools with a qualitative approach. Political trust serves as the foundation of the relationship between society and the state, shaped by the government's performance in policy or conflict resolution, such as agrarian conflicts. Agrarian conflicts typically manifest through actions like land grabbing, the unilateral takeover of land by companies, the exploitation of natural resources for economic gain, leading to the displacement of traditional peasants, and violations of peasants' rights, such as criminalization or distancing peasants from agrarian sources. The research results indicate that agrarian conflicts have influenced the political trust of peasants due to the lack of clarity in enforcing agrarian conflict resolution rules, the unfair distribution of resources, and the unequal opportunity for peasants to access justice.

This research delves into the financial and logistical management practices employed by the General Election Commission (KPU) of Labuhanbatu Regency during the 2020 Regent and Deputy Regent elections, with a particular focus on the subsequent re-voting processes. Following elections, it's common for unsuccessful candidates to contest results, leading to legal challenges and, in some cases, re-voting. Labuhanbatu Regency's experience is noteworthy as it underwent re-voting twice. Utilizing a qualitative research approach with a descriptive framework, this study reveals that the financial and logistical governance by the Labuhanbatu KPU was effectively executed, ensuring smooth re-voting procedures, minimizing the likelihood of errors, and bolstering public trust in democratic processes. Recommendations stemming from this research advocate for the recruitment of polling station (TPS) officers based on merit and experience to enhance service quality. Moreover, it underscores the importance of sustaining effective financial and logistical management practices to preempt future re-voting scenarios, even in the absence of significant hurdles.

This study examines the intersection of identity politics, local wisdom, and millennial engagement in fostering social cohesion in North Sumatra, Indonesia. Against the backdrop of ethnic and religious diversity, identity politics has often served as a tool for polarization, particularly during elections, targeting vulnerable millennial demographics. Utilizing a qualitative approach with in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, this study highlights how local wisdom values, including gotong royong (mutual cooperation) and Dalihan Na Tolu (Batak cultural values), support social harmony and mitigate divisive identity-based narratives. These findings underscore the unique potential of millennials to bridge social divides if they engage in community programs that incorporate these values. Additionally, this study proposes an innovative education model that integrates local wisdom and digital technology to enhance millennials’ awareness and resilience against identity politics. This approach enhances social cohesion and positions millennials as agents of positive social change. This study contributes to the broader discourse on multiculturalism, identity politics, and generational roles in national unity within Indonesia’s socio-political landscape.

Abstract Experts argue that Indonesia is being affected by a wave of populism, with the most prominent form being right-wing populism pushed by Islamic groups. However, despite the research on populism in Indonesia, the issue of populism and students has not been fully explored by scholars. Students have been impactful in several phases of change in Indonesia’s political history. This article argues that populist movements—specifically Islamic populism—exist and develop in on campuses. This paper aims to explain both the model and the reality of populism among Islamic students in Indonesia and determine which is more populist. This article explores this phenomenon by studying two Islamic student organizations in Indonesia, the Muslim Student Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam; HMI) and GEMA Liberation (GEMA Pembebasan). We chose these two organizations because of their existence and age. This research used an ideational approach with a qualitative analysis framework. The data collected consisted of primary and secondary data. Primary data was obtained through an interview process with 24 key informants, consisting of central-level administrators, alumni, and members of each organization. Secondary data was obtained from various media reports and official organizational documents. This research found two populist organizational models among Islamic students, represented by HMI and GEMA Liberation. Analysis of the two cases shows that HMI’s populism appears more moderate or thin than that of GEMA Liberation, which is much stronger and more assertive. The determination of which organization is more populist is based on two approaches: the number of individuals following the organization and the correspondence between their ideas and the practical steps they take for change. Based on the first approach, HMI is more populist than GEMA Liberation. If considered based on the second approach, GEMA Liberation is more populist than HMI.

The history of social revolution in Aceh is not concluded with the arrests and killings of the prominent figures of the “rebellion” through the people’s judiciary. In the core of it, there existed the confiscation of property and land, the expulsion of families from the region, the forced marriages of Uleebalang widows, and the stripping of royal titles from their names. This article depicts the reality of their community identity in the city of Lhokseumawe, Aceh, Indonesia, aftermath the 1945–1957 Acehnese conflict. Historiographical arguments about the “Cumbok affair” were dominated by elitist views which did not provide equal opportunities for the losing parties in political contestation at the time. This particular study applies an ethnographic method in its research process. Observations, in-depth interviews and document handling were implemented to collect data about the Uleebalang descendants’ decision to avoid politics and to stay aloof in government positions due to past historical trauma. To obtain a more comprehensive data, this study ascertained that the feud between the ulema and the Uleebalangs was caused by a disappointment coming from the ulema when some of the Uleebalangs acknowledged the Dutch sovereignty over Aceh. This prolonged conflict was recently considered one of the social phenomena that escalated a social revolution in Acehnese society. This revolution has caused a social change, where the social status of the Uleebalangs shifted due to the abolishment of the Uleebalangan institution after the bloody incident.

This study analyses the sociopreneurship empowerment model performed by an Islamic boarding school from the perspective of developmental politics. Darul Mursyid boarding school, an Islamic education institution in the Sipirok district in North Sumatera, has been known to employ this model as a part of its social development efforts in giving economic and social benefits to the Sipirok society. This study was carried out through subsequent descriptive-qualitative research, observation, in-depth interview, and FGD (forum group discussion) methods. The results exhibited that most of the sociopreneurship efforts had been directed at producing agroforestry commodities such as coffee, vanilla, honey, vegetables, etc., along with other economic activities. The existence of Darul Mursyid boarding school greatly supported the financial capabilities of the community. Overall, the findings of this study revealed the critical role of Darul Mursyid's Islamic principles and the founding figures in driving the enhanced sociopreneurship empowerments. This outcome also implicitly exhibited the significant role of Islamic boarding schools despite civil organizations contributing a lot of benefits to society's welfare. Keywords: Development of Politics, Sociopreneurships, Empowerment, Islamic Boarding School, Darul Mursyid

The purpose of this study was to find out how to arrange use, implementation of use, types of proposals that developed at the village annual Musrembang forum, inhibiting factors from implementation and motives of stakeholders/related parties in encouraging the implementation of DD use based on Permendesa Pdtt. 16/2018 as a reference for Timbang Jaya Village, Bahorok District and Paluh Pakih Babussalam Village, Batang Serangan District. The method used in this research is a survey with observation techniques, in-depth interviews and literature study methods. The results of the study stated that the method of arranging the use of DD in Timbang Jaya Village, Bahorok District and Paluh Pakeh Babussalam Village, Batang Serangan District was appropriate. Implementation of the use of DD based on Permendesa Pdtt No. 16/2018 has not been fully implemented or has not become a reference for villages in carrying out development. The types of proposals that developed at the village's annual Musrembang forum became inhibiting factors from implementation, because they were dominated by proposals for infrastructure development activities that were not related to the priority provisions for the use of DD regulated by Permendesa Pdtt. 16/2018, while the motives of the stakeholders/related parties are so that there is integration between village development planning and national, provincial, and district/city development planning and so that the use of DD does not violate the provisions of applicable regulations.

This study aims to determine what steps aretaken by the Independent Election Commission (KIP) of Pidie Regency in increasing the level of marginal voter participation. And want to know what strategy the Independent Election Commission (KIP) of Pidie Regency has done in increasing the level of marginal voter participation. The research method used in this study is a qualitative research method with a descriptive approach. The theory used in this research is political participation theory, election theory and strategy theory. Where from the results of his research, it was obtained that the low level of marginal voter participation was caused by several factors, including (1) apathy, (2) lack of understanding and education on elections (3) candidates who were carried out were not in line with expectations (4) there was a promise politics that are not fulfilled (5) prioritize daily needs, (6) there is no change and improvement in every election implementation. Actors that can increase voter participation are community leaders, religious leaders or elders in the gampong area. And the strategy taken by the Independent Election Commission (KIP) of Pidie Regency in increasing the participation rate of marginal voters is to increase socialization activities to the maximum and massively by involving democratic volunteers.

West Java becomes one of central attention in the governor election in 2018. This article attempts to depict how the strategy of the governor candidate pair Sudrajat-Akhmad Syaikhu (henceforth ASYIK) in gaining the votes in the local leader election. This study used a documentation method with a type of descriptive analysis. The data were taken from online media including Liputan6.com, Detik.com, Pikiran-Rakyat.com, and Republika.com. It was found that the ASYIK candidate pair used campaign strategy by localizing national issues so that it could increase the electability and gain a large number of votes on election day. Unexpectedly, by using this strategy, they could get second place with the most votes. Whereas, previously, from the findings of several survey institutions, the ASYIK pair was predicted to be in the third position with a large gap of electability and popularity behind the top two pairs. But, after final counting and recapitulation of the election that was held on 27th June 2018, ASYIK ranked in the top two after overtaking the pair of Dedy Mizwar – Dedy Mulyadi.

This research was motivated by the Re-Voting (PSU) and the Election Result Dispute (PHPU) lawsuit that colored the 2019 Election in Tebing Tinggi City. The performance of the Voting Organizer Group (KPPS) for the 2019 election in Tebing Tinggi City was questioned when the two problems initially stemmed from a mistake by KPPS at the polling station. To prove the performance of KPPS in Tebing Tinggi, the researcher analyzed the performance of KPPS in Kota Tebing Tinggi with 6 (six) indicators proposed by Robbins, namely: Quality, Quantity, Punctuality, Effectiveness, Independence, and work commitment. Because the performance of the organizers is part of the integrity of the election, the researcher uses the integrity theory of Frank and Martinez i Coma, which states that the performance of the organizing body can technically improve the integrity of the election and there is recognition of independence and Pippa Norris who examines the integrity of elections from the field of public management, namely examines electoral integrity using the concepts of electoral maladministration and 'good governance' which emphasizes technical capability and efficient performance, as well as electoral processes and procedures. This study found that although the Tebing Tinggi City KPPS has tried its best in carrying out its duties, the Tebing Tinggi City KPPS's performance is not good, this is due to several factors, namely: 1. Requirements regarding restrictions on serving as KPPS twice, 2. Minimal technical guidance and ineffective, 3. The logistical chaos of the 2019 election, 4. The complexity of the administration of the 2019 election, 5. The workload of the 2019 election that causes Human Error.

This research explains the change in the nomination quota for members of the Provincial DPRD (DPRA) and Regency / City DPRD (DPRK) members for local political parties in the 2019 Election in Aceh Province from a quota of 100 percent to 120 percent based on the number of seats that have been assigned to each electoral district, because the provisions of the LoGA stipulated in the Aceh Qanun are different from the national provisions. The change in the quota cannot be separated from the influence of requests made by DPRA members who are cadres of one of the local political parties. As a political actor at the local level, this request is supported by various motives. To analyze motives, the researchers looked at the reasons local actors asked for changes in nomination quotas. This research is a type of qualitative research by collecting data through interviews, observation and library data, then the data that has been obtained is analyzed by content. Research findings show that actors use an integrative model to get special treatment for local political parties in the 2019 elections, actor actions in achieving preferences, interactions between institutions and instruments or institutional rules, it is found that apart from maintaining the specificity of Aceh, the request for a 120 percent quota for political parties is found. The local background is also motivated by the motive of the interests of actors and their groups, namely becoming incumbent candidates and accommodating many candidates for DPRA and DPRK candidates from the Aceh Party.

The election organizer is obliged to implement every principle in the election. The online National Counting System (Situng) is one of a series of election organizer activities in fulfilling the principle of openness to the public. Improving the quality of service in the General Election aims to increase public trust in the implementation of elections. According to Nunkoo, the principles of transparency and knowledge must be possessed by activity organizers in an effort to increase public trust. Research with this quantitative method looks at how much influence the online national counting system (situng) information (study of the 2019 Election results) has with a study on the people of Medan City. The findings in this study indicate that the process of transparency and increasing knowledge of the people of Medan City has significantly shaped Public Trust in the 2019 Election. The act of transparency has a bigger effect than increasing knowledge of online counting. Given the large role of transparency in shaping public trust in Medan City, this activity needs to be further enhanced to provide a better understanding to the public. And it does not rule out that online situng can increase public knowledge in the electoral field. Situng online is also expected to be an extension of the General Election Commission (KPU) in increasing public knowledge as a basis for experience in the election.

The purpose of this research is to answer the professionalism of the District Election Committee (PPK) in carrying out the adhoc district level recapitulation in carrying out the recapitulation at the sub-district level, in particular the follow-up to the witness's objection makes it possible for various problems that cannot be resolved in the recapitulation at the sub-district level, so that they arise again. at the district level. This study uses the main theory of electoral integrity from Pippa Norris. To explain KDP's professionalism, Gregorius Sahdan's theory of professionalism is used. To see the form of resolution of the witness' objection, the theory of conflict resolution from Spiegel, Novri Susan, and Ralf Dahrendorf will be used. The research findings show that the professionalism of KDP in the recapitulation at the sub-district level is very good in terms of regulatory capacity and implementative capacity. Judging from the administrative capacity, there are still several shortcomings due to reduced accuracy as a result of the very high workload and work intensity of KDP. In addition, the witness's objection in the recapitulation at the sub-district level had been properly accommodated by the PPK based on the provisions of the law and PKPU. The model that was used by the PPK to follow up on the objections of witnesses was discussion (consolidation), recommendations from the District Panwaslu (mediation), and through a lawsuit to the Constitutional Court (arbitration). These methods are applied in stages and conditionally.

This research raises the phenomenon of Land and Building Tax Collection in Rural and Urban Areas in Medan Tembung District. In this study, researchers used implementation theory by applying the George C Edward III model implementation. This theory uses 4 variables, namely communication, resources, disposition and bureaucratic structure. If one of these variables is not met, obstacles will be found that cause the PBB-P2 collection process in Medan Tembung District to be ineffective. This study uses a qualitative approach with data observation techniques, interviews, and documentation. Meanwhile, data analysis techniques use data reduction, data presentation, and data collection. The results showed that the implementation of PBB-P2 collection policy in Medan was not yet effective because it did not fulfill all the factors and variables determined by George C. Edward III. Policy implementers are only able to fulfill 1 factor, namely the variable of bureaucratic structure consisting of SOPs and fragmentation only so that it has an impact on the results of realization that have not increased and have actually decreased over the last 3 years. Another obstacle is the low level of public awareness and the unfulfilled variable implementation of the George C Edward III model, such as in the communication factor, there is transmission, clarity, disposition and resources which have not been properly resolved by policy implementers.

This research explains how the socialization model carried out by the Banda Aceh KIP in the 2019 Election is an effort to provide an understanding of the election to the public. the implementation of the socialization model in collaboration with various communities / organizations is greatly enhanced. The theory used is the socialization theory, S.N. Eisentadl, with the concepts used in information communication based on two models: the participatory socialization model and the repressive socialization model. This study used a qualitative method with interviews as the main technique of data collection, then the data that had been obtained were analyzed in terms of content. The results of the research on the socialization model carried out by KIP are in the form of cooperation (socialization cooperation) with various organizations / communities, which include: KIP LSM Radar, KIP GPS, KIP to BEM Unsyiah, Socialization to the family base, socialization to KPI. Information communication is carried out by KIP in the context of cooperation with working partners. When the socialization is carried out on the initiative of the organization and is present at the place of socialization voluntarily, the socialization is categorized as a participatory socialization model. Whereas the concept of information communication is tiered from political values and political feelings studied from the material presented by KIP which includes political education material, such as: citizens' rights and obligations, voting procedures, introduction of ballot papers, checking DPT, and procedures for administering Forms. A5. The implication is that the people of Banda Aceh already understand and have a pattern of awareness of the socialization material delivered by KIP

The manifestation of democratic values in Indonesia as the actualization of power in the hands of the people is the implementation of general elections (Pemilu) and regional head elections. 2019 was a democratic party for the people of Banda Aceh City because it held regional head elections (pilkada) and 2019 simultaneous elections. The lack of impartiality for people with disabilities, including the management of election accessibility for persons with disabilities in previous elections and local elections, made researchers interested in conducting election accessibility research. for persons with disabilities in Banda Aceh City for holding regional head elections (Pilkada) and simultaneous elections 2019. This research uses descriptive qualitative research methods. This research requires data to conclude the research results, there are two types of data used in this study, namely primary data and secondary data. To explore data and information, researchers will conduct interviews with key informants and key informants, non-participant observation and through literature study by studying literature sourced from books, electronic journals, newspapers, regulations and documents related to research topics.

The purpose of this research is to find out and analyze the use of hoax propaganda, material or content and patterns of its use in the 2019 Presidential Election. Qualitative methods are used in this research to seek knowledge or understanding of various related relations behind a reality in the new media era, text studies and news documentation and articles about hoax news that can influence the public and can hinder and influence the substance of democracy itself. The results showed that the purpose of hoaks political propaganda in addition to influencing the public was also done to change the negative image into positive or vice versa, in order to increase the electability and popularity of the candidates supported. material or content that is used as propaganda hoaks is material or content that contains SARA, personal, uses a pattern of nicknames, transfers, lure, popular narrative by using news / information content which is negative in nature and even sometimes contains lies using hoax propaganda patterns that are used in the 2019 presidential election. The pattern of the use of hoax propaganda is exhaled in new media by repetitive and continuous ways to change cognitive thinking and arouse the emotions of people who do not understand the deepening of politics.