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Purpose: To better prepare young people for the increasingly complex world of work in the global knowledge economy, apprenticeships are receiving renewed attention in countries without a strong history of vocational education. One of the strategies to promote and modernize apprenticeships in these countries is to offer apprenticeships integrated into degree programs, known as degree apprenticeships at the tertiary level. However, little research has been done to explore this new degree pathway. The purpose of this study is to explore the rationales and recent development of degree apprenticeships in the U.S. and to present a conceptual framework for designing and delivering such programs. Approach: Through an extensive literature review, this study examines the underlying justifications for the integration of apprenticeships into degree programs. Subsequently, it delves into the current progress of degree apprenticeships in the U.S., substantiating the rationales. Finally, it explores multiple facets of degree apprenticeships, offering a conceptual framework for higher education institutions to consider when implementing such programs. Findings: This study discusses two rationales for degree apprenticeships. First, they enable permeability of vocational education credentials, one of the features of a robust apprenticeship system. Second, they also equip higher education institutions to effectively prepare young people for work in response to globalization. For these reasons, recently, community colleges, the primary vocational education providers in the U.S., have actively been implementing apprenticeships within degree programs. This study also outlines four interconnected dimensions of apprenticeships - occupational, pedagogical, relational, and aligned – as a conceptual framework for implementing degree apprenticeships. Conclusion: By providing a useful context and framework for degree apprenticeships, this study contributes to the growing body of research on apprenticeships and provides a foundation for on-going research to advance the theory and practice concerning degree apprenticeships. Future studies can explore the process of implementing degree apprenticeships using the suggested framework and develop strategies to further modernize apprenticeships based upon this study. (DIPF/Orig.)

With the European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), Germany has made its claim as the leader in European air defence. Taking a joint approach to defence is a good step for­ward, but difficult to implement. Important European partners, above all France and Italy, are currently unwilling to follow Germany’s lead. The lack of political unity shows that Germany’s proposal does not take European security interests sufficiently into account, has failed to convince partners, and leaves many questions unanswered on the strategic, military, industrial, and economic levels. If the ESSI is to noticeably improve Europe’s air defence protection, Berlin must provide answers about strategic balance, the development of the European defence industry, and militarily effective solutions. The acquisition of individual military capabilities will not produce a Euro­pean Sky Shield. (Autorenreferat)

This study investigates how changes in the dynamics of rice production, distribution, and consumption that occurred in recent decades have influenced the ways in which different people in and around a rice-cultivating village in Tamil Nadu, India, engage with, perceive, and evaluate rice in different areas of their lives, describe and understand the relationship between rice and their bodies, and engage with and understand different social and ecological actors and entities in relation to rice.

This HSR forum on central urban places in history discusses the spatial interactions between political and commercial centres. The narrative of western modernity we challenge here explains the increasing distance between prestigious political monuments and daily markets with the break-throughs in hygiene of the last two centuries in western urbanism. On the one hand, the example of Venice shows that the hygiene politics of the 19th century were not that new and that they could also be used for a kind of social segregation. On the other hand, the model of the occidental city as political community and municipal institution must be questioned. For instance, Ottoman towns had developed institutions that represented local groups and which were linked with the markets and their actors. Western influence and colonisation destroyed those institutions, which also had consequences for the city centre. We propose the concept of vertical and horizontal centrality for use in discussions of the multiple dimensions of centrality., Historical Social Research Vol. 47, No. 2 (2022): Forum: Transforming Cities, Negotiating Centrality: Markets and Civic Buildings in Comparative Perspective (XVth c. – XXth c.). Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

During the 19th century, modern facilities and new infrastructures dictated profound urban reforms in European cities. Coimbra, the seat of the Portuguese University, desired the same modernisation but lacked the financial and technical capacity to implement it. Despite all limitations, the liberal regime managed to break through the band of colleges that surrounded the city and carried out an audacious modernisation process. That transformed the old Monastery of Santa Cruz into the new centrality and its farm into the modern bourgeois neighbourhood, dictating the expansion of the urban fabric and giving rise to the current consolidated city. This article emphasises this reorganisation process and how it replicated the old correlation between economic and political centres., Historical Social Research Vol. 47, No. 2 (2022): Forum: Transforming Cities, Negotiating Centrality: Markets and Civic Buildings in Comparative Perspective (XVth c. – XXth c.). Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

Die Kullas in den Dörfern im Westkosovo, in Nordalbanien und im Südosten Montenegros sind typische Beispiele für die traditionelle Architektur dieser Länder, die zu Wohnzwecken und zum Schutz vor den Feinden der damaligen Zeit errichtet wurden. Aufgrund ihrer Ausrichtung, ihrer Lage im topografischen Gelände, ihrer natürlichen Baumaterialien und -techniken, ihrer natürlichen Belüftung, Beleuchtung und Beheizung sowie ihrer architektonischen Gestaltung können diese historischen Gebäude als Laboratorien für nachhaltige volkstümliche Architektur betrachtet werden. Allerdings, im Anbetracht vieler Gründe, angefangen bei politischen Fragen in den Ländern, unsachgemäßer Behandlung und mangelnder Instandhaltung, werden diese historischen Gebäude jedoch eher vernachlässigt, und die Möglichkeit, sie zu erhalten und an die heutigen Bedürfnisse anzupassen, wird von den Eigentümern und anderen relevanten Interessengruppen nicht in Betracht gezogen. Ziel dieser Studie ist es, die Bedeutung der albanischen Kullas für ihre Besitzer/Nutzer, die lokalen Gemeinschaften und die Entwicklung ihres Umfelds zu untersuchen und zu analysieren. Darüber hinaus wird die Nachhaltigkeit dieser Bauwerke, die vor langer Zeit von Handwerkern errichtet wurden, die damals das Konzept der nachhaltigen Architektur im Sinn hatten, analysiert und nachgewiesen. Schließlich werden Optionen für den Erhalt dieser Strukturen und die Optimierung ihres thermischen Komforts aufgezeigt, damit sie nicht länger als "in der Zeit eingefrorene Museen", sondern als lebendiges Kulturerbe betrachtet werden. Die nachhaltige Aufwertung dieser Gebäude könnte als Modell für die gleichen Gebäudestrukturen in den grenzüberschreitenden Gebieten des Kosovo, Albaniens und Montenegros dienen., Kullas in the villages Western Kosovo, North Albania and South-East Montenegro represent typical examples of vernacular and traditional architecture of these countries, built on purposeof residing and protection from enemies of the time. Because of their orientation, situation in the topographic terrain, natural building materials and techniques, natural ventilation, lighting and heating and architectural layout, these historic buildings may be considered as laboratories for sustainable vernacular architecture. However, considering a lot of reasons, starting from political issues in the countries, improper treatments and lack of maintenance, these historic buildings tend to somehow be neglected, and the possibility to be conserved and adapted for the contemporary needs is not being considered by the owners and other relevant stakeholders. This study will aim to explore and analyze the significance of Albanian kullas for their owners/users, local communities and their context development. Moreover, it will analyze and prove the sustainability of these structures, built long time ago by craftsmen who at that time had in mind the concept of sustainable architecture. Finally, it will give options on preserving these structures and optimizing their thermal comfort, so that they are no longer seen as “museums frozen in time” but rather living heritage sites. The sustainable upgrade of these buildings could serve as replicated models for same building structures that lie in the cross-border territories of Kosovo, Albania and Montenegro.

This article studies Sir Patrick Geddes’ housing-based urban planning, pointing to a less-explored aspect of his groundbreaking work, while proposing ways to rethink the history and theory of modern urban planning towards a “housing builds cities” planning agenda. Focusing on Geddes’ modern urban planning for Tel Aviv in 1925 as housing-based urbanism, this article conceives urban structure and urban housing as one single problem rather than disconnected realms of planning. Based on new findings and revised study of available sources, we look into three planning processes by which policy makers, planners, and dwellers in Tel Aviv engaged in this housing-based urban vision: (1) The city as a housing problem; (2) the city as social utility for reform and reconstruction; and (3) housing-based urbanization as self-help. We show how Geddes’ modern urban plan for Tel Aviv employed the city’s pressing housing needs for urban workers to provoke planning by way of cooperative neighborhoods based on self-help dwellings. This approach was grounded on Geddes’ survey of Tel Aviv’s early premise on housing and extends beyond Geddes’ period to the brutalist housing estates of the 1950s and 1960s. The result is a new historiographic perspective on Tel Aviv’s UNESCO-declared modern urbanism vis-à-vis housing as the cell unit for urban living. Further, insights regarding Tel Aviv’s housing-based planning are relevant beyond this city to other examples of the town planning movement. It proposes rethinking modern urban planning before the consolidation of CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) principles, namely when planned settlements were explicitly experimental and involved diverse processes, scales, methods, practices and agents. Housing—a key arena for the modernization of the discipline of architecture, as well as for the consolidation of the discipline of urban planning—is studied here as the intersection of sociopolitical, formal, aesthetic, and structural elements of the city.

The increase in international survey research projects investigating basic orientations reveals that the grand sociological theories fall short in explaining the often large differences between populations in contemporary societies that continue to exist. There is more than modernization to explain varieties. Institutions, culture, history, policies, all appear to affect people's values. Our review of current state-of-the-art cross-national research activities demonstrates that increasingly multilevel analysis techniques are applied to address either modernization or institutionalism, or both. From various theoretical perspectives, hypotheses are extracted about the impact of the context on values in aspecific domain. The selected studies include very different contextual features to explain varieties in domain-specific value orientations, which clearly proves that there are different mechanisms at work in the distinct value domains. The studies reveal that context matters, but also that it is essential to include individual-level characteristics, at least as controls. Quite often, the individual attributes appear differently distributed in different countries, which may be the main reason why differences in value orientations between countries remain. ZusammenfassungDie Zunahme an internationalen Umfrageforschungsprojekten, die grundlegende Wertorientierungen untersuchen, zeigt, dass die gro ss en soziologischen Theorien nicht ausreichen, um die oft gro ss en Unterschiede zwischen den Bevolkerungen in heutigen Gesellschaften zu erklaren. Es gibt mehr als nur Modernisierung, um die Unterschiede zu erklaren. Institutionen, Kultur, Geschichte und Politik scheinen alle die Werte der Menschen zu beeinflussen. Die vorliegende uberprufung der aktuellen internationalen landerubergreifenden Forschungsaktivitaten zeigt, dass zunehmend Mehrebenenanalysen verwendet werden, um entweder Modernisierung oder Institutionalismus oder beide theoretischen Ansatze gemeinsam zu untersuchen. Aus verschiedenen theoretischen Perspektiven werden Hypothesen uber die Auswirkungen des Kontexts auf Werte in einem bestimmten Lebensbereich generiert. Die ausgewahlten Studien untersuchen sehr unterschiedliche kontextuelle Merkmale, um die Varianz domanenspezifischer Wertorientierungen zu erklaren, was eindeutig belegt, dass unterschiedliche Mechanismen in den verschiedenen Lebensbereichen wirken. Die Studien zeigen, dass Kontext von Bedeutung ist, aber auch, dass es notwendig ist, Merkmale auf individueller Ebene zu berucksichtigen, zumindest als Kontrollvariablen. Haufig sind die individuellen Merkmale in den verschiedenen Landern unterschiedlich verteilt, was der Hauptgrund dafur sein kann, dass Unterschiede in den Wertorientierungen zwischen den Landern bestehen.

Connecting Ukraine to the continental European power grid and the EU’s electricity market is on the political agenda. However, establishing the necessary grid connec­tions is technically complicated and also requires profound reforms to the Ukrainian electricity sector. But it is not only Ukraine that has to deliver; the EU and its member states will also have to make far-reaching and hugely significant geopolitical decisions. The project needs a politically coordinated roadmap that defines clear criteria and conditions for a common electricity grid. (author's abstract)

The quality and efficiency of Educational Administration affect the smooth operation of public schools. The aim of this study is to record the perceptions of school principals, who are the main customers of Educational Directorates in order to improve the quality of the provided services. The theoretical framework attempts to describe the prevalent view that the provision of qualitative and effective administrative support to schools can contribute to school smooth operation and school staff satisfaction in order to focus on educational services, rather than on administrative problems and restrictions. The administrative factors under investigation are the mode of administration, the efficiency of procedures, ICT skill enhancement and employees' performance, technological modernization efforts, and customer participation in decision-making. The study examines how these variables, affect the level of satisfaction of school principals. The regression analysis and the maximum frequency of answers within the rating range of the six-level Likert scale are used. The primary data was obtained by using an electronic questionnaire (through google forms) which allows for the use of econometric techniques. The school principals of the Primary and Secondary Directorates of Education in Eastern Thessaloniki comprise the research field. The results of the analysis show that Administrative factors have a major impact and summatively affect customer satisfaction. Current demands render the function of education more complex since it is asked to move beyond the simple experiential approach of administrative action that was based on the experience of older members of staff and to combine it with knowledge and skills on developments of New Public Management. A management system that valorizes technology and human resources, develops mechanisms for open communication and dialogue and examines the views of the users of services in an organized manner is considered to be essential., SUBMITTED: JUNE 2019, REVISION SUBMITTED: NOVEMBER 2019, ACCEPTED: DECEMBER 2019, REFEREED ANONYMOUSLY, PUBLISHED ONLINE: 15 MAY 2020

Early republican Turkey placed the Rural in the centre of state’s nationalization and modernization programs that caused significant impact on the rural scape of the country. The state took the emergence of Turkish Peasantry to the agenda of agriculture-grounded economy plans in accordance with the new welfare ideals. At the same time, it aimed to transform the country which was increasingly confronted with the Wars, population exchanges, deportations and underdevelopment since the late 19th Century. Nonetheless, the regime most of the time highlighted and preserved cultural connotations of the rural lifestyle and village community. Rural people of Turkey witnessed several state implementations such as programs for social progress and economic recovery, as well as modernist planning strategies strongly carried the tones of nation building. “Idealization of the Land: Forming the New Rural Settlements in the Early Republican Period of Turkey, 1923-1950” demonstrates the motivations and tactics of the Kemalist regime to control the rural population within the frame of development programs and demographic shaping for a solid Turkish identity and an ideal citizenship loyal to the state. It sheds light on the implementations of new rural settlements built especially after the 1934 Settlement Law, with a geographical focus on two cities – Izmir and Elazığ that had different socio-economic and ethnic status in the state program. All in all, this thesis manifests the importance of the new rural settlements amongst Turkey’s modernization and nationalization processes in the Early Republican years, and presents the value of these architectonic forms in the architectural culture of Turkey., Die frühe republikanische Türkei stellte das Ländliche in den Mittelpunkt ihrer Nationalisierungs- und Modernisierungsprogramme. Diese hatten erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Rurale Landschaft des Landes. Der Staat nahm die Entstehung der türkischen Bauernschaft in Übereinstimmung mit den neuen sozialstaatlichen Wohlfahrtsidealen auf die Tagesordnung landwirtschaftlich fundierter Wirtschaftspläne und zielte gleichzeitig darauf ab, das Land grundlegend zu verändern, das seit dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts zunehmend mit Kriegen, Bevölkerungsaustauschen, Deportationen und Unterentwicklung konfrontiert war. Dennoch versuchte das junge Regime überwiegend kulturelle Konnotationen des ländlichen Lebensstils und der Dorfgemeinschaft hervorzuheben und zu bewahren. Die Landbevölkerung der Türkei war Zeuge und “Gegenstand” vieler staatlicher Programme, die etwa auf sozialen Fortschritt und wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung abzielten, sowie modernistische Planungsstrategien, die klar den Klang des Nation Building an sich trugen. “Idealization of the Land: Forming the New Rural Settlements in the Early Republican Period of Turkey, 1923-1950” beleuchtet die Motivationen und Taktiken des kemalistischen Regimes, die ländliche Bevölkerung im Rahmen von Entwicklungsprogrammen zu kontrollieren und durch demografische Eingriffe für eine solide türkische Identität, ein „ideales Staatssubjekt“, das dem Staat treu bleibt, zu sorgen. Die Arbeit wirft Licht auf die Gestaltung und Umsetzung neuer ländlicher Siedlungen, die speziell nach dem Siedlungsgesetz von 1934 errichtet wurden, mit einem geografischen Schwerpunkt auf zwei Städten - Izmir und Elazığ, die im staatlichen Programm einen unterschiedlichen sozioökonomischen und ethnischen Status hatten. Zusammengefasst arbeitet diese Dissertation die Bedeutung der neuen ländlichen Siedlungen für die Modernisierungs- und Verstaatlichungsprozesse der Türkei in den frühen republikanischen Jahren heraus und zeigt den Wert dieser architektonischen Formen in der Architekturkultur der Türkei auf.

After World War II, Japan’s policy makers believed that common forests were underutilized because of their legal status and organization method under customary iriai-type ownership and that modern ownership in the form of group ownership, such as forest producers’ cooperatives, or as individual, separate ownership, would improve the situation. Thus, the Common Forests Modernization Act of 1966 was enacted, following successive modernization policies since the Meiji Restoration in 1868. We evaluated the impacts of the past modernization policies on the management of common forests by statistically comparing the performance of modernized and non-modernized 19,690 common forests based on the World Census of Agriculture and Forestry 2000. The performance measures for comparison included planting, weeding, thinning, and harvesting activities. We found less modernized, customary holdings are more active in tending activities such as weeding and thinning, while modernized holdings may have an advantage in harvesting and timber sales.

The public spaces in Iran’s built environment were gendered sites of domination and subordination, yet also terrains of resistance and emancipation. Tracing the massive western-oriented project of modernization of public spaces issued by the Shah of Iran, Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), this article contextualizes the gendered language used to advance modernization, and examines examples of women’s experiences in major cities including Tehran, Shiraz, Qazvin, Rasht, and Bushehr. During this period, modern architecture and planning movements in Iran mainly followed the discourse instigated by ciam [International Congresses of Modern Architecture]. Urban street plans with an orthogonal network of roads, streets, and wide boulevards were favored over the vernacular system of narrow, twisting, partly-roofed alleys, based on pedestrian movements. The modern movement also attempted to desegregate and “democratize” public spaces through gender desegregation, arguing that streets needed to be aesthetically-pleasing spaces where both men and women could walk and socialize in mixed-sex gatherings, a phenomenon that was not common in public spaces in the history of Iran. It should be noted that in 1936, Reza Shah promulgated a ban on the use of the chador (the traditional Iranian veil) in public places, in favor of Western women’s fashion, i.e., European hats, coats, and gloves. Due to this ban, some women, particularly those from conservative, religious, lower-class backgrounds, resisted using public spaces and streets. In older neighborhoods, where houses were attached to each other, these women used the rooftops as gathering spaces and as a form of pedestrian pathway. Others, mainly elite, urban, upper-class women, accepted and appreciated the desegregated spatial practices, using them to free themselves from social and cultural taboos. Building on postcolonial and transnational feminist theories, including those of Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984) and Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan (1994), which critique modernity and modernization and emphasize the diversity of women’s experiences and the importance of contextualizing them, this article addresses how, in a political climate of enormous contradictions, architectures were (re)configured and (re)appropriated as physical tools of resistance against the coloniality of modernization of the built environment and state power for one group of women, yet simultaneously, were (re)envisioned as an apparatus of confrontation with cultural traditionalism and patriarchal ideologies for another group of women. In der gebauten Umwelt des Iran stellten öffentliche Räume geschlechtsspezifische Stätten der Herrschaft und Unterordnung, aber auch Orte des Widerstands und der Emanzipation dar.Dieser Artikel zeichnet das großangelegte, westlich orientierte Modernisierungsprojekt des iranischen Schahs Reza Pahlavi (1925-1941) für den öffentlichen Raum nach, indem er die geschlechtsspezifische Sprache, mit der diese Modernisierungsabsichten vorgetrieben werden sollten, in ihrem Kontext betrachtet und exemplarisch Erfahrungsberichte von Frauen in großen Städten wie Teheran, Qazvin, Rascht und Buschehr untersucht. Moderne Architektur- und Städtebaubewegungen im Iran folgten damals dem auf den Internationalen Kongressen Moderner Architektur (ciam) begründeten Diskurs. Man bevorzugte nun in den Städten Straßenanlagen aus einem rechtwinkligen Raster aus Haupt- und Nebenstraßen und weiten Prachtstraßen anstelle des historischen iranischen Straßensystems, mit seinen engen, gewundenen, teilweise überdachten Gassen, das auf Fußgängerbewegungen basierte. Die moderne Bewegung versuchte zudem, die Segregation im öffentlichen Raum außer Kraft zu setzen und zu „demokratisieren“, indem sie dort die Trennung nach Geschlechtern aufhob. Straßen sollten ästhetisch gefällige Räume werden, in denen sich Männer und Frauen gleichermaßen bewegen und soziale Kontakte pflegen können sollten, bei gemeinsamen Zusammenkünften – einer traditionell im öffentlichen Raum im Iran unüblichen Erscheinung. Daher gab Reza Pahlavis Politik 1936 vor, wie Frauen im öffentlichen Raum aufzutreten hatten, indem er den (traditionellen iranischen Schleier) Tschador zugunsten westlicher Kleidung und Mode, wie europäischer Hüte, Schals und Handschuhe untersagte. Manche Frauen, darunter Angehörige konservativer, religiöser und unterer Gesellschaftsschichten, verzichteten infolge dieser gesetzlichen Regelung auf die Nutzung öffentlicher Räume und Straßen. Speziell in den alten Stadtvierteln und Bezirken, mit eng aneinander stehenden Häusern, nutzen diese Frauen die Dächer als Treffpunkte und als eine Art Fußgängerweg. Andere hingegen, hauptsächlich Vertreterinnen der Elite, Angehörige der städtischen Oberschicht, akzeptierten und begrüßten die nun allen offenstehende Raumnutzung, und bedienten sich ihrer, um sich selbst von sozialen und kulturellen Tabus zu befreien. Im Rückgriff auf postkoloniale und transnationale feministische Theorien von Autorinnen wie Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984), Inderpal Grewal und Caren Kaplan (1994), die sich kritisch mit Moderne und Modernisierung auseinandersetzen und die Diversität weiblichen Erlebens sowie die Bedeutung einer Kontextualisierung desselben hervorheben, geht es in diesem Artikel darum, wie in einem politisch überaus widersprüchlichen Klima Architekturen als Mittel physischen Widerstands gegen die kolonialen Züge dieser Modernisierung der gebauten Umwelt und der Staatsmacht (um)konfiguriert und für eigene Zwecke (um)genutzt wurden, und dabei zugleich von vielen Frauen (letztlich) als ein Instrument zur Bekämpfung von kulturellem Traditionalismus und patriarchalen Ideologien betrachtet wurden. En el entorno construido de Irán, los espacios públicos son espacios con género, lugares de dominación y de subordinación, pero también terrenos de resistencia y de emancipación. Partiendo del análisis del ambicioso proyecto de modernización de los espacios públicos lanzado por Reza Chah Pahlevi (e influenciado por Occidente) durante su reinado entre 1925 y 1941, este artículo contextualiza el «lenguaje de género» usado para alcanzar los objetivos de la modernización y estudia las experiencias vividas por las mujeres en grandes ciudades como Téhéran, Qazvin, Rachat y Bouchehr. A lo largo de este período, los movimientos de arquitectura y de urbanismo modernos obedecen a las prescripciones del ciam. Los planos hipodámicos con ejes de circulación claros se imponen sobre los sistemas tradicionales locales de callejuelas estrechas, tortuosas, con frecuencia cubiertas parcialmente, que respondían a las prácticas de la circulación de los peatones. El movimiento moderno, en un intento de « democratizar » los espacios públicos abolió la segregación vinculada a los géneros y abogó por que las calles fuesen espacios agradables estéticamente donde hombres y mujeres podrían circular y socializar juntos, fenómeno del todo opuesto a las tradiciones locales. A ello se sumó el hecho de que en 1936 la política de Reza Chah fue prohibir que las mujeres llevasen el chador en los espacios públicos y promover la vestimenta occidental. Algunas mujeres, principalmente las de medios conservadores, religiosos y de clases sociales inferiores, rehusaron utilizar espacios públicos transformados por la ley. Así fue como en los barrios antiguos y aquellos con casas colindantes, las mujeres empezaron a utilizar las terrazas como lugares de reunión a modo de sustitución de las vías peatonales. Otras, pertenecientes a las clases altas, acogieron con agrado esta modificación del espacio público abierto ahora a todos, utilizándolo para liberarse de tabúes sociales y culturales. Respaldando teorías feministas postcoloniales y transnacionales, entre ellas la de Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984) y la de Inderpal Grewal y Caren Kaplan (1994) quienes critican la modernidad y la modernización y resaltan tanto la diversidad de las experiencias vividas por las mujeres como la importancia de su puesta en contexto, este artículo muestra cómo, en un clima político hecho de enormes contradicciones, los espacios construidos fueron (re)estructurados y (re)apropiados como herramientas físicas de resistencia contra la colonialidad de la modernización del entorno edificado así como del poder, siendo a la vez (re)considerados por numerosas mujeres como un objeto de confrontación con las tradiciones culturales e ideologías patriarcales. Dans l’environnement construit de l’Iran, les espaces publics ont certes été des espaces genrés, lieux de domination et de subordination, mais aussi des terrains de résistance et d’émancipation. En analysant le projet d’envergure, influencé par l’Occident, de modernisation des espaces publics lancé par Reza Chah Pahlavi (qui a régné de 1925 à 1941), cet article met en contexte le « langage genré » utilisé pour atteindre les objectifs de la modernisation et étudie des expériences vécues par des femmes dans des grandes villes comme Téhéran, Qazvin, Racht et Bouchehr. Au cours de cette période, les mouvements d’architecture et d’urbanisme modernes ont surtout obéi aux prescriptions du ciam. Les plans hippodamiens aux axes de circulation clairs ont pris le pas sur les systèmes traditionnels locaux de ruelles étroites, tortueuses, souvent semi-couvertes, qui répondaient aux pratiques du cheminement piéton. Le mouvement moderne a également tenté de « démocratiser » les espaces publics à travers une abolition de la ségrégation liée aux genres et a mis en avant que les rues devaient être des espaces agréables esthétiquement où femmes et hommes pourraient circuler et socialiser dans la mixité, phénomène tout à fait contraire aux traditions locales. À cela vint s’ajouter le fait qu’en 1936, la politique de Reza Chah fut d’interdire aux femmes de porter le tchador dans les espaces publics et de privilégier le vêtement à l’occidentale. Certaines femmes, principalement issues de milieux conservateurs, religieux et de classes sociales inférieures, rejetèrent l’utilisation des espaces publics transformés par la loi. Ainsi, plus particulièrement dans les quartiers anciens et ceux où les maisons étaient mitoyennes, les femmes se mirent à utiliser les terrasses comme lieux de réunion et comme substitution des voies piétonnes. D’autres, appartenant aux classes supérieures, accueillirent favorablement cette modification de l’espace public désormais ouvert à tous, l’utilisant pour s’affranchir de tabous sociaux et culturels. À l’appui des théories féministes postcoloniales et transnationales, dont celle de Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984) et celle d’Inderpal Grewal et Caren Kaplan (1994) qui critiquent la modernité et la modernisation et mettent l’accent sur la diversité des expériences vécues par les femmes mais aussi sur l’importance de leur mise en contexte, cet article montre comment, dans un climat politique fait d’énormes contradictions, les espace construits furent (re)configurés et ré(appropriés) en tant qu’outils physiques de résistance vis-à-vis de la colonialité de la modernisation de l’environnement construit ainsi que du pouvoir, tout en étant (ré)envisagés par de nombreuses femmes comme un objet de confrontation aux traditions culturelles et aux idéologies patriarcales. Nell’ambiente costruito dell’Iran, gli spazi pubblici furono a lungo luoghi di dominazione e subordinazione di genere, ma anche terreni di resistenza ed emancipazione. Questo articolo ripercorre l’imponente progetto di modernizzazione degli spazi pubblici ispirato all’Occidente messo in atto dallo scià iraniano Reza Pahlavi (1925-1941), contestualizzando il linguaggio di genere utilizzato per favorire i suoi obiettivi di modernizzazione ed esaminando le esperienze vissute dalle donne nelle grandi città del paese come Teheran, Qazvin, Rasht e Bushehr. Durante tutto il periodo i movimenti architettonici e urbanistici moderni in Iran seguirono le raccomandazioni del CIAM, preferendo un piano stradale ortogonale fatto di vie, corsi e larghi viali al precedente sistema di vicoli stretti, tortuosi e spesso semicoperti basato sugli spostamenti pedonali. Il movimento moderno tentò inoltre di “democratizzare” gli spazi pubblici attraverso l’abolizione della segregazione di genere, affermando che le strade dovevano essere spazi esteticamente piacevoli dove donne e uomini potessero circolare insieme e socializzare, un fenomeno raro nell’Iran dell’epoca. A ciò si aggiunse il fatto che nel 1936 una legge dello scià Reza sancì le modalità con cui le donne potevano apparire negli spazi pubblici, vietando l’uso del chador (il tradizionale velo iraniano) in favore di una moda più occidentale, fatta di cappelli, cappotti e guanti europei. A causa di questa legge alcune donne, soprattutto di estrazione conservatrice, religiosa e di ceto sociale inferiore, iniziarono ad astenersi dall’utilizzo degli spazi pubblici. Soprattutto nei quartieri più antichi, in cui le case erano a schiera, cominciarono a sfruttare i tetti come luoghi di incontro e come sorte di passerelle pedonali. Altre, perlopiù appartenenti all’alta borghesia urbana, accolsero con favore il passaggio a pratiche spaziali aperte a tutti, sfruttandole per liberarsi dai tabù sociali e culturali. Sulla base delle teorie femministe postcoloniali e transnazionali tra cui quelle di Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984) e Inderpal Grewal e Caren Kaplan (1994), che criticano la modernità e la modernizzazione e sottolineano la diversità delle esperienze femminili e l’importanza di contestualizzarle, questo articolo mostra come, in un clima politico caratterizzato da enormi contraddizioni, le architetture sono state (ri)configurate e (ri)impiegate come strumenti di resistenza fisica alla matrice coloniale della modernizzazione dell’ambiente costruito e del potere, e al contempo (ri)inventate da molte donne come mezzi per combattere il tradizionalismo culturale e le ideologie patriarcali.

Focusing on the communities of Eténhiritipa-Pimentel Barbosa of eastern Mato Grosso, Brazil, this article considers the tremendous shift that has taken place over the last twenty-five years in A’uwẽ-Xavante peoples’ use of audio-visual media to achieve greater representational sovereignty. It discusses the adoption of video in the context of A’uwẽ-Xavante ideologies and gendered patterns of dealing with the outside and their prior use of cassette technology. This case demonstrates that, while the adoption of new media has not proven to be the final assault in a Faustian bargain with modernity, media makers face a number of significant challenges and dilemmas, specifically curating, archiving, and also securing and sustaining financial and technological support. Partnerships and collaborations are essential but their often-precarious nature presents difficulties. Dedication, persistence, creativity and adaptability are assets community members draw upon in responding to challenges. Media makers are increasingly gaining more control and are now training the next generation of youths; young people are using new social media, as well as video and film, to achieve greater representational sovereignty.

Introduction to Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 1/2016: Policy Implementation in the New Socialist Countryside

During the last 25 years, the economy of the Baltic States has been developing in the conditions of sovereignty, both de facto and de jure. This period has been sufficient to identify regular patterns in the national economic models. Studies into the nature of the economic development of the Baltic States have a considerable practical and scientific significance. On the one hand, the three Baltic States are a part of the post-Soviet space. The nature, success or failures of their economies contribute to a more accurate assessment of Russia's development. On the other hand, it is the second decade of the Baltic States' EU membership, and the countries' experience is very relevant. The article identifies and analyses key characteristics of the Baltic States’ economic model. The author puts forward a hypothesis on two stages of the economic transformation undergone by the Baltic States. The first stage is characterised by a combination of transformation and modernisation whereas the second - by transformation accompanied by a number of destructive trends in the economy. The current economic model demonstrates limited stability, partly due to deliberately severed economic ties with Russia.

Considering gender role attitudes as part of a broader cultural change related to the modernization process, this study adopts a path-dependency approach to analyze the support for the role of women in the public sphere in Italy since 1988. Modernization processes varied across Italian regions and the paper explores how different gender patterns developed accordingly. Using pooled data from European Values Survey, World Values Survey, and International Social Survey Program, the author assesses if this specific change is part of the postmaterialist shift and investigates the mechanisms of change carrying out cohort decomposition methods. The results address a reinforcement of traditionalism mainly due to the period effect that shows regional differences given by history.

This paper has three aims. The first aim is to measure religiosity across all European countries through an index that combines beliefs, practices, and attitudes. The second aim is to analyse the strength of societal factors on religiosity, including modernisation, communist rule, national identity, religious pluralism, and religious freedom. The final aim is to group European countries by religiosity and to characterise each cluster by dominant religions and these five societal factors. Based on EVS 2008, it was applied multivariate analysis to reach these aims. Cluster 1 is mainly composed of Orthodox, Muslims, and Catholics; cluster 2 of Catholics, Orthodox, and people without religion; cluster 3 by people without religion, Protestants, and Catholics. Across clusters, the degree of human development, religious pluralism, and religious freedom increase, while the degree of national identity decreases., Este artículo tiene tres objetivos. Primero: medir la religiosidad en todos los países europeos a través de un índice que combina creencias, prácticas y actitudes. Segundo: analizar el impacto de factores sociales sobre la religiosidad, incluyendo la modernización, el régimen comunista, la identidad nacional, el pluralismo religioso y la libertad religiosa. Tercero: agrupar a los países europeos por la religiosidad y caracterizar cada grupo por las religiones dominantes y los cinco factores encima referidos. Basado en el EVS 2008 se aplicó un análisis multivariado para alcanzar estos objetivos. El grupo 1 fue compuesto principalmente por ortodoxos, musulmanes y católicos; el grupo 2 por católicos, ortodoxos y los sin religión; el grupo 3 por personas sin religión, protestantes y católicos. Observando estes grupos, los niveles de desarrollo humano, pluralismo religioso y libertad religiosa aumentan, mientras el nivel de identidad nacional baja., Cet article a trois objectifs. Premièrement : mesurer la religiosité dans tous les pays d’Europe, au moyen d’un indice qui combine croyances, pratiques et attitudes. Deuxièmement : analyser l’impact de facteurs sociaux sur la religiosité, à savoir la modernisation, le régime communiste, l’identité nationale, le pluralisme religieux et la liberté religieuse. Troisièmement : regrouper les pays d’Europe selon la religiosité et caractériser chaque groupe selon les religions dominantes et les cinq facteurs analysés. À partir de l’enquête EVS 2008, une analyse multivariée a été appliquée pour atteindre ces objectifs. Le groupe 1 se composait essentiellement d’orthodoxes, de musulmans et de catholiques ; le groupe 2 de catholiques, d’orthodoxes et de sans religion ; le groupe 3 de personnes sans religion, de protestants et de catholiques. Quand on observe ces groupes, les niveaux de développement humain, de pluralisme religieux et de liberté religieuse augmentent à mesure que le niveau d’identité nationale diminue., Este artigo tem três objetivos. Primeiro: medir a religiosidade em todos os países europeus através de um índice que combina crenças, práticas e atitudes. Segundo: analisar o impacto de fatores sociais sobre a religiosidade, incluindo a modernização, o regime comunista, a identidade nacional, o pluralismo religioso e a liberdade religiosa. Terceiro: agrupar os países europeus pela religiosidade e caracterizar cada grupo pelas religiões dominantes e por estes cinco fatores sociais. Com base no EVS 2008 aplicou-se uma análise multivariada para atingir estes objetivos. O grupo 1 compõe-se principalmente de ortodoxos, muçulmanos e católicos; o grupo 2 de católicos, ortodoxos e sem religião; o grupo 3 de pessoas sem religião, protestantes e católicos. Observando os grupos, os graus de desenvolvimento humano, pluralismo religioso e liberdade religiosa aumentam enquanto o grau de identidade nacional baixa.

The purpose of the article is to test the relationship between national identities and modernisation. We test the hypotheses that not all forms of identity are equally compatible with modernisation as measured by Human Development Index. The less developed societies are characterised by strong ascribed national identities based on birth, territory and religion, but also by strong voluntarist identities based on civic features selected and/or achieved by an individual. While the former decreases with further modernisation, the latter may either decrease or remain at high levels and coexist with instrumental supranational identifications, typical for the most developed countries. The results, which are also confirmed by multilevel regression models, thus demonstrate that increasing modernisation in terms of development contributes to the shifts from classical, especially ascribed, identities towards instrumental identifications. These findings are particularly relevant in the turbulent times increasingly dominated by the hardly predictable effects of the recent mass migrations.

Ausgehend von der These, Luftverkehr finde am Boden statt, entwickelt die am Institut für Kulturwissenschaft verteidigte Dissertation eine spezifische Geopolitik des Luftverkehrs. Der Luftverkehr wird dabei über seine Operationen am Boden und an Flughäfen untersucht. Der genaue Blick auf die technischen Details bei der Implementierung dieser Anlagen in machthistorisch entscheidenden Momenten des 20. Jahrhunderts ermöglicht eine Revision geopolitischen Denkens und eröffnet einen innovativen Zugang für eine Genealogie der Globalisierung. Die Dissertation analysiert die Bewegungen in der Luft auf ihre stets lokalen und immanent territorialen Dimensionen – und widerlegt so den vermeintlichen und häufig wiederholten Anspruch an den Luftverkehr, er sei das globale, raumvernichtende Verkehrssystem par excellence (Carl Schmitt, Paul Virilio, Martin Heidegger). Die Dissertation ist auch ein Beitrag zur Genealogie von Medientheorie, insofern sie unter Rückgriff auf Harold A. Innis die Übertragung nicht von Zeichen, sondern von Personen und Gütern zum Gegenstand hat. Historisch geht sie von der Kriegslogistik der USA im Zweiten Weltkrieg aus. Sie bezieht heterogene Quellen ein: politische Programme und Debatten, internationale Beziehungen; philosophische, juridische, ökonomische und urbanistische Diskurse; ingenieurstechnische Entwicklungen und militärische Doktrinen. Sie nimmt den Leser mit auf eine Reise über alle Meere und Kontinente mit Fokus auf Saudi-Arabien, Zentral- und Südafrika, Brasilien und den Nahen Osten, untersucht Ereignisse von den 1930er bis 1970er Jahren und endet mit einem Epilog zu den Anschlägen vom 9. September 2011. This dissertation develops a specific geopolitics of aviation, taking an original perspective as it starts with the assumption that air travel happens on the ground. The focus is on a thorough examination of the technical details for implementing the facilities of airports at moments decisive for the distribution of power in the 20th century. Geopolitical discourses are revised to enable an original understanding for the genealogy of globalisation. The dissertation analyses movements in the air with view on their immanent local and territorial dimensions. It breaks with the overcome understanding of aviation as a traffic system that is global and that destroys space as no other (Carl Schmitt, Paul Virilio, Martin Heidegger). The dissertation was disputed at the Institute for Cultural Studies. It is also a contribution to the genealogy of media theory, following in the footsteps of Harold A. Innis, as it focuses on the neglected transmission of goods and people instead of signs and codes. Starting point is the US military logistics in World War II. The heterogeneous material under review includes political programmes and debates; international relations; philosophical, juridical and economic discourses; urbanism, engineering and military doctrines. It takes the reader on a journey around the world, with focus on Saudi-Arabia, Central and Southern Africa, Brazil and the Near East, taking into account events from the 1930s to 1970s, and concluding with an epilogue on the events of 9/11.

Im vorliegenden Aufsatz wird die These einer sozial distinguierenden und lebensweltstabilisierenden Funktion von Kunst geprüft, indem einer soziologischen Perspektive auf Kunst eine philosophische gegenübergestellt wird. Konkret steht dem durchsetzungsstarken lebensstiltheoretischen Ansatz Pierre Bourdieus Hermann Lübbes zeitlich überschneidender philosophischer Zugang im Zeichen einer Kompensationsqualität von Kunst gegenüber. Bourdieu betont vorrangig den distinktiven Charakter von Kunstausübung und Kunstrezeption im Sinne einer habitusgeprägten Klassen- bzw. moderner: Milieuabgrenzung, die Lübbe implizit über seine Diagnose elitärer Kennerschaft bzw. der zwangläufig elitär ausgelegten Avantgarde und im Sinne der Funktion von Kunst als »Symbolmedium von Gruppenidentifikation« teilt. Lübbe verficht über den weitergeführten Kompensationsgedanken der Ritter-Schule die Stabilisierung einer einheitlichen Lebenswelt (bzw. von nicht disparaten Lebenswelten), die auf dem Wege der Kunstrezeption Kollateralschäden der technischen, letztlich gesamtgesellschaftlichen Modernisierung verkraften und so stabil bleiben können soll. Ähnlich sind sich Bourdieu und Lübbe argumentativ hinsichtlich der Betonung einer lebensstil-, damit klassen- respektive milieustabilisierenden Funktion von Kunst (bei Bourdieu explizit, bei Lübbe implizit). Unterschiede zeichnen sich jedoch hinsichtlich der Perspektiven ab: Während Bourdieu auf der Mesoebene sozialer Milieus bzw. der Schicht und auf der beitragenden Mikroebene individueller Verhaltensweisen einen deskriptiven Fokus wählt, bezieht Lübbe sich vor dem Hintergrund einer bedrohlichen Makroebene gesellschaftlicher Bedingungen (unabwendbare Fortschrittszumutungen) vorrangig auf die lebensweltliche Mikroebene des Individuums in seiner erschütterten Befindlichkeit. Die Rolle von Kunst bzw. von ›Kultur‹ wird hier nicht deskriptiv, sondern normativ eingeführt: Lübbe weist ihr die lebensweltschützende Funktion der Kompensation zu. In diesem Zusammenhang fungieren Philosophen als »professionelle Konfusionsspezialisten, Fachleute für Orientierungskrisenmanagement«. Es erhärten sich folgende Thesen: 1) Kunst lässt sich unter einem soziokulturellen (Bourdieu) Blickwinkel als funktional lebensstil- bzw. milieustabilisierend darstellen, während sie unter einem spezifisch philosophischen Blickwinkel (Lübbe) als lebensweltstabilisierend wirksam ist. 2) Lübbes Thesen ähneln den Annahmen Bourdieus, insofern Lübbe die distinktive Funktion von Kunst implizit als lebensstilstabilisierend teilt; er unterscheidet sich aber von Bourdieus vorrangiger Betonung eines Lebensstilkonzepts in der Betonung individueller Lebensweltlichkeit., recenseo: Texte zu Kunst und Philosophie

In the formation process of the nation-state, there took place processes analogous to globalization. People and things moved on a nationwide scale and local regions and people became homogenized and also differentiated. Such process can be called 'nationalization'. By taking its meaning as a more comprehensive one than ever, we can understand the formation process of the nation-state more accurately. Also we have to differentiate 'nationalization' from 'modernization'. We regard that modernization is the process of disembedding people from various 'existences' in which they have been embedded. In the course of disembedding, people began to regard 'existences' as means and obstacles for 'actions'. That is to say, 'predominance of actions over existences' has occurred. The reason why such 'predominance of actions' has taken place can be made clear by introducing 'symbolic media' which reduce 'existences' to something on each standard. In history symbolic media have been conflicting and allying with each other. 'Predominance of actions', that is to say, modernization advanced through such conflicts and alliance., Historical Social Research Vol. 38, No. 2 (2013): Focus II: Aspects of Process Theories and Process-Oriented Methodologies in Historical and Comparative Sociology. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

In this paper the author introduces the fight against anarchism at the end of the 19th century as a security dispositive. An analysis of the emergence of the dispositive of the Black International conspiracy and the rise of new modes of governance in the wake of the fight against violent anarchism in the Netherlands is presented as a bottom-up process of securitization, enabled by two remarkable episodes of anarchist activities in the Netherlands in 1894 and 1895-1898. Regional prosecutors and Police commissioners capitalized on this (foreign) anarchist threat to instigate large-scale police reforms in terms of bureaucratization, standardization and centralization. New technologies of imagination, imported from abroad, helped to advance these processes of securitization and modernization., Historical Social Research Vol. 38, No. 1 (2013): Special Issue: Security and Conspiracy in History, 16th to 21st Century. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1