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This paper delves into the shifts in the foreign policy of Russia, considering what has determined Russia's grand strategy orientation after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It also attempts to offer an explanation of why Russia becomes discounted with the ‘constitutive and normative structure’, and how its foreign policy shifted toward the anti-status quo orientation, especially after the color revolutions. The main purpose of this paper is to explain the shift in Russia's foreign policy, from the search for the ‘greatpowerness’ status via different enhancement strategies in light of status quo in the ‘revolutionary decade’, to revisionism after the color revolutions in Commonwealth of Independent States region (2003–2005). To substantiate this, the study uses process-tracing and document analysis to show the changes in Russia's foreign policy. As demonstrated in this paper, power rendered is unable of directing or disinclined to direct its policies toward status quo, due to internal effects of perceived ‘status immobility’ resulting from the failure of several status enhancement strategies. Accordingly, the shift in Russia's foreign policy was a result of changing the Russian perception from status inconsistency to status immobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the health and safety compliance laws in the ready made clothing industry of Bangladesh. Topics include that the readymade garment sector in Bangladesh accounts for the second-largest apparel manufacturer and exporter after China; its cheap labor pool, low wages and reluctance to unionization; and ignorance and lack of health and safety procedures and policies in the industry.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), ostensibly a connectivity and developmental program, was launched by the Chinese President Xi Jinping with the primary objective of connecting the common people in Asia through trade, infrastructure and culture. The initiative is designed to enhance connectivity in areas such as trade, infrastructure, investment, capital and people. That said, since its inception, the project seems to confront certain hurdles such as regional geopolitical complexities and launching of other alternative proposals that tend to hamper its progress. As part of the BRI, the BCIM--EC proposes to connect eastern China with South Asia that will also ultimately connect Southeast Asia through different modes for better economic and cultural connectivity. This paper attempts to evaluate the challenges and opportunities of the BCIM--EC project in the context of South and Southeast Asian nations. The paper concludes that the challenges are rather overriding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to project the emerging power-relations in the maritime realm between geopolitical players in the Indian Ocean region. These power-relations involve military shields and spears, infrastructure development, alignment-alliance relations, international trade routes, critical choke points, energy, and above all geopolitical implications. The methods followed in the paper are content analysis, case-method, interview, observation, and so forth . The paper concludes that emerging power polarizations are visible and are gradually taking a tangible shape in the form of military-economic condominium, presumably coming from opposite directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to project China's emerging path towards high politics in East Asia, which is ostensibly spawned by regional geopolitical dynamics. Hegemonic transition, replacing hegemonic stability, is seemingly activating the dynamics. There is almost an inexorable move towards predominance, by the two major powers, that tends to get stimulated by the presence of issues that may trigger conflict, possibly war. These issues range from flashpoints to populist nationalism, economic interdependence, nuclear issues, and alliance relations in the Western Pacific. The paper concludes, by highlighting, likely resultant action–reaction cycles, polarizations, and alignments through the varying array of forces, possibility of war, mutual deterrence, and above all projecting overall power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to conceptualize a comparative framework on civil-military relations (CMR), at both political and strategic levels, in the context of major South Asian states such as India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. There are complexities involved in framing and explaining power relations between political/ bureaucratic and military elites in these countries. Methodology used in this paper is basically content analysis, interviews, and observations made, and inferences drawn by the author himself, given his professional experience. The paper concludes there are both similarities and dissimilarities in such relations between democratic and quasi-democratic or between liberal and illiberal polities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increases in military spending have a big impact on the socioeconomic conditions in any country. However, there is no consensus as to whether the rising military expenditure is beneficial or detrimental to economic growth. The present study chose China as a case study to empirically examine a complex relationship between military expenditure and economic development. The findings from the Johansen cointegration test indicated that there existed a long-run relationship between China’s military spending and economic growth. Furthermore, the Granger causality test detected a unidirectional causality from economic development to military expenditure. These results were further confirmed by the findings from the impulse response function. This means that China represents an example of a developing economy where the size of military expenditure expands in the process of economic transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this article is to explore the challenges and opportunities of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road - presumably a gigantic economic project launched by China - for better connectivity and economic cooperation in Asia. The article examines the variables that may either limit or bolster its implementation. The project, once implemented, is likely to give rise to both economic and strategic upshots. Economically, it is likely to be win-win for both China and other powers in Asia who are willing to participate. On the other hand, it may get trapped because of the presence of geopolitical issues and great powers rivalry, specifically in the Bay of Bengal region. The article, in the final analysis, attempts to provide certain policy prescriptions, mainly for China, for maximum optimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the rationale and likely impacts of Chinese military modernization, which seems focused to work as China's instrument of power politics in the Asia- Pacific. Given that China is growing exponentially in the economic field and it has many flashpoints to deal with, its military modernization is understandably a historical inevitability. It primarily has the United States, Japan, and Taiwan to confront over the flashpoints, such as Taiwan, and the South China Sea. Concurrently, the United States' alliance/alignment-building is going ahead unabated along with its military revamping. The article concludes by projecting the likely ramifications as response to such military re-vamping and re-positioning from both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asian regional integration is seemingly confronting many challenges. The aim of this paper is to identify those challenges and also look for prospects. Although regional integration in South Asia has adopted a kind of institutionalization, it is yet to deliver any concrete outcomes. High-politics and the not-so-conducive regional economic structures hinder any effectual culmination. However, constructivism, as a theory, is given due credence in this paper when looking for future prospects. The paper highlights the issues, and attempts to offer certain policy directions by analyzing the challenges and identifying the prospects in the on-going integration/cooperation process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this article is to examine the implications of high politics in the South China Sea disputes, which basically involve the United States, and other claimant countries, such as Vietnam and the Philippines on one side, and China on the other. The two main actors, namely China and the United States, appear to be re-assertive. All the claimant countries are asking for their stakes, which involve their sovereignty, and sovereign and maritime rights. The fall-out is the polarization of the stakeholders and greater military build-up. Overt military confrontation is a remote possibility at the moment, mainly because of overriding considerations, such as interdependence in economy and a trend towards regionalism. Nevertheless, the array of sophisticated military forces and the vital national interests of the stakeholders in the Sea tend to portend a problematic frontier. This article indicates certain policy implications and attempts to develop the framework of a scenario that is likely to emerge premised on high politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and the United States are the greatest strategic powers of the world today, where China is rising but the United States still remains predominant. Both have their grand strategic visions to shape and manage the world or regional political and security architecture. South Asia, being located in a critical and important geographical area, with players such as India, Pakistan, and others, is factored in their visions. It gives rise to a different combination of alignments and orientations of the states of South Asia and beyond. A kind of power game, along with its tangible manifestations, also seems conspicuous. This paper attempts to develop a broad framework of such developments, along with ramifications, both in place and projected, in the political power games of the relevant actors in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan is a vexed issue, and having no definite sovereignty status at the inter-state level, it carries the potential for conflagration. There is palpably a contradiction between its de jure and de facto status. Contradiction is also discernible in realizing the right brand of nationalism and the question of justice in adopting the appropriate hierarchical mode of governance. As such, there is a need to rethink its status and also the surrounding security architecture. The actors concerned may have to confront high stakes if its status quo is changed. The “one China” policy is accepted by all—but its varying interpretations and ambiguities in different official documents and pronouncements, made mostly keeping in view the geopolitical and nationalist compulsions, give rise to concern. It has turned out to be a flashpoint whose political status will, hopefully, be finally decided peacefully in a mutually accepted agreement through dialogue and confidence-building measures. This paper examines the present status of Taiwan and the suggested ways forward for its final settlement, keeping in focus the security, political and economic realities—both in the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, as well as the surrounding region. There is a suggestion for a people-centric, like people being masters of their own destiny (people-first) solution—maybe in order to preclude the geopolitical complexities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]