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The article is an attempt to examine the degree of dependency of Jerome's exegesis of the parables from the Gospel of St. Matthew on the exegesis of the same texts by Origen. The primary sources are Jerome's Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew written in 398 AD, when he was already opposed to the Alexandrian, and Origen's Commentary on the same Gospel. A detailed comparative analysis of the exegesis of the selected parables led to the following conclusions. The differences between the approaches of both authors are limited to three issues: (1) Jerome's interpretations reflect the spirit of the post-Nicene period, marked by Trinitarian disputes; (2) The Stridonian dissociates himself from all associations with Origen's dubious theological suggestions, such as the pre-existence of souls or apocatastasis, which can be noticed concealed in the exegesis of the Alexandrian; (3) Jerome's comments are short and concisely convey the main spiritual meaning of the parables in question, but this difference in the length of comments is quite secondary. Despite the above differences the reliance of the Stridonian on the Alexandrian is significant. Jerome's elaborations are very similar to those of Origen in terms of exegetic methodology and spiritual content extracted from the text of the Gospel. Even if Jerome does not accept all the solutions proposed by the Alexandrian, he is in constant dialogue with him and remains in his work an Origenist dependent on the allegorical orientation of exegesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is an attempt to examine the degree of dependency of Jerome’s exegesis of the parables from the Gospel of St. Matthew on the exegesis of the same texts by Origen. The primary sources are Jerome’s Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew written in 398 AD, when he was already an enemy of the Alexandrian, and Origen’s Commentary on the same Gospel. A detailed comparative analysis of the exegesis of the selected parables led to the following conclusions. The differences between the approaches of both authors are limited to three issues: (1) Jerome’s interpretations reflect the spirit of the post-Nicene period, marked by Trinitarian disputes; (2) The Stridonian dissociates himself from all associations with Origen’s dubious theological suggestions, such as the pre-existence of souls or apocatastasis, which can be noticed concealed in the exegesis of the Alexandrian; (3) Jerome’s comments are short and concisely convey the main spiritual meaning of the parables in question, but this difference in the length of comments is quite secondary. Despite the above differences the reliance of the Stridonian on the Alexandrian is significant. Jerome’s elaborations are very similar to those of Origen in terms of exegetic methodology and spiritual content extracted from the text of the Gospel. Even if Jerome does not accept all the solutions proposed by the Alexandrian, he is in constant dialogue with him and remains in his work an Origenist dependent on the allegorical orientation of exegesis.

This article describes the Christological heresies found in the Letters of St Jerome. These are Arianism, Apolinarianism, the heresies preached by the Ebionites and Nazarenes, the heresies professing Docetism and Pelagianism. In the heresies described, the Author of the Vulgate demonstrates not only doctrinal errors, but also defends the orthodoxy of the Christian faith in his writings. The article furthermore points out the important issues in Christology highlighted by the Monk of Bethlehem. It is mainly concerned with the confusion of concepts in Greek and Latin concerning the terms οὐσία and ὑπόστασις, the attempt to restore their proper meaning, the formation of the correct meaning and understanding of the term persona, the pointing out of the dangers of Pelagianism and the linking of it to earlier heresies in order to draw attention to its pernicious effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the relationship of solitude to place in Jerome's fourth-century Life of Saint Hilarion. It does so through the medium of Burrus's own experience of solitude and place. In 2020, having planned to visit Hilarion's mountaintop hermitage in Cyprus, she found herself instead weathering the pandemic at the Clark Art Institute in Williamstown, Massachusetts. Thus she came to know Hilarion's Cyprus by developing a relationship with the northern Berkshires; she came to know Hilarion's solitude by experiencing her own. The essay reperforms this interspatial dynamic, reading Jerome through the mediation of four objects of art that Burrus encountered on the Clark campus in 2020–21. Three are contemporary sculptures—Kelly Akashi's A Device to See the World Twice (2020), Thomas Schütte's Crystal (2015), and Giuseppe Penone's Le foglie delle radici (The Leaves of Roots) (2011)—and one is a seventeenth-century map. Burrus suggests that solitude allows us to know place (and ourselves as part of it) more deeply and intimately, offers a vantage point for seeing further and more clearly, undoes our sense of distinctiveness as humans, and transforms the intervals and flows of our movements in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Composed by Jerome at the end of the 4th century, the Life of the Monk Hilarion (BHL 3879) was translated into Greek in a variety of contexts. The richness and diversity of the Greek dossier of this Latin legend provides an excellent starting point for examining the linguistic and cultural transfers of Latin hagiographical texts to the Greek-speaking world. After a brief literature review of the subject, this article presents a comparative study of the prefaces to the two main Greek versions of the legend of Hilarion (Lives BHG 752 and 753). Life BHG 752 is re-edited here in the light of a new manuscript discovery. By looking closely at the two prefaces, we can explore the ways in which a Latin hagiographical text was translated and rewritten in Greek.

Scholarship on the New Testament canon regularly relies on criterial and reception-historical methodologies to antedate the Christian scriptural collection well before its first advocacy as a "rule" of scripture in the 39th Festal Letter of Athanasius of Alexandria (367 CE). Pushing back against these narratives and associated tendencies, this article prefers a functional or forensic approach to the institution of a twenty-seven-book New Testament and highlights evidence demonstrating how the Athanasian episcopal canon was amplified, amended, and accepted in the Christian East and West in the decades following its promulgation. Against suggestions that the canon existed as early as the second century, this handling of data on the New Testament, a scriptural instrument set forth with authoritative and exclusionary intentions, fits the guidelines of creative discourse and historical redescription so as to credit Athanasius, in the fourth century, as the inventor of the canon regnant into the present day. Among other foci, tracing the fortunes of a subcanonical category of books shows the potential for new histories of familiar canonical evidence that may ensue, especially those that plumb the possibility of dissent to the Athanasian scriptural boundaries or augment our awareness of the place and value of such an established standard within institutional, monastic, academic, imperial, and even so-called heretical contexts in and beyond the fourth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jerome wrote Epistula prima probably during the decade of 366–376. Little is known about this stage in his life, but it was apparently then that as a young man he became interested in asceticism and at the end of this period of time finally decided to become a monk. However, the ascetic ideas are not the main theme of Ep. 1. The letter tells the story of a falsely accused woman who was subjected to torture and survived seven strokes of the executioner’s sword. The way in which Jerome interprets and presents these events reflects his spiritual profile and aesthetic preferences. The text can be interpreted both as a letter (a ‘real’ or a ‘fictional’ one) with an embedded narrative and as a non-epistolary work with a dedicatory preface. This affects the way in which the reader responds to the introduction (where Jerome’s anxiety concerning the imperfection of his style is expressed) as well as his or her right to assess the subsequent narrative. None of these approaches eliminates the duality in the text’s structure. Therefore, it should be interpreted on the two following levels: as an epistolary speculum animi, which shows Jerome in the situation of undertaking the task of writing the narrative, and as another, literary speculum, which reflects the author’s soul by means of artistic expression.

Although religious ethicists commonly assess the content of public communication to determine its merits, this article argues that the style and techniques of communication deserve similar analysis. Propaganda often employs rhetorical techniques that impress the recipient through persuasive sleight-of-hand or emotional appeal. Drawing on the church fathers' suspicion of classical rhetoric, as well as Augustine's guarded defense of a specific type of rhetoric, the author formulates two principles of ethical propaganda that may assist public communicators in persuading ethically. These two principles are the procedural movement of beauty from truth, and the use of caritas as a primary motivator in persuasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Socrates, as he is described in Plato’s Phaedo, the definition of a true philosopher is a wise man who is continuously practicing dying and being dead. Already in this life, the philosopher tries to free his soul from the body in order to acquire true knowledge as the soul is progressively becoming detached from the body. Centuries after it was written, Plato’s Phaedo continued to play a role for some early Christian authors, and this article focuses on three instances where Christian women mirror Socrates and/or his definition of philosophy. We find these instances in hagiographical literature from the fourth and fifth centuries at different locations in the Roman Empire - in the Lives of Macrina, Marcella and Syncletica. These texts are all to varying degrees impacted by Platonic philosophy and by the ideal of the male philosopher Socrates. As women mastering philosophy, they widened common cultural expectations for women, revealing how Christian authors in certain contexts ascribed authority to female figures.

Origen adopted two critical signs from the philological tradition in Alexandria: the obelos, which denotes the elements found in the Septuagint (LXX) but not in the Hebrew Bible, and the asteriskos, which designates the elements found in the Hebrew text but not in the LXX. By examining how Origen and other Church Fathers (including Epiphanius, Jerome, and Augustine) understood the critical signs, this study raises the question of what their attitude toward the Bible was. Therefore, I analyze whether they regarded the obelized elements as an excess in the LXX or a lack in the Hebrew text, or whether they regarded the asterisked elements as an omission in the LXX or an addition in the Hebrew text. This form of analysis leads to the conclusion that Origen and Epiphanius are LXX-centered, Jerome is Hebrew-centered, and Augustine is both LXX-centered and Hebrew-centered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jerome wrote Epistula prima probably during the decade of 366-376. Little is known about this stage in his life, but it was apparently then that as a young man he became interested in asceticism and at the end of this period of time finally decided to become a monk. However, the ascetic ideas are not the main theme of Ep. 1. The letter tells the story of a falsely accused woman who was subjected to torture and survived seven strokes of the executioner's sword. The way in which Jerome interprets and presents these events reflects his spiritual profile and aesthetic preferences. The text can be interpreted both as a letter (a 'real' or a 'fictional' one) with an embedded narrative and as a non-epistolary work with a dedicatory preface. This affects the way in which the reader responds to the introduction (where Jerome's anxiety concerning the imperfection of his style is expressed) as well as his or her right to assess the subsequent narrative. None of these approaches eliminates the duality in the text's structure. Therefore, it should be interpreted on the two following levels: as an epistolary speculum animi, which shows Jerome in the situation of undertaking the task of writing the narrative, and as another, literary speculum, which reflects the author's soul by means of artistic expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a preliminary study on the linguistic elements and the diversity of Jerome’s Latin, with examples taken from some of his most notable works, his letters, biblical translations, Vita Malchi, and De viris illustribus, to demonstrate his particular contribution to the oft-discussed and problematized domain, namely the Latinitas Christianorum. The article offers a general overview of Jerome’s literary formation, discussing the influence by classical Latin writers. To illustrate the kaleidoscope of Jerome’s writing style, the analysis presents various genres of his writings, ranging from his biblical to non-biblical translation, from reference books and dictionaries to letters and biographies. The conclusion presents some of the linguistic characteristics of his writings to show the nuance in his mastery of Latin.

In the monograph under review, a revised version of a dissertation submitted at the University of Konstanz in 2019, Polcar sets out to provide a full-scale commentary on a single letter of Jerome’s correspondence such as will be familiar to those who have read the work of Scourfield, Adkin, and Cain. The letter under investigation, epistula 79, is addressed to the newly widowed Salvina, containing both consolation for the loss of her husband, Nebridius, and exhortation to chaste widowhood. After a brief introduction to Jerome and the letter’s place in the ancient epistolographic tradition (pp. 11–19) and a survey of the edition and the manuscripts consulted (21–24), there follows a Latin text with a facing translation (pp. 24–45).

Works concerning the history of the Hungarian Reform had been almost absent until the second half of the seventeenth century. The relatively peaceful process of the Hungarian Reform, the lack of armed conflicts, and the tragic memory of the battle of Mohács made the appearance of self-justifying religious narratives in Hungarian historiography seem unnecessary. On the other hand, the changes caused by the Tridentine Catholic renewal movement and the deterioration of the religious and political condition of the Protestant confession culminated in punishing actions. This brought the polemical and self-justifying narratives to the forefront in both literature and historiography. First signs of interest regarding the history of Protestantism appeared on the Catholic side, but they emerged under the pressure of the circumstances. On the other hand, a growing foreign interest gradually appeared on the Protestant side, making way to historiographical works. An example of such an opus is the Historia Ecclesiae Reformatae in Hungaria et Transilvania (1706) by Pál Debreceni Ember. The author presents the history of the Reformed Church in Hungary. He also tries to present the origins of Hungarian Christianity, projecting it onto the Apostolic Period. Finally, he turns to the early Christian writers such as Jerome to prove his theory. The paper aims to present this chapter in Jerome’s reception and its religious background.

I propose to approach a selection of Jerome's Letters with the theory of generic modes as established by Alastair Fowler and Klaus W. Hempfer, and with the concept of generic enrichment developed by Stephen J. Harrison. Using these concepts the epistolary genre, which is known for its open nature and diverse forms, can be approached from a shifted aesthetical perspective. My analysis focuses on two exemplary letters. In the first of these two letters, Jerome asks a friend to join him in his ascetic lifestyle in the desert (Hieronymus, Epistula 14). To illustrate the progress of his arguments Jerome employs traditional nautical metaphors and develops a literary celeuma. He does this by turning it into a model for the letter's form and by extending the epistolary genre through a hymn-like mode. Thus, the author christianises the celeuma and turns it into a hymn. In the second letter, Jerome asks a Christian widow to leave Rome and to join him in Bethlehem (Hieronymus, Epistula 46). The author integrates a satirical mode in some passages that allude to the pagan and biblical traditions of satire. He therefore turns his satirical description into an argument supporting his purpose. Both the hymn-like elements and the satirical passages do not have the complete outer form of the according genres but do rather correspond to the concept of modes. The epistolary genre is therefore extended but not replaced by these modes and gains additional meaning through their integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book of Kohelet has been interpreted in very different, even opposing ways. There are rather divergent views on its main theme. Is Kohelet a God-fearing sage or a hedonistic sceptic? A godly preacher or a godless provocateur? This article shows three important interpretations of the book through the centuries and highlights their presuppositions, methods and results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article was to compare Jerome’s and Augustine’s sermons on the fifth book of the Psalms with regard to their views on the rich and the poor. After a brief consideration of the different audiences of Jerome and Augustine, we focused on their attitudes to wealth and poverty, and almsgiving and its relationship to eschatology. In both Jerome’s and Augustine’s commentaries we were confronted with problems regarding the nature of the collections, the composition of the audiences, and a lack of overlap between the two works, but it was possible to discern congruences and differences in their exegesis. In their preaching on poverty and riches, both homilists associated Judas with the devil and wealth. With regard to the identification of Christ and the poor, Jerome offers a somewhat uneasy exegesis in explaining that Christ stands at the right hand of the pauper, although the Lord himself is rich. Augustine mentioned the identification of Christ and the poor a few times in Enarrationes in Psalmos and framed the poverty of Christ within the body of the church, emphasising the common humanity of his congregation. In his sermons, mainly delivered to monks, Jerome advocated total renunciation. Augustine made more allowances for human frailty, advocating partial and gradual dispossession. The Songs of Ascent provided both our authors with the opportunity to consider the place of almsgiving in an eschatological context. Contribution: We investigate the views of two prominent Latin fathers on wealth and poverty in their sermons on Psalms 109–150. The focus on wealth and poverty is evident. Judas is identified with the rich and Christ with the poor, placing Christ and riches against each other in an either/or position.

In several places the anonymous Roman presbyter, now known as "Ambrosiaster," expressed concern over the compensation given to presbyters. This article examines his comments in the context of several fourth-century developments: first, restrictions imposed on the members of the curial class in respect to holding clerical office, a phenomenon attested both in imperial legislation and in patristic sources; second, the spread of ascetical ideals of clerical life, fostered especially by writers such as Ambrose and Jerome. While Ambrosiaster shared the view that a member of the clergy (ecclesiasticus) should abstain from "worldly business activities" (negotia saecularia), in contrast to his more ascetic contemporaries, he stressed the importance of adequate payment for the clergy and encouraged wealthy Christians to provide it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Clotho is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Clotho is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Tintoretto's Saint Jerome and Saint Andrew (Venice, Gallerie dell'Accademia), St. Jerome glances at an open book. Some have speculated that the book in the painting is a Hebrew Bible, similar to those published in Tintoretto's time, and consistent with classic iconography of Jerome and his Latin Bible translation. This study argues that the book can be positively identified as the 1550‐1551 edition of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah. The timing of the painting coincided with an intensified persecution of the Hebrew printing press which originated with an attack on the same Mishneh Torah edition. Placing the painting in the context of this milieu has led to a new interpretation of the painting and its placement in the Palazzo dei Camerlenghi cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a part of a research that has investigated the forms and functions of the it-cleft construction in contemporary written English and Czech, with specific focus on its FSP aspects. The research presents a contrastive study of the construction in translation, using InterCorp, a parallel translation corpus. The English it-cleft construction has been described in much detail in various publications. Rather less attention has been given to the construction in Czech; in general, it-clefts seem to be less frequent in Czech than in English, which is due to the fact that Czech, as an inflectional language, has a greater range of primary means of expressing FSP (such as word-order, focalizers, etc.). One of the goals of the present study is to compare the forms and frequencies of it-clefts in Czech translated and non-translated written texts in the comparable corpus Jerome in order to determine whether the English source sentence structure tends to influence the syntax of the resulting Czech translation.

Copyright of Zgodovinski Casopis is the property of Zveza Zgodovinskih Drustev Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper asks why the Greek translator decided to interpret the expression םירפא ירכש in Isa 28,1.3 differently than the Masoretes and all the other ancient versions. It shows that the different vocalisation of the Hebrew Vorlage does not provide a sufficient answer. The paper tries to ponder various possibilities for translator's thinking, including the option that the Septuagint translation could echo the events of the 2nd century B.C. It finds that the translator had to have a reason to choose his rather surprising translation, considering the context of Isa 28. The choice of «hirelings» instead of «drunkards», was probably led by desire to express all possible motifs in the opening verses of Isa 28 and not to suppress the motif of hiring next to the already present motif of drunkenness. The option that the translator wanted to allude to events of the 2nd century B.C remains hypothetical, but it is not excluded. Jerome's approach to the same prophetic utterance betrays the fact that the ancient authors were used to see and exploit the richness of interpretation possible in unvocalized Hebrew. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars have sought to understand renaissance culture in terms of self-fashioning, a concept that sees the sixteenth-century preoccupation with imitation and performance as symptoms of a desire to conform outwardly to social expectations. Historians of Tudor England and biographers of Thomas More, influenced by this concept, have despaired of discovering the "true" Thomas More behind a bewildering array of self-fashioned masks that More "wore" as both an author and public figure. Recent scholarship seeks to show the coherence of More's character, despite the fact that his life and writings do not fit neatly into contemporary scholarly categories. Understanding More as a "Christian Humanist" and focusing on More's intervention in a controversy between his friends Erasmus and Dorp, this study positions More as engaging in typological emulation, whereby in imitating the correspondence of Jerome and Augustine, he seeks to embody more perfectly the ideal of the Christian orator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores, in the first place, Jerome’s creation of pro-virginal propaganda in a selection of his treatises and letters, through the employment of scriptural justification by means of ascetic exegesis and rhetorical strategies. The study focuses, in particular, on his Epistulae 22 and 130, both addressed to virgins, and his treatise Adversus Iovinianum. Jerome interpreted and deployed carefully selected biblical texts and employed classical rhetorical conventions to construct his ascetic ideal mainly based on sexual renunciation. The article argues that by extolling the virginal body through metaphorical figurations and careful textualisation, this ‘apostle of virginity’ aimed to create, in the first instance, for ascetically minded virgins, a means of achieving perfection and union with God, and receiving the awards of heaven. The analysis of the selected works and of Jerome’s ascetic exegesis, however, also reveals some significant markers, indicating his own carefully disguised quest for personal redemption and regaining paradise.

In their polemical as well as their ostensibly non-polemical writings, SS. Jerome and Augustine refer to the Church’s enemies as an unholy triad: Jews, pagans, and Christian heretics. These inimici, they assert, are linked by their com­mon failure to accept the Gospel of the orthodox Catholic Church, as well as by the root cause of their unbelief: pride, which leads them to resist the truth. In this article, I focus on the links Jerome and Augustine purport to find between Judaism and Christian heresy. I draw from polemical and non-polemical works by both writers, including Jerome’s biblical commentaries and anti-Pelagian treatises, and Augustine’s De Civitate Dei as well as his writings adversus Jews, Donatists, and Pelagians. In addition to identifying the doctrinal commonalities that Jerome and Augustine assert exist between Judaism and Christian heresy, I examine the often-similar rhetorical devices employed by both writers in their denunciations of these inimici. The article concludes by speculating on the possible roots of these denunciations in the authors’ doubts and insecurities, and notes that, para­doxically, Jerome and Augustine’s epistemological doubts regarding divine elec­tion led them to retain a measure of hope for their theological enemies, and so to counsel tolerance toward them.

One of the common methods for side-lining women in literature is to leave them nameless. This is the case with the woman in Jerome’s Vita Malchi. However, this woman is also vital to the narrative and the progression of the title character, Malchus. The aim of this study was to assist in giving this important character an identity by examining the many ways in which she is actually named, firstly in terms of the roles assigned to her, and then in terms of the associations that can be made between her and other people and characters from Jerome’s experience. Using a variety of literary techniques, including close-text, intra- and intertextual readings, it was possible to make many such identifications, turning the nameless woman into the nameful woman.

Lawrence Venuti's discussion of Jerome's Letter to Pammachius falls short of accounting for Jerome's situation as an orthodox author in late antiquity. Venuti's conceptualization of Jerome's 'instrumental model of translation' may be seen as a construct rather than a reconstruction. The apparent gaps of Jerome's theory may be explained based on a different modality of communication, reflecting an attitude to language that differs from our own. This is important because Venuti purports to present the instrumental model as generative. Meanwhile, radical 'instrumentalism' should be seen as an abstract type. Theoretical comments of the Polish Bible translator Szymon Budny (1530–1596) count as one example of such instrumentalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against many defenders of the LXX, such as Hilary of Poitiers and Augustine, Jerome tries to prove the superiority of the Hebrew text as a source text of translation. To do so, in his Preface to the Chronicles (iuxta Hebraeos), Jerome relies on three authorities: the Hebrews, the Apostles, and Christ. The Hebrews philologically endorse Jerome's translation, by judging whether it literally agrees with the Hebrew text. The Apostles support Jerome's position both philologically and theologically: sometimes their Old Testament quotations literally agree with the Hebrew text; at other times they spiritually agree with the Hebrew text, even though they do not literally. Christ functions as the highest authority. Relying on these three, Jerome's real purpose concerning Hebraica veritas is not only the philological discussion between the Hebrew text and the LXX, but also the theological discussion between these two texts and the Old Testament quotations in the New Testament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a part of a research that has investigated the forms and functions of the it-cleft construction in contemporary written English and Czech, with specific focus on its FSP aspects. The research presents a contrastive study of the construction in translation, using InterCorp, a parallel translation corpus. The English it-cleft construction has been described in much detail in various publications. Rather less attention has been given to the construction in Czech; in general, it-clefts seem to be less frequent in Czech than in English, which is due to the fact that Czech, as an inflectional language, has a greater range of primary means of expressing FSP (such as word-order, focalizers, etc.). One of the goals of the present study is to compare the forms and frequencies of it-clefts in Czech translated and non-translated written texts in the comparable corpus Jerome in order to determine whether the English source sentence structure tends to influence the syntax of the resulting Czech translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important theological questions in the first Origenist controversy was that of the resurrection of the dead. Jerome accused both Origen and contemporary "Origenists" of speaking only of the resurrection of the body, and not of the flesh, and he claimed that an idea of resurrection without the flesh could not guarantee the identity between the body living on earth and the resurrected body. I argue that although Jerome attempted to maximize the difference between himself and Origen by speaking of flesh instead of body, and by emphasizing the sameness of the body, it is clear that he, too, thought that the resurrection would imply a profound change. At closer scrutiny, Jerome's way of understanding this change, namely as the nature remaining the same while the glory increases, shows striking similarities to Origen's explanation of change. I argue that Jerome was dependent on Origen's ideas about the resurrection, even in his polemics against him. Jerome's heresiological strategies, I argue, have had consequences for modern historical reconstructions of his eschatological thought, which is often presented in opposition to Origen's more spiritual understanding. Awareness of the rhetorical strategies used by Jerome in the context of controversy is crucial, I claim, in assessing a continuing reception of Origen in his theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]