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Time and again, research has shown that men are less accepting of homosexuality than women. Studies on such attitudinal sex differences have been overwhelmingly conducted in Western democracies, however, with a special focus on the U.S. Whether the sex difference in attitudes towards homosexuality is a worldwide phenomenon has not yet been investigated. Using data from the seventh wave of the World Values Survey (2017–2021), this article provides evidence that the sex difference is not universal, but limited almost exclusively to Europe and the Americas, indicating the need to replicate studies conducted in these societies in global cross-country comparisons. Contrary to predictions of the social role theory or biosocial construction theory, but in line with predictions from evolutionary psychology and a growing number of empirical studies in this field, the sex difference in attitudes towards homosexuality widens with rising gender equality and development, especially when the two coincide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Germany, the federal and Länder governments have been implementing policies in order to contain the spread of Covid-19 since March 2020. This article examines the effects of political and social trust on the acceptance of these policies. The latter is, in turn, a prerequisite for compliance with public policy. In a multi-level regression analysis based on two waves of survey data collected in May and November 2020, we find that trust relates to the acceptance of anti-pandemic measures. Political trust, i.e. trust in political actors and institutions has a positive effect on acceptance. Social trust, meaning the trust in other citizens is found to reduce acceptance of measures like contact restrictions. In addition, ideological positions influence the effects of both trust variables. The impact of political trust on acceptance increases with increasingly liberal positions in both survey waves, since individuals with these positions might generally be more wary of state interference. We also found an interaction between social trust and ideology during the second wave: the further respondents are on the political right, the more the negative effect of social trust on acceptance is enhanced, as these individuals might favour individualism and self-reliance in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces the special issue on 'The First Year of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Germany'. Besides a brief description and analysis of COVID-19 management in Germany in the first year of the pandemic from an international comparative perspective, it provides insight into the question of how the COVID-19 Pandemic was analysed in political science research. Finally, it gives an overview of the contributions of the special issue that focus on three substantive themes: first, trust and support in politics in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis in Germany; second, impact of the pandemic on German parliaments, parties, and political leadership; and third, selected imminent and future consequences of COVID-19 for policies and policymaking in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political elite studies so far have often dealt with career paths before entering a particular political position, focusing mostly on individual states of a career. However, they have consistently neglected what comes after a political office and the temporal–sequential character of biographies. This paper addresses these two issues. Using sequence analysis techniques, it examines the post-cabinet careers of ministers from the German states in the period 1945–2014 using a newly created, original dataset containing 1400 trajectories and over 12,000 coded person years. The descriptive analysis shows partly significant differences in post-cabinet careers by gender, state, decade, and last ministerial portfolio, but less so by party membership. Three of the five clusters found represent comparatively homogeneous post-cabinet career structures. Whereas in the early years of the republic most politicians did not have a subsequent (long) professional career after leaving office, switching to the private business sector and, above all, remaining in politics at the state level, represent the two most prominent career paths. A springboard career in federal politics, on the other hand, is rare, but certainly possible. From a methodological point of view, this study shows the potential, but also the problems of sequence analysis for research on political elites and offers ideas on how to continue with this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Established vaccine hesitancy measurement instruments, such as the Vaccine Hesitancy Determinants Matrix, are not sufficiently equipped to adequately and consistently measure political and ideological attitudes. Focusing on Germany, which is a particularly interesting case since it witnessed the establishment of the by far most well‐organized and sustained 'anti‐Covid' movement in Europe, this quantitative study explores the impact of political ideology and partisanship on the degree of vaccine hesitancy based on four surveys (February—October 2021) among more than 30,000 individuals. We demonstrate that party affiliation, political ideology and region of residence all impact vaccine hesitancy. In fact, they turn out to have a greater impact than two factors often analysed with respect to vaccine hesitancy: gender and educational background. Further interaction models show that the effect of political ideology on vaccine hesitancy is moderated by age, gender and region of residency. For instance, while the more rightwing a young individual is, the more hesitant they are towards SARS‐CoV‐2 vaccination—for older individuals, this is not the case. Our findings are relevant for future investigators measuring vaccine hesitancy and policy makers contemplating the differential impact of complex public health interventions: as the impact of political and ideological attitudes on vaccine hesitancy are not adequately captured by established vaccine hesitancy measurement instruments, we recommend its modification to include a clear and harmonised definition of the political‐ideological dimension of vaccine hesitancy together with pre‐validated measurement items that improve future studies. In addition, we reason that vaccine hesitancy, while being an outcome of complex socio‐political factors, is in itself an indicator for societal cohesion and anomie, the degree of which is associated with trust in (health) policy makers, (public) health authorities, health service providers, etc. Therefore, we further recommend that vaccine hesitancy questions should be integrated in pertinent national surveys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In mid-2022, Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier spoke out in favour of introducing compulsory service in Germany. Against the backdrop of the Bundeswehr restructuring, necessitated by the war in Ukraine, and the worsening personnel shortage in the social sector and in nursing care, he revived a debate that had been recurring in Germany for decades. Based on an online survey of more than 7,300 people, this article examines how Germans feel about compulsory service and what factors are associated with this attitude. More than 63% of respondents are in favour of compulsory service. Psychological factors such as solidarity, sense of duty, extraversion and openness play just as important a role as political attitudes. People who position themselves more right-wing/nationalist/traditional view compulsory service more positively than liberal and left-wing respondents. In terms of voting intention, CDU/CSU and AfD supporters in particular support a general compulsory service, whereas it is less strongly supported by Greens, SPD and FDP supporters and even rejected by a majority of Left supporters. Another key factor for the evaluation of compulsory service is the respondents' own experience with completed service. Respondents who have done military service view compulsory service more positively than those who have done community service. Those who have regular voluntary commitments also view compulsory service positively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a classic piece, Przeworski and Sprague describe an electoral dilemma of social democratic parties: they need to attract middle-class voters without losing support in the shrinking working-class. With cultural issues (e.g. immigration) becoming more salient, this dilemma has intensified recently as the positions of both classes differ markedly on those issues. Against this background, we analyse the class base of social democratic parties in 13 Western European countries using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018). Our exploratory study shows that in almost all countries support for social democrats has decreased across all classes. Yet, we still find significant differences in the social democrats' class bases. In Denmark, Sweden or Spain, social democrats still largely base their support on service and particularly production workers, while in France or Switzerland, these groups no longer primarily vote for social democrats. Here middle-class people, particularly socio-cultural professionals, are the strongest supporters of social democrats. Countries such as Germany or Norway exhibit no clear social democratic class base and gaining support from both groups at the same time seems to be most difficult. Only the British Labour Party succeeded to some extent in the balancing act of winning both middle- and working-class voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of what attitudes school students in Germany hold regarding the Coronavirus protection measures taken by policymakers. Based on this, it investigates to what extent the students' assessment of the pandemic is impacted by a better understanding of the spread of the virus, as well as their objective knowledge and their self-perceived subjective knowledge about the pandemic. Using a sample of 563 German school students (ages: 12–26), Part I of our analysis shows that after more than 2 years of the COVID-19 pandemic, (1) a significant exponential growth bias (EGB) (i.e., a systematic underestimation of the speed at which COVID-19 spreads) still exists, and (2) this bias can be reduced by giving simple educational nudges, but (3) this treatment has neither a major effect on the general approval of anti-COVID-19 measures nor on the willingness of the participants to apply specific protective measures themselves. Furthermore, Part II of our study illustrates that both subjective and objective knowledge increase the approval of or willingness for most protective measures. The same holds true for fear of infection. Therefore, an educational approach that combines rational, cognitive, and emotional elements is likely to be best suited to raising young people's awareness of the dangers of a pandemic such as COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which an approach that takes into account the historical and spatial context of an election can contribute to a better understanding of electoral dynamics in general. It applies this approach to the analysis of the results of the populist radical right party "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) at the 2017 federal election in Germany. Making use of a newly compiled dataset at the municipality level in Germany, local context will first be included in a direct way, measured by distances from the municipalities to relevant geographical markers that can be associated with a long-term or a short-term historical legacy. These spatial points include former Nazi concentration camps (main camps as well as relevant sub-camps) in order to test for the long-term legacy, first reception facilities for refugees during the so-called "refugee crisis" (2015–16) as markers of one of the most incisive developments of the recent past in Germany. Additionally, the distance to the Eastern border is tested, as this variable has proven to be relevant in the context of earlier studies on the AfD. Second, actively modeling spatial non-stationarity using Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR) in an exploratory manner shows that most effects on the strength of the AfD at the municipality level (from modernization loser theory to the contact hypothesis) vary significantly and considerably in terms of strength throughout Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: We analyze whether and how individuals react to information about the adoption of a particular policy, with a focus on the role of conservatism. Methods: We conducted an online survey experiment on support for data retention in Germany. A recent law on this issue allowed us to test the effects of two policy signals, information about the adoption of a new law (law signal) and information that this followed a Constitutional Court decision (law and court signal), on separate groups of respondents. Results: Our results show a positive effect of each policy signal on support for data retention. The effect of the law signal was even slightly stronger for individuals with conservative beliefs. Conclusion: Illustrating how lock‐in effects of policies can work, our study contributes to research on attitudinal policy feedback: creating new legislation also means legitimizing the policy position in question and stating that this norm should be accepted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of appearance-based effects by looking at the U.S. House of Representatives election 2016. We broaden the focus beyond existing studies by offering a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the three traits attractiveness, competence, and likability while simultaneously taking into account confounding third variables and possible interactions. Corresponding to the comparative character of electoral competition in the districts, we developed a relative measure of the three traits which we apply in an online survey. This measure also takes into account the raters' latency times, that is, their clicking speed, as a weighting factor for their ambiguity in the ratings. With these data we test whether appearance matters for the electoral outcome. We find that attractiveness positively affects the vote share, whereas perceived likability and competence play no role. The study also tests to what extent the found appearance effects are conditioned by incumbency status, age, and gender of the contestants. Furthermore, it gives hints which aspects of their appearance candidates could change to perform better at the ballot box. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Internal working structures within parliaments are notoriously hard to capture. While analyses based on bill co-sponsorship work for the US Congress, this approach is not feasible in many parliamentary systems. Drawing on data from the European Parliament's legislative term of 2009–2014 this article shows that parliamentary questions can be another option. Members of the European Parliament may demand information from the Council or the Commission through oral questions. We take advantage of the fact that these questions are signed by their authors and construct a social network of members of the Parliament that support each other's oral questions. This allows investigating how members and their groups and committees cooperate to control both Council and Commission. Our approach helps to map out the internal structure of the party groups and explore which forces shape the global network. We find that cooperation is mostly driven by party group membership with ALDE, Green/EFA, and GUENGL turning out as the most cohesive groups while SD is internally rather loosely connected. The second strongest clustering characteristic is a legislators' native country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Data contained in Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) is not only a prerequisite for the vote recommendations they provide but can also be used for estimating party positions in low‐dimensional spaces. Given that VAAs can be designed differently in terms of their number of items and their measurement level, how much can one trust the party positions obtained from this source? We tackle this question by exploiting relevant variation in a real‐world setting: three VAAs offered at the 2017 Lower Saxony election. Despite substantial design differences, the policy spaces extracted through an inductive scaling approach are highly convergent. Simulated random item removal from the pooled dataset of all three VAAs furthermore suggests that about 40 items yield satisfactory reliability of the party positions. Finally, we find that a priori assigning VAA‐items to ideological dimensions is potentially problematic as the interpretation of resulting party spaces may differ from the ones derived inductively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We test the effects of physical appearance on electoral outcomes for the 2013 German national elections. We find that a candidate's perceived attractiveness and, to a lesser extent, competence vis-á-vis his or her closest contestant increases the chances of winning a direct mandate, while likability plays a minor role. Additionally, we find the appearance effects to be conditioned by gender, age, and incumbency status. Our study advances existing research in four ways. First, we capture relative differences in appearances, which resembles real-world situations more closely than absolute measures. Second, we proceed beyond a one-dimensional assessment of appearance by simultaneously analyzing attractiveness, competence, and likability, including interactions. Third, the central role of parties in the German mixed electoral system makes an especially tough test for appearance-based effects. Fourth, we use rater response latency to weight our measurement with an assessment of ambivalence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the so-called "brutalization" of terrorism. The brutalization thesis as part of the larger theoretical concept of "new terrorism" argues that "new terrorism" is more brutal than "old terrorism." Many scholars claim that the 9/11 attacks mark the beginning of a new era of terrorism that has lifted international as well as domestic terrorism to a new level of violent brutality. Others argue that this process had already started in the early 1990s. After discussing possible ways to operationalize a brutalization of terrorism, for example focusing on suicide bombings or terrorist attacks against soft targets, this article tests the empirical credibility of the brutalization thesis regarding both potential starting points. Data from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) shows that only three out of nine indicators increased significantly during the 1990s, partially backing the idea of a general brutalization, whereas increasing numbers of suicide attacks and beheadings after 9/11 support the notion of a qualitative change in terrorism and its brutality connected with the idea of maximizing media and public attention. Yet, these developments are regionally limited and the brutality of this "new terrorism" exceeds the levels known from the zenith of "old terrorism" in the 1970s and 1980s in only a few cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in the 1990s, almost all Western democracies recognized same-sex partnerships within just over two decades. This study examines which factors accelerated or decelerated these legal changes. It focuses on the effects of several facets of culture: attitudes towards homosexuality in general; attitudes towards gays and lesbians as people; and religiosity. An event history analysis of 19 Western countries shows that the less tolerant people are of gays and lesbians and the greater a country’s percentage of regular attendees of religious services, the longer the time until a same-sex union law is introduced. The results provide new insights into policy effects of culture and point out the importance of distinguishing between the various elements of public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, Germany experienced a record high influx of refugees – and received international praise for its ‘welcome culture’. At the same time, however, attacks on refugees rose to an alarming level. This article describes the distribution of these attacks and probes their causes, using detailed socioeconomic and political data while modelling a hierarchical data structure. Controlling for further relevant factors taken from the extant literature, the analysis first tests whether the strength of extreme right political parties plays a role and, second, it models a contagion effect, taking into account spatial as well as temporal proximity. The findings suggest that the strength of right-wing parties in a district considerably boosts the probability of attacks on refugees in that area. They also corroborate the idea of behavioural contagion. The set of social-structural variables employed as controls yielded only limited explanatory power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We constructed a co-authorship network of the global political science community. Two scientists are connected if they have co-authored a paper. We drew on more than 67,000 papers published from 1990 to 2013 in one of today’s 96 core journals. The network consists of more than 40,000 authors located worldwide. We found that the community forms a single, interconnected component as well as numerous unconnected authors. Whereas some are highly productive in terms of publications, the majority of authors published only a single paper, which suggests significant turnover in the community. Using information from the papers (e.g., title, journal, and abstract), we investigated how different subcommunities organize and interconnect, how journals reach out into the community, and how individual scientists cooperate. We also investigated how the network has evolved in the last two decades. Our analysis is supplemented by a bibliographic analysis that describes major changes in publication patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Judges of the German Federal Constitutional Court can be seen as both judicial and political elites. Yet up to now there is no systematic work on the Court's' judges and especially their careers prior to their appointments. Using sequence analysis, this article identifies four relatively distinct clusters of career characteristics: academia, administration (and administrative courts), ordinary jurisdiction and politics. Judges whose career background is limited to the judicial sphere mostly advance from a level below the Länder to the Länder and then on to the federal level, while those with a background in politics or administration switch less often among them. Furthermore, little evidence was found to suggest that differences in the judges' career paths can be explained by reference to the body that elected them (Bundestag or Bundesrat) or the party that nominated them (CDU/CSU or SPD). The article also illustrates the possibilities of sequence analysis for elite studies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]