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The establishment of free mobility in Europe has lowered barriers to movement and given rise to diversity in migration and integration patterns. However, in part due to data constraints, it is difficult to study migration motives, integration and return migration together. Using linked Finnish and Swedish register data covering the period 1988–2005, we address these processes within the same framework and study how the reason for migration and trajectories at the destination relate to return migration. In particular, we assess the migration motives of 13,948 Finnish migrants in Sweden using pre- and post-migration information. Finland and Sweden have been part of the common Nordic labour market since 1954, which has allowed Nordic citizens to move without barriers between the two countries. We also study how income trajectories and trajectories of family formation differ across the assessed motives, and analyse how return migration risks are shaped by the motive and by trajectories of income and family formation. Results reveal that labour and tied migrants are initially more likely to have family abroad than student migrants. Student migrants instead continue their education and experience a steeper income increase. The income of student migrants eventually catches up and surpasses that of labour migrants. Return migration risks are shaped by trajectories at the destination, but also by the initial migration motive. These findings underline the importance of assessing diversity across migrants to gain a better understanding of how different migrant groups fare in the destination country and how this relates to subsequent moves.

Beginning in the 1990s and intensifying after the events of September 11, deportations in the United States increased to record levels under President Obama and continued at high levels under President Trump. Although a growing literature addresses how migrants respond to the shifting context of reception, empirical evidence on how migrants’ remitting and saving behavior changed as a result of immigration enforcement remains limited. Using detailed individual-level data from the Mexican Migration Project (MMP, N = 6787) for the years 1970–2019, this study examines how deportations relate to Mexican migrants’ joint decisions to remit and/or save, and how this relationship differs by documentation status. Results from multinomial logistic regressions reveal that rising deportations are associated with an increase in the transnational economic engagement of undocumented migrants. This is largely due to an increase in remittances; savings brought back decrease with rising deportations, likely because keeping savings in the United States is riskier than sending money back directly. Among documented migrants, the remitting and saving behavior does not appear to change as deportations rise. Analyzing these behaviors together is important to gain a more complete understanding of migrants’ transnational economic ties and links to the country of destination.

On 1 January 2022, the population of France was 67.8 million, 187,000 more than on 1 January 2021. Numbers of births, abortions, and marriages in 2021 were higher than in 2020 but did not return to the levels observed before the COVID-19 pandemic (2019). Mortality followed a similar pattern, with an improvement in 2021, but not a return to pre-crisis levels. In 2021, France was one of nine countries in EU-27 with positive natural population increase, although net migration made a larger contribution to demographic growth. The French population is still growing, therefore, but more slowly than before the pandemic. In 2020, admissions of third-country nationals with a residence permit fell sharply due to the health crisis. Admissions for employment reasons decreased most markedly. Inflows were concentrated in the Paris region (Île-de-France). In 2021, the total fertility rate increased very slightly (1.83 children per woman) due mainly to an increase in rates at ages 30–39, with an age profile that varies across regions. The number of abortions remained stable between 2020 and 2021, but the share of medical abortions is increasing each year (77% in 2021), above all those managed in non-hospital settings. There are large geographical disparities, however, due to inequalities in care provision at local level. The upturn in marriages in 2021 only partially made up for those that could not be celebrated in 2020. PACS unions outnumbered marriages for the first time in 2020. Marriages are more frequent in eastern France, and PACS civil unions along the Atlantic coast and in the south-west. While lower than in 2020, the number of deaths remained high in 2021. Life expectancy in 2021 was still 4.6 months lower than in 2019 for men, and 1.4 months lower for women. Estimated excess mortality was 6.3% in 2021, after reaching 7.5% in 2020. The most affected regions are not necessarily those where mortality was initially high.

While still marginal across France as a whole, in terms of both stocks and flows, immigration from China has increased 6 times faster than that from other countries since the 1980s. This article aims to fill the quantitative knowledge gap on Chinese immigration. It begins by analysing census data to describe the main sociodemographic characteristics of Chinese immigrants with respect to those from other origins. Then, it uses administrative data to describe the inflows that have contributed to Chinese population increase in France, and to estimate outflows. These analyses produce two main findings: first, a strong residential concentration in the Paris region (Île-de-France) and in the most urbanized areas; and second, large student inflows gradually modifying the general sociodemographic profile of Chinese migrants in France.

ObjectiveTo assess the health cost (or benefit) of crisis-driven migration by focusing on the infant mortality rate (IMR) of the Colombian diaspora in Venezuela and the Venezuelan diaspora in Colombia.MethodsWe compare national to diaspora IMRs over the period 1980-2018. National IMRs are death-to-birth ratios reported by the official vital statistics, whereas diaspora IMRs are calculated by using a semiparametric regression model on the summary birth histories collected in the population censuses. We analyse the diaspora IMRs according to whether their arrival corresponds to precrisis or crisis-driven migration.ResultsDuring crises, diaspora IMRs show better health outcomes than those of non-migrants. The Colombian diaspora had an average annual IMR of −1.8 (95% CI −3.3 to 0.28) per year and the Venezuelan diaspora had −4.5 (95% CI −5.8 to −3.3). However, the protective role of migration is neither guaranteed nor consistent, as a crisis in the country of destination exposes immigrants to worse health outcomes than the non-migrant population.ConclusionMigration is a survival strategy that allows people to reduce the negative effects they face during a crisis in their country of origin. The distinction between crisis-driven and precrisis migration provides a framework for assessing the cross-border effects on health outcomes due to diaspora composition, particularly when populations face adverse conditions.

On 1 January 2021, the population of France was 67.4 million, 120,000 more than on 1 January 2020. Unlike many European countries, the French population did not decline, but growth slowed sharply due mainly to the COVID-19 pandemic, which affected all components of population change. Provisional data indicate that the number of residence permits valid for at least 1 year granted to third-country nationals likely fell in 2020 (–10,000), particularly among immigrants from Africa and those entering France for family or humanitarian reasons. Births also fell sharply, with a spectacular dip 9 months after the lockdown. This drop reflects a decrease in the number of conceptions and not an increase in abortions, whose number fell in 2020, notably in the months following the first lockdown. But the two demographic events most affected by the pandemic were marriages, which became impossible because of strict social distancing rules imposed during lockdown (–70,000), and, as expected, mortality. Life expectancy fell by 0.56 years for males and 0.45 years for females, dropping back to the levels observed 6 years previously.

Among the events contributing to population dynamics, international migration is the most difficult to capture. Most countries do not have the tools to produce regular statistics. Definitions and measurement methods may vary from country to country. Since the early 2000s, international organizations such as the United Nations and the European Union have been promoting more standardized approaches that allow comparisons to be made. Whatever the indicator used, France appears to be one of the countries with the lowest immigration in Western Europe.

In metropolitan France, immigrants or foreigners have represented a constant, albeit small (4.3% and 2.5%, respectively) share of the rural population since the 1970s. While most live close to international borders, in western France, or close to large or medium-sized cities, their spatial distribution is increasingly uniform across all regions of France. Most immigrants are from Southern, Western, and Northern Europe and from North Africa; these two groups differ notably in household size, with Europeans tending to live in smaller households. But inflows from other countries have increased, leading to a slow rise in the numbers of rural immigrants and foreigners and a diversification of origins since the 1990s at least.

This open access short reader provides a state of the art overview of the discrimination research field, with particular focus on discrimination against immigrants and their descendants. It covers the ways in which discrimination is defined and conceptualized, how it is measured, how it may be theorized and explained, and how it might be combated by legal and policy means. The book also presents empirical results from studies of discrimination across the world to show the magnitude of the problem and the difficulties of comparison across national borders. The concluding chapter engages in a critical discussion of the relationship between discrimination and integration as well as pointing out promising directions for future studies. As such this short reader is a valuable read to undergraduate students, as well as graduate students, scholars, policy makers and the general public.

On 1 January 2020, France had a population of slightly above 67 million people, of whom 14.4 million were under age 18. The downtrend in births continued (754,000) in 2019, as did the ongoing increase in deaths (612,000). Natural increase is still the main driver of population growth. Inflows of foreigners from outside the European Union and Switzerland increased in 2018 (249,474 arrivals, up 4.9% from 2017). One in 10 incoming migrants were minors. The total fertility rate remained practically stable in 2019 (1.87 children per woman), and the increase in mean age at childbearing continued. Births to mothers under age 18 accounted for 0.5% of total births. The number of abortions (230,000) and the total abortion rate (0.58) increased slightly in 2019. The steady downtrend among women under 18 continued, however, and this age group accounted for just 3.5% of abortions in that year. Marriages (235,000) and PACS civil unions (209,000) increased in 2018, although the numerical difference between them continued to narrow. Age at marriage in France pursued its increase (35.4 years for women and 37.9 years for men). In 2018, 2.6% of marriages and 4.1% of PACS unions were between same-sex partners. Remarriage after divorce or widowhood is increasingly rare, and each divorce affects less than one minor child on average (0.91). Life expectancy is still increasing, but at a slower pace. It reached 79.7 years for men and 85.6 years for women in 2019. Mortality below age 15 is very low, and most deaths in this age group occur in the first year of life. Contrary to many other European countries, infant mortality has stagnated in France for the last 10 years.

This paper reviews new evidence on the trends and patterns of migration between Africa and Europe since the mid-1970s, and discusses their congruency with the changing context of migration policy. Using data from the Determinants of International Migration (DEMIG) and the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE) projects, we compare flows and policies of three African and six European destination countries (Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, and Senegal, on the one hand; and Belgium, France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK, on the other). The paper focuses on topics that quantitative studies usually overlook due to the lack of data, namely the propensity to out-migrate, legal status at entry, routes of migration, and propensity to return. We show that times of restrictions in Europe do not correspond to less African out-migration, but rather to more unauthorized migration and fewer returns. We further show that trends in African migration differ greatly between historical and new destination countries in Europe.

The United States has the highest number of immigrants (foreign-born individuals), with 48 million in 2015, five times more than in Saudi Arabia (11 million) and six times more than in Canada (7.6 million). However, in proportion to their population size, these two countries have significantly more immigrants: 34% and 21%, respectively, versus 15% in the United States. Small countries have higher proportions of immigrants. With 29% of immigrants, Switzerland is ahead of the United States and France, while the proportion in Luxembourg is even higher (46%).

Poster (in English) based on a working paper (in French) available at https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01422323/document (forthcoming in Population)

This paper investigates age variations in foreign-born vs. native-born mortality ratios in an international comparative perspective, with the purpose of gaining insight into the mechanisms underlying the so-called migrant mortality advantage. We examine the four main explanations that have been proposed in the literature for the migrant mortality advantage (i.e., in-migration selection effects, out-migration selection effects, cultural effects, and data artifacts), and formulate expectations as to whether they should generate an increase, a decrease, or no change in relative mortality over the life course. Using data from France, the US and the UK for periods around 2010, we then examine typical age patterns of foreign-born vs. native-born mortality ratios in light of this theoretical framework. We find that these mortality ratios vary greatly by age, with important similarities across migrant groups and host countries. The most systematic age pattern we find is a U-shape pattern: at the aggregate level, migrants often experience excess mortality at young ages, then exhibit a large advantage at adult ages (with the largest advantage around age 45), and finally experience mortality convergence with natives at older ages. The explanation most consistent with this pattern is the "in-migration selection effects" explanation. By contrast, the "out-migration selection effects" explanation is poorly supported by the observed patterns. Our age disaggregation also shows that migrants at mid-adult ages experience mortality advantages that are often far greater than typically documented in this literature. Overall, these results reinforce the notion that migrants are a highly-selected population exhibiting mortality patterns that poorly reflect their living conditions in host countries.

Background: Data on migration trends are crucially lacking in developing countries. The lack of basic information on migration contrasts sharply with the increasing importance of migration in the policy agenda of both sending and receiving countries. Objective: The general objectives of this paper are: to show how trends in international migration can be reconstructed with three questions in a household survey; to evaluate the precision of the estimates; and to test how sensitive the estimates are to several methodological choices and assumptions. Methods: Migration trends are reconstructed with event history models. The reconstruction uses data collected through migration surveys conducted in cities in three countries (Senegal, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Ghana) as part of the MAFE (Migration between Africa and Europe) project. Specifically, two types of data are used: simple data on the first migration of children of household heads, collected through household surveys, and full migration histories of children collected in biographic surveys. First, we evaluate the precision of our estimates using data collected in the household questionnaire. Next, the sensitivity of our results to different methodological choices and assumptions is evaluated. Results: Migration trends measured with simple data from household surveys are broadly consistent with results obtained from full migration histories. However, increases in migration trends tend to be underestimated with household data. Migration probabilities are also affected by large confidence intervals. Conclusions: Estimates using household data may be affected by large confidence intervals, and migrations trends are influenced by the simplifying assumptions that are made when using these data. Despite these limitations, estimates based on three simple questions provide useful information on migration levels and trends.

Paradoxically, while sub-Saharan migration represents only a small fraction of total migrant flows and stocks in Europe, it has become a major topic of public debate. This is perhaps because quantitative data on African migration are quite scarce, so the phenomenon is poorly understood. In response to this knowledge gap, the MAFE project (Migration between Africa and Europe) was set up to collect original quantitative data with the aim of shedding new light on African migration. This article presents the methodology of the MAFE project, whose goal was to produce data for analysis of migration trends, their causes and consequences at micro level. The MAFE project is based on comparable, longitudinal (retrospective), multilevel and multi-topic data concerning three African migration flows (migrants from DR Congo, Ghana and Senegal). A multisite approach is adopted, based on surveys conducted in countries of both origin and destination. Beyond the MAFE project, this article highlights the classic problems encountered by surveys on international migration, and recommends a more (self-)critical approach in this field of research.

Cet article est l'introduction au Dossier MAFE qui comporte 5 articles dans ce numéro

Previous research, mostly focused on Asian and Latin American contexts, found that women are increasingly present in international migration flows, especially as independent economic actors. This article examines the extent to which these two trends can be observed in the African context. It uses data collected as part of the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE) project in Senegal, DR Congo and several European countries. Discrete-time event-history analysis reveals only moderate increases in the likelihood of female migration over time, especially towards Western destinations, but no decline in gender gaps. The collection of rich retrospective information from both current and return migrants allows a more in-depth investigation of the nature of women’s moves. Several indicators can be used to examine the extent to which women move autonomously or in association to their partner. While some evidence of a rise in autonomous female migration was found among the Congolese, no salient change was visible in Senegal. The findings were interpreted in light of the more rigid patriarchal system and traditional gender norms that characterize Senegal in comparison to DR Congo.

Onward mobility – leaving the country of destination in order to move to a third country – is an under-researched phenomenon which challenges the idea that migration is a one-off event, leading to permanent settlement in the country of destination. Taking advantage of a recent multi-sited survey on migration between Senegal and France, Italy and Spain, this article examines the drivers of onward mobility within Europe. The biographic nature of the data enables us to adopt a life-course perspective and to analyse, in a discrete-time event history framework, the ways in which processes of economic, legal and social integration at destination shape subsequent mobility trajectories. Findings show that the low-skilled, the self-employed and the unemployed, as well as those lacking longer-term residence permits are the most likely to re-migrate. Furthermore, the presence of kin and friends in the country of settlement discourages remigration, whereas social ties in other European countries constitute one of the most important resources in triggering onward mobility within Europe.

STUDY QUESTION What are the characteristics, motivation and experience of French patients seeking cross-border reproductive care (CBRC)? SUMMARY ANSWER French patients seeking CBRC are same-sex couples, single women who are not eligible for assisted reproduction technologies (ARTs) in France and heterosexual couples seeking oocyte donation due to extremely limited access to this technique in France, while their choice of Greece as a destination is influenced by financial issues. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY CBRC is a new, increasing, complex and poorly understood phenomenon. A few studies have investigated UK, German or Italian CBRC patients, but none have specifically investigated French patients although France is one of the top four countries of origin of CBRC patients in Europe. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION A cross-sectional study was carried out in 2010–2012 in three ART centres in Greece, Belgium and Spain in order to investigate French patients treated in these centres. Recruitment was prospective in Greece and Belgium and retrospective in Spain. The overall response rate was 68%, with 128 French patients participating. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS French patients filled in a questionnaire. Information was collected on their socio-economic characteristics and their search for ART treatment in France and in other countries. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE In the Belgian centre, 89% of French patients used sperm donation whereas oocyte donation was used by 100% of patients in the Greek centre and 74% of patients in the Spanish centre. The majority (94%) of French patients using sperm donation in Belgium were not legally eligible for access to ART in France as they were same-sex couples or single women, and the main criterion of choice of centre was its geographical proximity (71%). Most of the French patients using oocyte donation in Greece and Spain fulfilled criteria for fully reimbursed oocyte donation treatment in France as they were heterosexual couples (99%) with the woman aged

Since the mid-1970s, sub-Saharan candidates for migration to Europe have been confronted with increasingly stiff policy measures. This chapter explores how migration between Senegal and Europe has evolved in this context. Taking advantage of the retrospective nature of the data from the MAFE project (Migration between Africa and Europe) in addition to other available sources, it offers a unique quantitative account of the history of Senegalese migration. The results show that, between 1975 and 2008, there was neither a surge in out-migration (despite the widespread belief in an African invasion in Europe) nor the decline that might have been expected if restrictions had been effective. In fact, results tend in many ways to support the hypothesis that the effectiveness of restrictive policies is hampered by a number of unintended effects due to the ability of (would-be) migrants to adapt to new rules. Among these unintended effects are: the decline in intentions to return from Europe, the increase in attempts to migrate to Europe and the growth of irregular migration.

The objective of this paper - using quantitative data of MAFE – is to provide an overview of the changing patterns of African migration in the MAFE countries. Three broad topics are addressed: (1) trend in departures and returns, (2) profiles of migrants, and (3) migration routes. The paper is by nature mainly descriptive, and has not the ambition of identifying determinants of migration as such. However, by describing major changes over the last 30 years, this paper suggests possible links with changing political, economic and policy contexts in both origin and destination countries.

The objective of this working paper is to provide some basic analyses that help us to identify the main factors underlying different propensities to migrate from Africa to Europe (out-migration or departure) and from Europe to Africa (return), across individuals born in different African countries. Namely, we aim at clearly distinguishing the role played by individual, household and contextual factors in increasing (or decreasing) the individual likelihood of African people to migrate between Africa and Europe, rather than the specific migration rates between these two areas and their changes over time (a topic addressed in the working paper on migration patterns).

Over the last decade, a growing body of theoretical and empirical research has attempted to uncover the mechanisms behind return migration, as well as the consequences for the migrant and her immediate personal network (household, community), the destination and the origin countries. This article provides a review of the return migration literature, focusing primarily on the microlevel perspective of migrants and their households. A typology of temporary migration is presented and return migration is placed among other types of non-permanent migratory moves. Different approaches have been proposed by the literature with regard to the identification and measurement of returnees. Finally, the theoretical literature and a selection of empirical findings on determinants, timing, selectivity as well as consequences of return migration are summarized and discussed.

In Senegal, the real estate sector drains the majority of investments made by Senegalese expatriates. Migrant remittances could thus play a positive role in improving the housing conditions of households in Dakar. This paper aims to test this hypothesis via a series of analyses conducted on data in Dakar for the MAFE Senegal survey. Not surprisingly, the first results show that at the time of the survey, the housing conditions of households with migrant(s) were generally better than those without (type of dwelling, persons per room, consumer durables, etc.). But subsequent findings qualify the impact of international migration on the living conditions of Dakarian households. First, the remittances sent by migrants are rarely used to build or renovate a dwelling. Second, analysis of home ownership at the time of entry into the dwelling and not at the time of the survey shows that migrants have no influence on home purchases. Last, emigrant investments in real estate rarely serve to improve the housing conditions of the households to which they belong. They can nonetheless contribute to urban renewal in Dakar, notably via investments in the rental market.

International audience; The proportion of immigrants varies considerably from one country to another. In some, it exceeds half the population, while in others it is below 0.1%. Which countries have the most immigrants? Where do they come from? How are they distributed across the world? Gilles Pison provides an overview of the number and share of immigrants in selected countries around the world.The United States has the highest number of immigrants (foreignborn individuals), with 48 million in 2015, five times more than in Saudi Arabia (11 million) and six times more than in Canada (7.6 million). However, in proportion to their population size, these two countries have significantly more immigrants: 34% and 21%, respectively, versus 15% in the United States.; La proportion d’immigrés varie beaucoup d’un pays à l’autre, dépassant la moitié de la population dans certains pays, alors qu’elle est inférieure à 0,1 % dans d’autres. Dans quels pays les immigrés sont-ils les plus nombreux ? De quels pays sont-ils issus ? De façon plus générale, comment les immigrés se répartissent-ils à l’échelle de la planète ? Gilles Pison dresse ici un panorama du nombre et de la part des immigrés dans les différents pays du monde.Les États-Unis sont le pays du monde ayant sur son sol le plus grand nombre d’immigrés (personnes nées à l’étranger) : 48 millions. C’est près de cinq fois plus que l’Arabie saoudite (11 millions) et six fois plus que le Canada (7,6 millions). Mais proportionnellement à leur taille, ces deux derniers pays ont nettement plus d’immigrés : 34 % et 21 %, contre 15 % aux États-Unis.

The immigration and emigration statistics of the different European Union countries are difficult to compare. Each has its own definition of an international migrant, sometimes including asylum seekers and students, for example, and sometimes not. The minimum length of stay also varies, ranging for just a few days in Germany and Spain to one year in the United Kingdom and Sweden. The data sources differ likewise. Countries with population registers rely mainly on this source, while those with no register make use of other tools, such as border surveys in the United Kingdom, administrative records of medical examinations or of residence permits in France. To improve the comparability of statistics, the European Union has issued a regulation recommending that countries count all migrants whose length of stay is at least one year, whatever their reason for admission.

There are thought to be nearly 150 million international migrants as we enter the 21st century, if a migrant is taken to mean a person who resides outside of his or her country of birth or citizenship for one year or more [1]. There were an estimated 75 million in 1965, 105 million in 1985 and 120 million in 1990. But these estimates are open to question, given the difficulty of observing and quantifying international migration (see box). In particular, reliable information is lacking on flows—departures, transits, returns— leaving only that on stocks—the number of migrants resident on a given date in each country—to form an idea of migratory exchanges. Net migration flows to developed countries—arrivals less departures—are estimated to have averaged about 2.4 million people a year in the period 1990-2000, which is highly consistent with the figures for inflows to the main Northern host countries (2.7 million for OECD countries in 1998). Given that this is a net count, i.e. combining long-term departures with returns of nationals and non-nationals, it can be inferred that annual outflows, i.e. emigration, worldwide are significantly higher than the estimated 2.4 million, particularly if the significant but hard to quantify South-South migration is added.

Communication dans un groupe de travail du programme MED-MIGR Commission européenne