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Nuclear energy has an important role to play in combating climate change, but first the United States must address the safety and security concerns that come along with it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on the "charm offensive" of the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal negotiations with the United States. Charm offensives are strategic public relations campaigns that political leaders use to shift their countries' reputation swiftly and temporarily in the global arena. Based on visual and textual analysis of the journalistic coverage of Zarif's charm offensive in the American and the Israeli press, we show that in his interactions with the American team and announcements to the press, Zarif focused on the future in contrast to the confusing past; he aimed at a calm and narrowly focused process of negotiations and preferred closed-door discussions among experts and one-on-one conversations with Secretary of State Kerry over public press conferences. He warmly welcomed photographers with smiles and presented a persistent readiness for "friendly" interaction. Western journalists enthusiastically covered these "unexpected" features of the Iranian diplomacy, and ultimately helped Zarif achieve a favorable international media environment conducive to making the deal. Bringing together literatures in communication studies, sociology, political science and international relations, we argue that in the form of a "charm offensive" political leaders can thus utilize the press for momentary country image transformation internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Could nuclear power be rapidly expanded on a global scale? There are a number of practical limiting factors, including site availability and acceptability, nuclear waste disposal issues, and the risks of accidents and proliferation. But there are also a variety of resource limitations. One particular resource limitation that has not been clearly articulated in the nuclear debate thus far is the availability of the relatively scarce metals used in the construction of the reactor vessel and core. While this scarcity is not of immediate concern, it would present a hard limit to the ultimate expansion of nuclear power. This limit appears to be a harder one than the supply of uranium fuel. An increased demand for rare metals—such as hafnium, beryllium, zirconium, and niobium, for example—would also increase their price volatility and limit their rate of uptake in nuclear power stations. Metals used in the nuclear vessel eventually become radioactive and, on decommissioning, those with long half-lives cannot be recycled on timescales useful to human civilization. Thus, a large-scale expansion of nuclear power would reduce “elemental diversity” by depleting the world’s supply of some elements and making them unavailable to future generations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although some countries plan to build new nuclear power plants in the near future, in aggregate the data indicates that nuclear power's influence will continue to dwindle across the globe in coming decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on Brazil and West Germany's nuclear agreement. Brazil and Germany are both postwar allies of the United States and the move is a big leap for their diplomatic independence. Implementation of this agreement for fifteen years will fulfill Germany's need for German reactor export sales and fuel supplies while meeting Brazil's demand for atomic energy. Brazil and Germany's ambition of becoming self-sufficient in nuclear resources will also be realized. Senator Abraham Ribicoff raised some important points regarding the nuclear deal during a speech.

The article analyzes the domestic debate regarding the Brazil-West Germany nuclear agreement of 1975. A number of scientists and opposition politicians sought to use the apparent failings of the agreement to critique the military's claims regarding the deal's contribution to Brazilian economic development and nuclear status. While limited in its immediate impact, the opposition outlined major themes that would come to the fore later in the decade as Brazilian society began to question the wisdom of the agreement. Concerned with asserting Brazil's nuclear autonomy, the opposition's efforts also add a new dimension to global narratives of nuclear protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How and on what grounds do international organizations allocate aid to their member states? I answer this question in the context of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). I find that political considerations affect the likelihood of receiving aid, as well as the amount of aid that countries receive. In particular, membership in the IAEA board of governors and the acceptance of tougher IAEA inspections increase the likelihood of IAEA assistance. These factors also increase the amounts of assistance, but only for countries with divergent policy preferences from those of the United States. In consequence, those states that receive IAEA assistance are not always those most in need of it. My findings track with theories that countries receive foreign aid in exchange for cooperation and concessions to donors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand why the United States treated Japan and Korea differently in the revisions of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. On the sensitive issue of grating its allies the rights of developing enrichment and reprocessing (ENR), the United States did so for Japan in the 1977 and 1987 revisions, but did not for Korea during the 2015 revision. For the great power as a supplier state, there are two factors affecting the decision: policy-makers’ concern about alliance management prior to the calculation of security outcome, and firms’ commercial interests. In order to avoid damage to the US–Japan alliance and to maintain Japan's complementation for the US nuclear industry, Washington granted the rights of ENR to Tokyo. In contrast, because of its confidence of managing the US–Korea alliance and partly because of incompatibility of commercial interests between the two, Washington did not grant the rights to Seoul at the 2015 revision. Based on the comparison of the two cases, this paper underscores a need to alter the power projection theory regarding nuclear proliferation by explicating the alliance management as the ex ante element of power projection and by accounting for commercial interests such as fuel sale and technological partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses about the Global Centre for nuclear energy partnership(GCNEP) and the contribution of India to strengthening nuclear security (NS). He explores the critical role played by the GCNEP through sharing of best practices with several countries by imparting education, training and enhancing awareness. He mentions that India's approach was to achieve sustainable excellence as an integral aspect of its NS policy and embed a strong NS culture within its nuclear architecture.

The 2018 expiration of the Atomic Energy Agreement between the United States and Japan marks a critical juncture for the longstanding alliance, one that extends well beyond the nuclear arena. This article argues that a strengthened nuclear foundation that bolsters the U.S.-Japan alliance could have significant ramifications, even forming a cornerstone for further security institutionalization across the whole of the Northeast Asian region. It makes the case for revisiting and reshaping all aspects of U.S.-Japan bilateral nuclear cooperation, from civilian nuclear energy to the U.S. nuclear deterrent and the safety and security structures. The unique standing and resources of both countries on the nuclear issue make both key actors in strengthening regional and global nuclear governance, and in addressing the myriad challenges across the current landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent Australian decision to extend civilian nuclear cooperation to India, overriding its own long-term principled position, is no ordinary development. Taking that as a starting point, this article seeks to set out the context and rationale for an all-round and long-term closer relationship between the two countries. Arguing that such an Australian decision is not just a one-off gesture, but instead, it forms the basis for deeper strategic engagement, this article advances that the emergence of the concept of ‘Indo-Pacific’ is part of a shared strategic vision between the two, with the Indian Ocean constituting the cornerstone of their common security policy. In view of India lately revisiting its fundamental foreign policy assumptions in an imaginative manner, the US ‘pivot’ coupled with the intermittent projection of a ‘democratic quadrangle’—also inclusive of Japan and the US—lends further gravitas to this growing bilateral dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of Russia, U.S., Great Britain, France and China in training international inspectors to search for residues left in nuclear test sites. Topics addressed include the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and Organization for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty on Countering Nuclear Terrorism in nuclear site inspection, the use of photographs and video recordings in training inspectors, and the evidence in proving previous nuclear test.

The article focuses on the Espoo Convention adopted in 1991 for Environmental Impact Assessment in the transboundary context of decision making in nuclear energy related activities in different countries.

Little is known about North Korea's nuclear strategy. It is shrouded with greater ambiguity, which plays a central role in its nuclear weapons program. In the absence of North Korea's policy document and institutionalization of its nuclear policy, it is not clear what nuclear strategy North Korea would opt for and why. Therefore, one expects many speculative interpretations on the evolving nuclear strategy of North Korea. This article attempts to predict under the conceptual essentials of minimum deterrence that North Korea would follow minimum deterrence. But under the pretext of minimum deterrence, it would have multiple options to opt for one or more types of nuclear strategies. However, each of these nuclear strategies would have strategic implications for North Korea in general and the Korean Peninsula in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inability of the South Asian nuclear rivals to resolve their disputes is more than a tragic failure. Their nuclear weaponry changes the nature of their disputes and makes them a global concern. The three books reviewed here stress different aspects of the India–Pakistan nuclear challenge and reveal a new wave of creativity in assessments of the causes and most promising solutions to restraining regional nuclear dangers. They do not advocate the subcontinent's denuclearization, but they make an important contribution to our understanding of the India–Pakistan nuclear conundrum, a prerequisite to bring South Asia's nuclear arms control back to the international agenda. All agree that solutions must be based on domestic willingness, but they see vital roles for elevated international pressure. Cohen and Riedel examine the potential role of China in the settlement of Indo-Pakistani disputes, and all agree that China's nuclear and missile assistance to Pakistan has had a negative impact on Indo-Pakistani relations. They all show growing interest in rethinking United States policy toward South Asia, looking at the region as a whole and integrating China into the picture, in order to adopt a comprehensive regional strategy to prevent a nuclear Armageddon in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early years of the atomic era, several developing countries attempted to establish a nuclear programme, yet Brazil's case is less well-known. As new documents show, from 1951 Brazil aimed to acquire the nuclear fuel cycle capability in spite of legislation imposed by the United States to limit the emergence of new nuclear powers. This article will analyse the origins of the Brazilian nuclear programme from 1951 to 1955 and will explore its cooperation in the atomic field with international partners. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Non-Alignment Policy of India toward the U.S. and India's subsequent engagement and partnership with the U.S. in the areas of trade and business and nuclear energy project.

Two events in 1970s had changed the global nuclear politics drastically: Indian nuclear explosion (1974) and the Franco- Pakistan nuclear deal (1976). The Western world had accepted the Indian nuclear status after a reluctant reaction as a counter power to that of China within Asia. But the Franco- Pakistan nuclear deal had become a challenge for the whole nuclear world led by United States of America. This deal challenged the monopoly of the nuclear powers in that field which was relatively a source of their great power status. If the nuclear power proliferates in the developing world, it might change the power hierarchy of the global politics which was not acceptable to the leaders of the global politics. So they combined their whole efforts for the cancellation of the deal. They succeeded to cancel it and consequently restricted the proliferation at certain extent but failed to control the proliferation fully in the Developing World. Different aspects of the Franco-Pakistan deal and the American approach during the whole affair become a reason for this research. Pakistan signed a nuclear deal with France under international guarantees, the question is: Why was America so determined to cancel the deal? This study also analyzed that France and Pakistan not only manipulated the nuclear politics of 1970s through this deal, it also won some other benefits. This deal was the excellent example of international double standard diplomacy (Machiavellian diplomacy) from signing to cancellation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how use of economic sanctions is not worth at the public costs to targeted nations. Topics discussed include effectiveness of the economic sanctions imposed on Iran by the U.S.; basic uses and legal provisions for economic sanctions; the interim nuclear agreement with Iran; and the unjustified use of economic sanctions in Iran.

Information on the roundtable discussions at the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) conference is presented. Topics discussed include Pakistan-Iran foreign relations, national maritime policy of Pakistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in Pakistan. Other topics include Iran's nucelar program and its prospects and implications.

The article discusses the nuclear energy cooperation agreement between the U.S. and China with topics including the nuclear policies of the two countries and the civil nuclear program and nuclear tests of China.

The article focuses on the role, characteristics and authority of international nuclear safety law and the implementation of its fundamental principles within Great Britain to protect people and environment from harmful effect of radiations as of September 2014. Topics discussed include licensee's responsibility for safety, changes to Great Britain's regulation and liability insurance frameworks to promote international compliance to established safety standards.

This section offers news briefs on national legislative and regulatory activities related to nuclear energy as of June 2014. Belarus and the Russian Federation have signed several agreements for co-operation on nuclear safety in 2013. A nuclear safety decree was issued by the French government on November 27, 2013 on companies involved in nuclear activities. Legislation on atomic energy was passed by the Hungarian government in 2013.

During its April 2014 meeting, the Steering Committee for Nuclear Energy held a policy debate on "Progress towards a Global Nuclear Liability Regime". The Steering Committee heard presentations from several experts on nuclear liability issues. To prepare the delegates to the Steering Committee for the policy debate, the NEA Secretariat prepared a background note on the status of the nuclear liability regimes, as well as on current issues and challenges in implementing the regimes. This article is based on the background note and is intended to provide basic information on the relevant international conventions and an overview of recent developments to enhance the understanding of the legal framework in which policymakers and practitioners are engaging to respond to the call for broader adherence to the international liability instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the proposed expansion of South Africa's national electricity grid through nuclear energy. It mentions the role of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) in international cooperation towards the promotion of nuclear power. It notes the public utility Eskom Holdings SOC Ltd. as well as its modification and upgrade under the administration of form South African President Nelson Mandela while his successor Thabo Mbeki experienced difficulties in acquiring sufficient resources. An overview of the provision of the nuclear technology from the federation and republic is also presented.

This article examines the connection between détente in Europe and East–West nuclear technology transfers through the lens of Romania's co-operation policy in the field of atomic energy in the 1960s. It argues that until 1967 the bourgeoning relations between Western Europe and Romania did not stem from a desire to overcome the artificial division of Europe, but rather from the pursuit of unilateral economic benefits. This situation worked to the advantage of the Romanians, who acquired an important nuclear research reactor from the British by playing West European countries against one another. Afterwards, in order to boost their competitiveness, the West Europeans started pooling their nuclear industries together, although traditional rivalries such as the Anglo-French competition endured. Despite these efforts to achieve closer integration, the West Europeans failed to sell a nuclear power plant to Romania because of internal problems within their nuclear–industrial complexes, and because of Soviet meddling in the internal affairs of its satellites. This research adds to our understanding of Romania's détente policy during the 1960s, while also shedding light on the development of East–West relations in the field of atomic energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]