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Research suggests that belief in conspiracy theories (CT) stems from basic psychological mechanisms and is linked to other belief systems (e.g. religious beliefs). While previous research has extensively examined individual and contextual variables associated with CT beliefs, it has not yet investigated the role of culture. In the current research, we tested, based on a situated cultural cognition perspective, the extent to which culture predicts CT beliefs. Using Hofstede’s model of cultural values, three nation-level analyses of data from 25, 19 and 18 countries using different measures of CT beliefs (Study 1, N = 5,323; Study 2a, N = 12,255; Study 2b, N = 30,994) revealed positive associations between Masculinity, Collectivism and CT beliefs. A cross-sectional study among US citizens (Study 3, N = 350), using individual-level measures of Hofstede’s values, replicated these findings. A meta-analysis of correlations across studies corroborated the presence of positive links between CT beliefs, Collectivism, r = .31, 95%CI = [.15; 47] and Masculinity, r = .39, 95%CI = [.18; 59]. Our results suggest that in addition to individual-differences and contextual variables, cultural factors also play an important role in shaping CT beliefs., info:eu-repo/semantics/inPress

Many different predictors for belief in conspiracy theories have been empirically validated in different studies. The current study considers the relative contribution of individual differences in dimensions of schizotypal personality, social dominance orientation (SDO), right wing authoritarianism (RWA), paranormal beliefs (PB) and the newer construct of conspiracy mentality (CM) on belief in conspiracy theories. For predicting belief in specific conspiracy theories, we applied Path analyses with a large convenience sample (N = 883, 62% women) of students from Norway, a highly gender egalitarian country, allowing us to consider the effects of mediators and gender moderation in a specified model. Schizotypal personality dimensions Odd Beliefs and Paranoid Ideation predicted different mediators, and their effects on belief in conspiracy theories were totally mediated. The mediating variables (SDO, RWA, PB, and CM) were all unique predictors of belief in conspiracy theories, with CM having the largest contribution for both sexes. Explorative analyses of the specified model across gender suggest that the model for men and women is not equivalent. Results are discussed in light of the predictive contribution of especially conspiracy mentality.

Conspiracy narratives and speculative rumors of a conspiracist nature are intermittently popular in youth culture, as well as in political discourse. The general motivations of conspiracy beliefs relate to essential needs (for knowledge, to feel safe and secure, to feel good about oneself and one&rsquo, s group), but evidence shows these needs are not actually served by conspiracy beliefs. Conspiracy theories tend to be explanations that conflict with best academic knowledge, and belief in them leads to less support for democratic processes and institutions. They play a role in political polarization, and they are used in identity-protective cognition. They may both express and arouse &ldquo, strong feelings and divide communities and society&rdquo, Conspiracy theories as a general topic thus satisfy general criteria for controversial issues. At the same time, they are particularly interesting because they hover between the superficially and the inherently controversial: although in practice often resistant to contradictory evidence, they generally appeal to reason and evidence. While they sometimes are rooted in deep religious and religion-like beliefs, we argue that this makes them good cases for practicing analytical skills that could better serve all the needs above. Since cases and topics can cover the gamut from the subject-related to the cross-curricular and civic behavior, and the skills should be broadly transferable, using conspiracy theories as a topic has a high possible upside. However, conspiracy theories in a school setting have not yet been a topic of much research. This article takes as its starting point interviews with teachers and preliminary investigations of adolescents, before presenting an outline of possible didactic tools for teachers based on the general findings of effective interventions on conspiracy beliefs and related issues.

In the social sciences, conspiracy theory is often morally debunked as pathological, irrational and dangerous and, essentially, considered a form of ‘religious superstition’. Arguing that this simplistic labelling of conspiracy theory as ‘religious belief’ is primarily a form of ‘boundary work’ to legitimate the epistemic authority of the social sciences, this chapter studies the hybrid character of contemporary conspiracy theory based on the self-understanding of its advocates. The analysis shows that conspiracy culture is an unstable, multi-faced phenomenon that is situated at the intersection of three discourses: secular scepticism, popular sociology, and spiritual salvation. Mixing up secular science and spiritual salvation and simultaneously assessing how the world ‘is’ and how it ‘ought’ to be, may be a horror to academics; for conspiracy theorists it is having the best of both worlds.

Accepted manuscript version. Published version available at https://doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.36716. Recent studies on conspiracy thinking has concluded that the strongest predictor of the tendency towards conspiratorial thinking is a one-dimensional construct-conspiracy mentality-that is relatively stable over time and valid across cultures. Lantian et al. (2016) found that a single, elaborate question can work as a measure of conspiracy beliefs. We assess the validity of this question for an untypical, religious group: self-identified Neopagans. We also test some recent findings on the relation between conspiracy thinking and paranormal beliefs, attitudes towards group equality, political identification, age, gender, and education. The general patterns hold up well in our investigation, but there was a clear distinction between conspiracy theories about powerful actors and those about minorities. The single-item measure was the largest predictor of the former kind of conspiracy belief followed by level of paranormal beliefs. Anti-egalitarianism and holding a right-wing political identity were the strongest predictors of conspiracy beliefs about minorities. Education was negatively related to conspiracy beliefs of all kinds.

This essay traces the development of some of the central ideas behind the 1980s and 1990s Satanism scare. In the first part of the essay I trace some of the ideas that were disseminated in Norway in 1991-1992 back to their (primarily) American origins in different professions and ideologies. Some of the ideas, such as the "brainwashing" motif and the framework of a dangerous, subversive movement are well-established in "traditional" American subversion myths. Others seem to have been shaped around interpretations of troubling events or claims in popular books. In the essay, I emphasize the interplay between the ideas brought up by interest groups and by ideologists as well as the interplay between highly profiled events and later allegations.

The topic of this dissertation is Nordic yoga practitioners’ perspectives on yoga, religion, and spirituality, based on a questionnaire and interviews. In the monograph I explore who the Nordic yoga respondents are, why they have started (and continued) a yoga practice, and their attitudes and alignment to traditional religion, non-religion and subjective spiritualities. In the contemporary popular view, yoga is typically associated with postural yoga as a fitness – or exercise activity that mainly engages the physical body (Jain 2015). Popular culture presents yoga as a health-promoting activity which enables the individual to better withstand stress, and as an aid in a culturally mandated quest for self-development and self-improvement. However, as it emerges in my material, yoga is also understood as a mind-body practice that connects the mental and the physical (and perhaps spiritual) aspects of a person in a way other forms of exercise do not. Respondents’ practices encompass everything from sitting meditation and expressions of personal devotion, to intensely physical, secular asana practice. An important aspect of this dissertation is yoga respondents’ “conversion” stories. There are many reasons why respondents have started a yoga practice, but health and social connections emerge as most common. Traveling is also an unexpectedly important factor in respondents’ yoga encounters. For most practitioners, yoga is not connected to religion. The category religion is primarily understood as organized, institutionalized world religion (in this case Lutheran Christianity) and as staid and undesirable – even among the respondents who self-define as Christian. Most respondents, however, are "nones" and/ or subjectively spiritual. In the yoga material, non-religion and spirituality are not mutually exclusive. However, yoga respondents take inspiration from yoga spirituality/ philosophy and modern, western Buddhism much more than from New Age or alternative spirituality. In addition to better health and quality of life, modern postural yoga offers respondents a ritualistic framework and an ethical orientation that fits a contemporary culture that embraces personal and aesthetic experience, being present in the body, and constructing places and activities that are both social and individualistic – and most of all meaningful (Frisk and Åkerbäck 2015). Denne studien undersøker nordiske yogapraktiserendes perspektiver på yoga, religion og spiritualitet basert på en spørreundersøkelse og intervjuer. I monografien utforsker jeg hvem de nordiske yogarespondentene er, hvorfor de har startet (og fortsatt) en yogapraksis, og deres holdninger og tilhørighet til tradisjonell religion, ikke-religion og subjektiv spiritualitet. I samtidens populære forståelse er yoga oftest assosiert med stillinger (asana), og med å være en treningsaktivitet som i hovedsak handler om den fysiske kroppen (Jain 2015). Populærkulturen presenterer yoga som en helsefremmende aktivitet som gir individet muligheten til å dempe stress, og som en del av en kulturelt meningsgivende søken mot selvutvikling og -forbedring. Likevel, slik yoga kommer frem i mitt materiale forstås det også som en «mind-body practice» som knytter sammen mentale og fysiske (og kanskje også spirituelle) menneskelige aspekter på en måte som andre treningsformer ikke gjør. Respondentenes praksisformer omfatter alt fra sittende meditasjon og uttrykk for personlig hengivenhet til intens fysisk og sekulær asana-praksis. Et viktig aspekt i denne avhandlingen er yogarespondentenes «konverterings»-historier. Det er mange grunner til at respondentene har startet med yoga, og helse og sosiale forbindelser er de to viktigste. Reising er også en uventet men viktig faktor i respondentenes møte med yoga. For de fleste respondentene er ikke yoga knyttet til religion. Kategorien religion er hovedsakelig forstått som organisert og institusjonalisert verdensreligion (i dette tilfellet lutheransk kristendom) og som noe stillestående og uønsket. De fleste respondentene er derimot «nones» (ikke-religiøse) og/ eller subjektivt spirituelle. I yogamaterialet er ikke det sekulære og det subjektivt spirituelle motsetninger. Men, yogarespondentene henter inspirasjon fra yogaspiritualitet eller -filosofi og moderne, sekulær buddhisme heller enn fra New Age og alternativ spiritualitet. I tillegg til bedre helse og livskvalitet gir yogaen respondentene et rituelt og etisk rammeverk som passer et moderne samfunn og en moderne kultur som omfavner personlige og estetiske opplevelser, det å være til stede i egen kropp, og det å skape steder og aktiviteter som er både sosiale og individualistiske – og mest av alt meningsfulle (Frisk og Åkerbäck 2015).

This chapter will explore the sociology of conspiracy theory in areas of the contemporary cultic milieu, identifying rational social reasons for allegiance to a particular theory as often being more compelling for individuals than the apparent ‘empirical’ truth or falsity of the theory itself.

The decline of traditional religion in the West has been matched by a rise in the visibility of conspiracy theories. Are conspiracy theories therefore a replacement for religious belief in an increasingly secular society? Conspiracy theories seem to fulfil some of the psychological needs addressed by religion, such as imposing a sense of order and agency upon the world, and the two seem to share some of the same psychological predispositions. Many conspiracy beliefs have parallels in content and structure to religious beliefs: some propose an Edenic existence that was corrupted by a conspiracy, while others anticipate an apocalypse that will be either brought about or welcomed by a conspiracy. In this chapter, we take a psychological perspective on the parallels between religion and conspiracy theory, and discussing how the two types of belief systems complement and contradict one another.