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Many states have recently re-discovered citizenship deprivation as a tool to exclude undesirable citizens. Scholars have primarily discussed the implications of this policy (re)turn from perspective of the state and the migrant communities targeted, while leaving embodied experiences of denaturalisation unexamined. This article draws on a unique interview material with 28 individuals in a hard-to-reach group: people facing citizenship deprivation and statelessness or deportation from Norway. In 2015–2016, the Norwegian government stepped up efforts to uncover and sanction cases of naturalisation fraud. Legal reinforcement was coupled with government rhetoric that spread fear and insecurity in the targeted populations. As such, it is exemplary of affective governance. Inspired by Ahmed's economic and relational perspective on emotions, this article asks: what emotions circulate and stick in the affective economy of denaturalisation? How do these emotions shape individual bodies, families and communities exposed to denaturalisation? Exposure to denaturalisation gave shape to three constellations of emotions and estrangement: (i) pain, anger, and alienation from the national body, (ii) fear and destabilisation of families and communities, and (iii) exhaustion and self-estrangement. Undergoing the process of citizenship deprivation is therefore not only a deeply unsettling, embodied experience but also a process that reshapes social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cet article examine la dialectique entre la déforestation au Cameroun et la dénaturalisation des pygmées Baka à travers une analyse discursive de la chanson « Je suis pygmée » de l’auteur et compositeur Donny Elwood (1996). En effet, la déforestation à outrance de la forêt équatoriale camerounaise n’est pas sans effet sur la (sur) vie de ce peuple nomade, vivant jadis de chasse et de cueillette, en communion avec la nature. L’article se propose d’analyser le cri de détresse qui se dégage des paroles de cette chanson et la structure en même temps. Par ailleurs, ce cri reprend et rappelle celui des pygmées impuissants face à la destruction de leur milieu de vie. De leur paisible et insouciante vie dans la forêt à la dévastation de celle-ci, il s’agit de voir comment le processus de déforestation affecte et dénaturalise ce peuple.

It has been roughly five years since the #FeesMustFall student protests shook the foundations of higher education in South Africa. However, in the aftermath of these protests, students' demand for the decolonisation of the curriculum, despite initial energy, has seemingly lost momentum. Within the discipline of management and organisation studies, the situation is even more exacerbated, with efforts towards decolonisation being cosmetic at best. However, much criticism has been directed towards the notion of decolonisation for its lack of normative literature. This article suggests that Critical Management Studies (CMS) and, in particular, the CMS notion of denaturalisation, might provide a broad framework for achieving decolonisation. Furthermore, the work of contemporary philosopher Jacques Rancière is proposed as a pragmatic means to denaturalise management thinking to move closer to a truly decolonised management curriculum in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the representation of the notion of employability and the job-seeking 'reality'. It is part of a wider research project that looks closely into the careers services sector within Higher Education Institutions in the United Kingdom. The chosen methodology, that is corpus-based critical discourse analysis, combined qualitative and quantitative methods and tools for the analysis of 2.6 million words deriving from 58 university websites, and more specifically the careers services sections. The analysis brings to light some problematic, common-sense ideas that are being disseminated by these services and encourages the denaturalisation of the careers services' discourse. It shows that the language used by careers services reproduces and promotes neoliberal ideology. In addition, it argues that the notion of employability could be interpreted as a pseudo-solution to the social problem of (youth) unemployment and fierce competition in the graduate job market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This epilogue to the special issue of Citizenship Studies reflects on the connections between states' powers to deport foreigners and to denationalise citizens and asks how both powers ought to be hedged in by liberal and democratic constraints. The article argues that citizenship revocation powers are ultimately at odds with a democratic principle that governments are collectively authorised by citizens. It suggests also that the protection of long-term foreign residents from deportation is due to the emergence of a quasi-citizenship status for denizens in liberal democracies. Finally, the article raises a question about the future of the power to expel in increasingly mobile and interconnected societies. Could the proliferation of multiple citizenships and the increasing number of people with multiple residences in different countries undermine the justifications for strong constraints on the state power to expel proposed by the contributions in this volume? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iconographical landscape warfare is one example of conflict that refers to a broad spectrum of encounters between opposing social groups who share a common reading of cultural landscapes. This 'warfare' ranges from expressions of violent force to seemingly banal everyday practices. Iconographical landscape warfare works through a dual process of denaturalising/renaturalising landscapes, where the interpretations of certain features are either erased or reinforced. I offer an overview of three examples: firstly, the case of a palimpsest in Seoul, where the dispute over a particular cultural land scape icon revealed tensions between two social groups; secondly, the deployment of symbolically antagonistic landscape objects in Hong Kong within a single social group with a unified reading of the cultural landscape; finally, a conflict surrounding an iconic landmark in Auckland. Taken together, these examples reveal the way objects can be deployed in a landscape to affect change, and how these actions are often resisted and subverted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the provision of general definition for the concepts of "modernisation" with many dimensions and "law" as there is no main consensus on the doctrine, our study discussed the concept of "modern law" reached through the related impacts" and addressed the issue of "denaturalisation", which is defined as "against the modern law system" in the field of "cizitezenship law" as one of the modern law domains covering various concepts within, and is not under the scope of European Convention on Nationality and Turkish Law, however is covered under the applicable citizenship law of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and under the new law on citizenship aiming the revision of existing law and elaborated that the related issue is not only constitute a question of law but also with another significant aspect harms the communication and relationship between state-individual and state and other states/international organizations. Consequently, our study delivered concrete proposals to eliminate/prevent the divergences caused by the relevant organisation regarding the legal, communication and other domains of social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As foreign fighters have flocked to conflicts in Syria and elsewhere, their home governments have often claimed a right not only to criminalise their doing so, but also to deprive them of the right to return. This article challenges some problematic assumptions about the intersection among political allegiance, extraterritorial jurisdiction and the right of abode. It traces the origins of today’s conventional wisdom to a particular modern experience of state–society relations, including the rise of administrative ambitions that outrun the original bounds of the territorial state. In contrast, it argues for an ‘unbundling’ of state authority, prepolitical membership in society, and cross-border political action. This position would chasten overreaching views about states’ ownership of their citizens, while still leaving other ways to deal with jihadist violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The threat of American and British nationals returning home after fighting with ISIS sparked calls in 2014 for legislation to allow the revocation of terror suspects’ citizenship. Using content analysis, this paper compares how citizenship was renegotiated during the debates that followed in both countries. For proponents of the new powers, acts considered prejudicial to national security did not simply constitute a ‘bad’ or dissenting citizen, but were incompatible with the status of citizenship itself. I find that republican discourses of citizenship conceived as loyalty to the state were used not as an alternative to liberal discourses that espouse individual rights and a more limited political arena, but precisely as means of discursively limiting of that arena, by selectively excluding particular undesirable or less desirable groups – terror suspects, naturalised citizens – from political life as we know it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to strip citizenship from (denaturalise) those deemed disloyal or dangerous is a significant but largely unexamined power held by some liberal states. Since 2002, the British government has, in response to concerns about terrorism and value of citizenship, expanded its power to denaturalise certain categories of citizens, including those born in the UK. This development seems odd in the light of academic literature that has described a recent trend in Europe towards the increasing 'liberalisation' of citizenship. Writing on the subject of citizenship acquisition, scholars have pointed to a range of changes that curtail the state's ability to withhold citizenship from resident non-citizens. In this article, I draw upon parliamentary debates, archived documents, government reports and secondary literature, to chart the historical development of denaturalisation power in the UK and consider the extent to which it has been shaped by liberal principles. This history indicates that denaturalisation had indeed undergone a process of liberalisation before the Labour government partly reversed its direction after 2002. Yet it also shows that liberal principles, far from simply curtailing the state's powers to strip citizenship, have been deeply implicated in recent and historical attempts to expand denaturalisation power by British governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In line with Deleuze and Guattari's analysis of paranoia and schizophrenia as the effects of the fundamental organising principles of capitalist society, Rosi Braidotti identifies what she calls a 'schizoid double pull,' the co-occurrence of contradictory or incompatible trends, as one of the distinctive traits of our age. This chapter presents a reading of contemporary technoscience as a manifestation of this double pull through the examples of assisted reproductive technologies, genetically modified organisms, contemporary genetics and biological psychiatry. In this framework, the potentially innovative, liberatory and deterritorialising impact of new technologies, technoscience's 'schizophrenic' or 'postmodern' tendencies that might indicate a shift towards a posthuman and post-anthropocentric paradigm, come up against 'paranoid' or 'modernist' tendencies that seem to appropriate this transgressive or subversive potential. Focusing on the notions of 'technologically produced nature' and 'biology under control' as symbols of the technoscientific schizoid double pull, I will argue that what we are witnessing in reproductive and genetic technologies is a reworking of foundational categories such as nature and self in novel ways. This is to say that the schizoid double pull, though it most easily lends itself to a dialectic framework, does not harbour a contradiction, and that the schizoid/postmodern and paranoid/modern tendencies inherent in technoscience are not fixed in a relation of strict binary opposition. Rather, they interact and co-evolve, indicating that contemporary technoscience is neither explicitly modern nor postmodern but itself calls into question the distinction between these two, while perhaps indicating the emergence of a new configuration of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers an assessment of rationales for critical social science (CSS), noting that over the last three decades these have become increasingly cautious and timid, so that, for example, critique is reduced to uncovering hidden presuppositions and deepening reflexivity. First, the article outlines a simple conception of CSS based on the standpoint of the reduction of illusion, distinguishes this from scepticism and partisanship, and notes the importance of the denaturalization of social forms, Second, it assesses the critical standpoint of freedom. Third, the article argues that a stronger standpoint of the critique of avoidable suffering is needed and already implicit in limited form in existing CSS. Fourth, the article explores and counters some of the key reasons for the retreat of critique, and concludes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I propose analysing Lachenmann's compositional approach to words in his vocal works through the formalist theory of defamiliarisation of Viktor Shklovsky, the narrative deep structure model of Algirdas J. Greimas, the structuralist reading of Roland Barthes, as well as the denaturalisation concept of Bogusław Schaeffer. I adopt these in order to demonstrate the uniqueness of Lachenmann's style and treatment of vocal techniques at the service of new musical language developed by the composer between 1966/1968 and 1991/1992. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]