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We assembled genome-wide data from 271 ancient Iberians, of whom 176 are from the largely unsampled period after 2000 BCE, thereby providing a high-resolution time transect of the Iberian Peninsula. We document high genetic substructure between northwestern and southeastern hunter-gatherers before the spread of farming. We reveal sporadic contacts between Iberia and North Africa by ~2500 BCE and, by ~2000 BCE, the replacement of 40% of Iberia's ancestry and nearly 100% of its Y-chromosomes by people with Steppe ancestry. We show that, in the Iron Age, Steppe ancestry had spread not only into Indo-European-speaking regions but also into non-Indo-European-speaking ones, and we reveal that present-day Basques are best described as a typical Iron Age population without the admixture events that later affected the rest of Iberia. Additionally, we document how, beginning at least in the Roman period, the ancestry of the peninsula was transformed by gene flow from North Africa and the eastern Mediterranean., J.M.F., F.J.L.-C., J.I.M., F.X.O., J.D., and M.S.B. were supported by HAR2017-86509-P, HAR2017-87695-P, and SGR2017-11 from the Generalitat de Catalunya, AGAUR agency. C.L.-F. was supported by Obra Social La Caixa and by FEDER-MINECO (BFU2015- 64699-P). L.B.d.L.E. was supported by REDISCO-HAR2017-88035-P (Plan Nacional I+D+I, MINECO). C.L., P.R., and C.Bl. were supported by MINECO (HAR2016-77600-P). A.Esp., J.V.-V., G.D., and D.C.S.-G. were supported by MINECO (HAR2009-10105 and HAR2013-43851-P). D.J.K. and B.J.C. were supported by NSF BCS-1460367. K.T.L., A.W., and J.M. were supported by NSF BCS-1153568. J.F.-E. and J.A.M.-A. were supported by IT622-13 Gobierno Vasco, Diputación Foral de Álava, and Diputación Foral de Gipuzkoa. We acknowledge support from the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (PTDC/EPH-ARQ/4164/2014) and the FEDER-COMPETE 2020 project 016899. P.S. was supported by the FCT Investigator Program (IF/01641/2013), FCT IP, and ERDF (COMPETE2020 – POCI). M.Si. and K.D. were supported by a Leverhulme Trust Doctoral Scholarship awarded to M.B.R. and M.P. D.R. was supported by an Allen Discovery Center grant from the Paul Allen Foundation, NIH grant GM100233, and the Howard Hughes Medical Institute. V.V.-M. and W.H. were supported by the Max Planck Society.

The paper analyzes the Bell Beaker graves with female burials from three sites located near one another in the region of Madrid. The study addresses the female presence within contexts that have traditionally been considered mainly male. The variability of their grave goods and burial rituals and their identification in primary and secondary, single or collective inhumations, is also analyzed. Their associations with male adult individuals and/ or children are reviewed, and the social role of women buried with daggers in significant graves is discussed. Although the sample is quantitatively insufficient, its variability at least allows us to refute previons claims about the numerical superiority of male graves that have been made without any empirical support. We conclude with a discussion of why there are fewer women in Bell Beaker tombs than in contemporaneous tombs without Bell Beakers., El trabajo analiza las tumbas campaniformes con inhumaciones femeninas de tres yacimientos próximos entre sí localizados en la región de Madrid, destacando su presencia en unos contextos que tradicionalmente se han considerado básicamente masculinos. Se registra también la variabilidad de estos contextos, en sus ajuares y en los rituales de inhumación, sean individuales o colectivos y en posiciones primarias o secundarias. Así mismo, se revisan sus asociaciones a individuos masculinos adultos y /o a infantiles, y se discute la asociación de mujeres en tumbas relevantes con puñales. Aunque la muestra es cuantitativamente insuficiente, la variedad del registro nos permite, al menos, desmontar ciertas afirmaciones que se han venido repitiendo sin ningún apoyo empírico sobre la rotunda superioridad numérica de tumbas campaniformes con inhumaciones masculinas. Pero más allá de la recopilación de estos datos es importante reflexionar sobre el porqué de la menor presencia de mujeres con respecto a los hombres en las manifestaciones funerarias de los grupos campaniformes cuando en las tumbas coetáneas no campaniformes es precisamente la mujer la que suele estar mejor representada.

Agriculture first reached the Iberian Peninsula around 5700 BCE. However, little is known about the genetic structure and changes of prehistoric populations in different geographic areas of Iberia. In our study, we focus on the maternal genetic makeup of the Neolithic (~ 5500–3000 BCE), Chalcolithic (~ 3000–2200 BCE) and Early Bronze Age (~ 2200–1500 BCE). We report ancient mitochondrial DNA results of 213 individuals (151 HVS-I sequences) from the northeast, central, southeast and southwest regions and thus on the largest archaeogenetic dataset from the Peninsula to date. Similar to other parts of Europe, we observe a discontinuity between hunter-gatherers and the first farmers of the Neolithic. During the subsequent periods, we detect regional continuity of Early Neolithic lineages across Iberia, however the genetic contribution of hunter-gatherers is generally higher than in other parts of Europe and varies regionally. In contrast to ancient DNA findings from Central Europe, we do not observe a major turnover in the mtDNA record of the Iberian Late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age, suggesting that the population history of the Iberian Peninsula is distinct in character. Concerning research in the Alto Ribatejo, authors wish to thank Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia the support of research on the dawn of farming in the Tagus valley (project “Moving Tasks Accross Shapes” – PTDC/EPH-ARQ/4356/2014), as well as the Geosciences Centre of Coimbra University (strategic project UID/Multi/00073/2013). This study was funded by the German Research Foundation (Grant no. Al 287/14–1).

En el presente trabajo reflexionamos sobre diferentes aspectos relacionados con la violencia intergrupal o interpersonal durante el Calcolítico peninsular a través de algunas evidencias arqueológicas, además de presentar otros registros antropológicos inéditos. Especial atención merecen una serie de lesiones en hueso causadas por actos violentos que han sido documentadas en dos yacimientos calcolíticos madrileños, como son Camino de las Yeseras y Humanejos y al que se le añade otro posible caso encontrado en la necrópolis de Ciempozuelos. Del primer yacimiento se valoran diferentes registros en una fosa con una inhumación múltiple que acoge a un posible grupo familiar asociado a numerosas puntas de flecha y cuya causa de muerte pudo estar en relación con un episodio violento. Mucho más evidentes son las lesiones que presentan otros dos varones campaniformes: un individuo madurosenil de Camino de las Yeseras con una fractura y acusada desviación de los nasales que podría ser un indicio de un enfrentamiento interpersonal, mientras que otro varón adulto de Humanejos fue víctima de un contundente golpe en el frontal ante mortem, posiblemente golpeado con una azuela o hachita de cobre. Estos casos permiten intuir la existencia de conflictos inter o intragrupales más o menos organizados. Por otra parte se justifica la construcción de defensas arquitectónicas en una serie de yacimientos peninsulares, las cuales están asociadas a un considerable número de puntas de proyectil localizadas en sus accesos, tramos de murallas y en talleres próximos a ellas. Durante el Calcolítico, la necesidad de garantizar la seguridad de estas comunidades prehistóricas hace que la producción de las puntas en sílex y posteriormente en metal (Palmela) sean un recurso armamentístico de primer rango, siendo secundario su empleo en las actividades cinegéticas, como quedan avalados por los estudios arqueofaunísticos. También se discute el empleo de útiles habituales recuperados en los horizontes habitacionales como testimonios de actos de violencia, muy probablemente, surgidos por las propias desavenencias cotidianas o intergrupales. Todos estos procesos desembocan en el surgimiento de panoplias armamentísticas en el horizonte campaniforme en el que, aunque con discutida funcionalidad, su exhibición y amortización en las tumbas se hace muy patente, This study focuses on aspects related to interpersonal or intergroup violence during the Iberian Chalcolithic by discussing some archaeological evidences which have not been thoroughly evaluated to date. Particular attention is given to a series of injuries observed in some burials, which in the light of recent anthropological and paleopathological studies are becoming more numerous and diverse. Besides reviewing some papers and proposals on bone injuries resulting from acts of violence, new documented evidences are offered from the study of two Chalcolithic burials in Madrid: Camino de las Yeseras and Humanejos and related to an old one from the cemetery of Ciempozuelos. In the first of these sites, a multiple inhumation in a pit has been documented. It contains a possible family group associated with flint arrow heads intermingled with the skeletons and they seem to be related to the violent death of the group in a short space of time. Far more striking are the injuries found on two Bell Beaker males, one of them from Camino de las Yeseras, a senile with broken and deviated nasal bones, probably due to an interpersonal conflict. The second example, from Humanejos, is a 30 year old male who was a victim of a major traumatic injury to the forehead ante mortem. It was possibly caused by a copper adze or small axe, due to a face-to-face conflict. Both cases seem to suggest that, interpersonal or intergroup violence during the Iberian Chalcolithic is not infrequent. Also the archaeological record is revealing the existence of defensive architectures in several sites, where a considerable amount of arrow heads have been recovered in entrances, walls and workshops. These circumstances and the increase of arrow heads also in some ditched enclosures could explain their productions as primary defensive and offensive artefacts and later on the emergence of the first copper Palmela arrow heads in Iberia. Otherwise, as the archaeozoological studies of some chalcolithic sites reveal, that the increasing frequency of the flint arrow heads productions are not necessarily related to the rise of hunting activities during the 3rd millennium. It is also discussed the use of some metal tools as weapons during the Bell Beaker horizon as they only appear in household contexts and the functionality of some of the Beaker “package” items from tombs as weapons

Objectives To analyse the individual differences in the impact that intimate male partner violence (IPV) has on a woman's depressive and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptomatology, and to determine the association of the different profiles of mental dysfunction with cortisol and dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA) basal saliva levels as well as physical health symptoms. Methods A cross-sectional study was carried out in which IPV victims (n=73) and control non-abused (n=31) women participated. Information was obtained through structured interviews and saliva samples were collected for hormonal assays under baseline conditions. Results There were three profiles of mental symptoms in IPV subjects: no symptoms (n=19); with depressive symptoms (n=36), and depressive/PTSD symptom (n=18). None of the non-abused women had depressive or PTSD symptoms. The stress hormone response differed between groups. Only the IPV-depressive group had higher evening cortisol, and both morning and evening DHEA, but lower morning cortisol/DHEA ratio than non-abused women. Furthermore, there were differences between the IPV groups. The IPV-depressive group had lower morning cortisol and morning cortisol/DHEA ratio than the IPV-no symptoms and lower morning cortisol/DHEA ratio than the IPV-depressive/PTSD group. With respect to the physical symptoms there was an association between the mean of symptoms and the profile of mental health, the incidence being higher in the depressive/PTSD group than in the other groups. Conclusions This study demonstrates that there are individual differences in the impact that IPV has on the stress response and health status in women victims.

Bell Beaker pottery spread across western and central Europe beginning around 2750 BCE before disappearing between 2200–1800 BCE. The mechanism of its expansion is a topic of long-standing debate, with support for both cultural diffusion and human migration. We present new genome-wide ancient DNA data from 170 Neolithic, Copper Age and Bronze Age Europeans, including 100 Beaker-associated individuals. In contrast to the Corded Ware Complex, which has previously been identified as arriving in central Europe following migration from the east, we observe limited genetic affinity between Iberian and central European Beaker Complex-associated individuals, and thus exclude migration as a significant mechanism of spread between these two regions. However, human migration did have an important role in the further dissemination of the Beaker Complex, which we document most clearly in Britain using data from 80 newly reported individuals dating to 3900–1200 BCE. British Neolithic farmers were genetically similar to contemporary populations in continental Europe and in particular to Neolithic Iberians, suggesting that a portion of the farmer ancestry in Britain came from the Mediterranean rather than the Danubian route of farming expansion. Beginning with the Beaker period, and continuing through the Bronze Age, all British individuals harboured high proportions of Steppe ancestry and were genetically closely related to Beaker-associated individuals from the Lower Rhine area. We use these observations to show that the spread of the Beaker Complex to Britain was mediated by migration from the continent that replaced >90% of Britain’s Neolithic gene pool within a few hundred years, continuing the process that brought Steppe ancestry into central and northern Europe 400 years earlier.

This paper present a first approach to the Calcolithic settlement of “Camino de las Yeseras” in which a third millenium BC occupation has been documented. During the transition to the second millenium BC, Bell Beaker groups appear in the sequence. They exploit new lithic resources, adapt their domestic stock for increased mobility, and practice new diversified funerary rituals in the settlement. The temporal framework is supported by a sequence of many C14 and TL dates. El trabajo ofrece una primera aproximación al Yacimiento Calcolítico de Camino de Las Yeseras donde se ha documentado una ocupación a lo largo del III milenio que, en el tránsito al II milenio AC, acoge a grupos poseedores de cerámica campaniforme que renuevan los equipos materiales con la explotación de nuevos recursos líticos, adaptan su cabaña a una mejor movilidad y practican rituales funerarios diversificados dentro del poblado. El marco temporal se avala con una importante secuencia de dataciones de C14 y TL, plenamente coincidentes. &nbsp

SummarySeveral major migrations and population turnover events during the later Stone Age (after c. 11,000 cal. BP) are believed to have shaped the contemporary population genetic diversity in Eurasia. While the genetic impacts of these migrations have been investigated on regional scales, a detailed understanding of their spatiotemporal dynamics both within and between major geographic regions across Northern Eurasia remains largely elusive. Here, we present the largest shotgun-sequenced genomic dataset from the Stone Age to date, representing 317 primarily Mesolithic and Neolithic individuals from across Eurasia, with associated radiocarbon dates, stable isotope data, and pollen records. Using recent advances, we imputed >1,600 ancient genomes to obtain accurate diploid genotypes, enabling previously unachievable fine-grained population structure inferences. We show that 1) Eurasian Mesolitic hunter-gatherers were more genetically diverse than previously known, and deeply divergent between the west and the east; 2) Hitherto genetically undescribed hunter-gatherers from the Middle Don region contributed significant ancestry to the later Yamnaya steppe pastoralists; 3) The genetic impact of the transition from Mesolithic hunter-gatherers to Neolithic farmers was highly distinct, east and west of a “Great Divide” boundary zone extending from the Black Sea to the Baltic, with large-scale shifts in genetic ancestry to the west. This include an almost complete replacement of hunter-gatherers in Denmark, but no substantial shifts during the same period further to the east; 4) Within-group relatedness changes substantially during the Neolithic transition in the west, where clusters of Neolithic farmer-associated individuals show overall reduced relatedness, while genetic relatedness remains high until ~4,000 BP in the east, consistent with a much longer persistence of smaller localised hunter-gatherer groups; 5) A fast-paced second major genetic transformation beginning around 5,000 BP, with Steppe-related ancestry reaching most parts of Europe within a 1,000 years span. Local Neolithic farmers admixed with incoming pastoralists in most parts of Europe, whereas Scandinavia experienced another near-complete population replacement, with similar dramatic turnover-patterns also evident in western Siberia; 6) Extensive regional differences in the ancestry components related to these early events remain visible to this day, even within countries (research conducted using the UK Biobank resource). Neolithic farmer ancestry is highest in southern and eastern England while Steppe-related ancestry is highest in the Celtic populations of Scotland, Wales, and Cornwall. Overall, our findings show that although the Stone-Age migrations have been important in shaping contemporary genetic diversity in Eurasia, their dynamics and impact were geographically highly heterogeneous.