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Fifty years after his pioneering books on rebellion and social banditry, Eric Hobsbawm explains why he always paid close attention to "uncommon people" and popular forms of revolt, and analyses how globalization has triggered off new political mobilizations.

International audience; In the last months of the German rule in Lithuania, various military-political groups fought the occupiers, their collaborators, and each other in the multi-ethnic regions of the Generalbezirk Litauen. Many civilians marked as “enemy sympathisers” fell victim to this multidirectional violence. This chapter interrogates the relationship between violence, gender, and ethnicity in the mobilising discourse and anti-partisan violence of Local Force battalions (Litauische Sonderverbände, Vietinė rinktinė), set up by the German authorities in February 1944. It discusses three factors that enabled the occupation regime to recruit Lithuanian men to fight Polish and Soviet partisans: the memories of violent multi-sided conflicts between Poles, Lithuanians, and Soviets that erupted at the end of the Great War, the Soviet takeover of 1940, perceived as a humiliation and symbolic emasculation of Lithuanian soldiers, and the opportunity to assert the dominance of ethnic Lithuanians in the predominantly Polish-speaking Vilnius region. The chapter also suggests that Local Force violence should be approached within the context of the multidirectional violence that intensified in south-eastern Lithuania in the spring of 1944 rather than as a manifestation of the ancient hatred between Poles and Lithuanians.

International audience; Inorganic antigens may contribute to paediatric sarcoidosis. Thirty-six patients matched with 36 healthy controls as well as a group of 21 sickle-cell disease (SCD) controls answered an environmental questionnaire. Patients' indirect exposure to inorganic particles, through coresidents' occupations, was higher than in healthy and SCD controls (median score: 2.5 (0.5-7) vs 0.5 (0-2), p=0.003 and 1 (0-2), p=0.012, respectively), especially for construction, exposures to metal dust, talc, abrasive reagents and scouring products. Wood or fossil energies heating were also linked to paediatric sarcoidosis. This study supports a link between mineral environmental exposure due to adult coresident occupations and paediatric sarcoidosis.

International audience

Sediment is an essential component of water and river systems. The anthropogenic alteration of sediment fluxes in the world’s rivers is one of the principal markers of the Anthropocene, the new geological epoch characterized by human influence at the planetary scale. In spite of its environmental and historical importance, water and river histories have surprisingly neglected sediment until recently. This introduction to the special issue “The Social Life of Sediment” argues for putting sediment at the center of social and historical inquiry and discusses the potential and value of such an approach. To do so, we introduce the concept of the “social life of sediment,” that is, the idea that the existence and movement of sediment is entwined with social needs, values, and activities, and needs to be appraised in his historical dimension. We review recent literature in fluvial geomorphology, social sciences, and history to assess to what extent the social and historical life of sediment has been taken into account. After this interdisciplinary review, we present the seven papers of the special issue and highlight their major insights to the study of social and historical lives of sediment. We conclude by outlining avenues for further research and by summarizing what we all can gain from putting sediment at the center of historical inquiries.

For 40 years, Nigeria has separated its citizens into two categories, ‘indigenes’ and ‘non-indigenes.’ Indigene citizens can trace their genealogical roots back to a community in a specific locality. All local governments issue certificates of indigene to certify this origin, but the techniques of identification and the definition of the term indigene vary radically from one local government to another. This chapter explores the relationship between local government officers, the chiefs working for them, and users seeking a certificate in Oyo State and Plateau State. This bureaucratic relationship is a form of ordinary state-citizen interaction, yet it redefines an exclusive local citizenship. The chapter seeks to understand how applicants engage with these procedures, how ancestral origins are investigated, and the conditions in which issuing certificates of indigene can become a controversial political issue.

This article analyses how food, recipes, and techniques and manners introduced as foreign were integrated in eighteenth-century German cookbooks. Doing so it intends to transfer a methodology recently developed in social history to history of food in order to get a better understanding of how eighteenth-century European societies defined foreignness. It claims that cookbooks should be considered as topographies of the table and presents the Holy Roman Empire as a particularly rich field of study for history of circulation in the early modern world.

contribution à un site web; Yanara Schmacks: Your article introduces the case of Otto M., a Kiel-based university professor who specialized in phytopathology and pharmacognosy during the Third Reich and in postwar West Germany. M. had an openly bigamous relationship and lived in a shared household with his wife and another woman whom he considered his “second wife” in a “community marriage.” He had children with both women and justified his lifestyle with reference to Nazi pronatalism and eugenic principles, framing himself as a “prodigious father” contributing to the Volk. How are M.’s case and the trajectory it took illustrative of the unique and often contradictory National Socialist sex and gender politics? How is it situated within the völkisch ideology favored by leading Nazi figures like Heinrich Himmler and myths about a Germanic past?Elissa Mailänder: At first glance, the polygamous professor reads like a tremendously eccentric curiosity. Yet a closer look reveals that this man believed that, by fathering and rearing many racially “pure” and “healthy” children, he was acting in a “morally righteous” way in a distinctly völkisch sense. This adjective, so difficult to translate, refers to a rather quirky current of thought that developed in German-speaking countries at the end of the 19th century, gaining particular traction after World War I. Covering trends like the escape from metropolitan urban life to reconnect with nature, nutritional awareness, and naturopathic medicine, followers of this eclectic movement shared an undemocratic, ethnic conception of national community that further exalted its presumed Germanic roots. Most importantly, the völkisch logic rejected foreign influences and racial differences as threats to an allegedly pure Germanic race. Cleverly, the Nazis then drew upon this ethno-racist and eugenic ideologyfrom the 1920s,reinforcing asense of belonging via inclusionary racism and declaring the family as the biological stock of an ethnically defined People’s Community (Volksgemeinschaft).

International audience

International audience

Scholars of genocide and mass violence passionately debate whether a "Nazi morality" exists or the concept simply conflates moral codes with a self-deceptive ideology.1 However illogical and delusional Nazism might seem from a humanistic standpoint, as a lived experience and professional practice it was grounded in what we commonly value in our scientific and political practice: seriousness, perseverance, and resourcefulness. This article draws upon the trajectory and career of Kiel-based university professor Otto M, born shortly after the turn of the century and deceased in the mid-1980s, to investigate how Nazism translated into the personal life of an academic. [Project MUSE]

International audience

from the birth of history as a discipline until the last decades, the question of writing has been the subject of much ink. However, it has above all been considered from the angle of the relationship between history and literature, and more specifically even between history and novel. We will of course find, in this special issue of the Social Movement, some echoes of these debates in the form of reminders, extensions and updates. But what now seems to us to deserve attention is something quite different: major transformations of context and forms. [First paragraphe]

This book analyzes public debt from a political, historical, and global perspective. It demonstrates that public debt has been a defining feature in the construction of modern states, a main driver in the history of capitalism, and a potent geopolitical force. From revolutionary crisis to empire and the rise and fall of a post-war world order, the problem of debt has never been the sole purview of closed economic circles. This book offers a key to understanding the centrality of public debt today by revealing that political problems of public debt have and will continue to need a political response. Today’s tendency to consider public debt as a source of fragility or economic inefficiency misses the fact that, since the eighteenth century, public debts and capital markets have on many occasions been used by states to enforce their sovereignty and build their institutions, especially in times of war. It is nonetheless striking to observe that certain solutions that were used in the past to smooth out public debt crises (inflation, default, cancellation, or capital controls) were left out of the political framing of the recent crisis, therefore revealing how the balance of power between bondholders, taxpayers, pensioners, and wage-earners has evolved over the past 40 years. Today, as the Covid-19 pandemic opens up a dramatic new crisis, reconnecting the history of capitalism and that of democracy seems one of the most urgent intellectual and political tasks of our time. This global political history of public debt is a contribution to this debate and will be of interest to financial, economic, and political historians and researchers.

While it took over two decades before Howard Zinn’s People’s History of the United States (Harper Collins, 1980) was translated into French as Une histoire populaire des États-Unis (Agone, 2002), the 2010s have seen an increased number of so-called “histoires populaires de…”. Some of these are translations of books entitled A People’s History of… and published in English, offering French readers ‘people’s histories’ of humanity, of the sciences or of sport. However, over the past three to four years, French historiography has been enriched with many “people’s histories”, e.g. of Nantes, football or of course France, with the successive publications by Michelle Zancarini-Fournel and Gérard Noiriel in 2016 and 2018. This rising trend raises questions: are “people’s histories” just a trendy publishing category? The commercial success of Howard Zinn’s book and its many variants (as comic books, documentaries, abridged versions or versions for children, etc.) may have prompted publishers to attempt to copy this phenomenon, or at least to take advantage of the title’s “brand”. Or rather, might the reading of these books prompt us to identify the emergence of a new way of writing about society? That is, a product of renewed historiographic approaches whereby more classic formulations—such as “a social history of…”—are set aside.; S’il fallut plus de deux décennies pour que l’ouvrage d’Howard Zinn, People’s History of the United States (Harper Collins, 1980), fût traduit en français sous le titre Une histoire populaire des États-Unis (Agone, 2002), les années 2010 ont vu se multiplier les histoires dites « populaires ». Il s’agit, pour partie, de traductions de people’s history of… qui offrent ainsi au lectorat francophone des histoires populaires de l’humanité, des sciences ou encore du sport. Mais depuis trois ou quatre ans, l’historiographie française s’est aussi enrichie de multiples « histoires populaires », qu’il s’agisse, par exemple, de Nantes, du football ou, bien entendu, de la France avec les parutions successives, en 2016 et 2018, des sommes de Michelle Zancarini-Fournel et Gérard Noiriel. Cette multiplication interroge : relève-t-elle d’une simple labellisation éditoriale ? Le succès commercial des travaux d’Howard Zinn et de ses déclinaisons (en BD, documentaires, versions abrégées, pour enfants, etc.) aurait ainsi conduit des éditeurs à tenter, sinon de reproduire le phénomène, de profiter de « la marque » que représente le titre. À moins que la lecture des ouvrages ainsi publiés nous conduise à observer l’émergence d’une nouvelle forme d’écriture du social ? Fruit de renouvellements historiographiques conduisant à renoncer à des formulations plus classiques, au premier rang desquelles « une histoire sociale de… ».

All the states involved in the First World War issued massive war loans. These operations, combined with taxes, money creation, and foreign credits, had both economic and political motives. They not only mattered for domestic ends but also had international implications. By focusing on British and French war loans and the way they were campaigned for in both the metropolis and the empire, this chapter stresses the role of transnational practices of observation for financial reforms. While they created new opportunities for mass participation in public finances, war loans also brought about new risks, given that so many people were now involved in the business of funding the state, a matter that would become explosive after 1918. The First World War therefore ushered in a much more unstable world of public debts, while dramatically increasing the power of the state to penetrate civil society and regulate markets.

The contributions gathered in Part I highlight the evolution of the balance of power between European socialists who supported acculturation to the modern state and those who remained irrevocably hostile to this entity as such. Although the latter group was active until the 1970s, socialists increasingly conceived the modern state—which they used to characterize as bourgeois before the First World War—as the most efficient lever to democratise society. From the 1980s to the present, however, a new form of targeted and ambiguous reformism gradually emerged. In the name of a necessary adaptation to globalisation, European socialists consented to economic and financial liberalisation but claimed not to be renouncing to defend (more or less resolutely) the social role of the state. This ideological compromise remained fragile, and was severely damaged by the 2008 financial crisis.

Socialist acculturation to the state implied the acquisition of its codes, functioning and language by the leaders of the different national parties. From the First World War to the late 1990s, socialist-leaning civil servants thus played a prominent role as intermediaries between these organisations and the state apparatus. In the second half of the twentieth century, this increasing overlap was crucial, when socialists were in office, to push through an ambitious programme of economic and social reforms. Over the last two decades, however, ties between socialists and civil servants were increasingly loosening. While discussing the causes of this growing disaffection, Part II addresses the crucial issue now on the table, which is whether or not this situation can be reversed.

Without denying the existence of a state ethos among the French socialist elites, Fulla shows that when we view French socialism through the culture and economic practices of its main leaders and experts, the thesis of exceptionalism does not hold true. On the contrary, there are profound similarities in the way different West European socialists conceive and utilise the democratic state within the capitalist system from 1918 through to the present day. If French socialists accord the centralised state a more important place in their doctrine and their rhetoric—though not in their governmental practice—this is best explained through the heritage of a national statist culture transcending party affiliations rather than as a unique and independently invented approach.

contribution à un site web; The promise of US-China-centered globalization was that everyone involved would benefit; that there would be multiple winners, but no real losers. China would grow economically, lift hundreds of millions of its citizens out of poverty, become a true industrial power and not a backward, and ideologically supercharged, paper juggernaut as during its Maoist days. The United States would pilot Beijing’s gradual integration within the US-dominated liberal order, co-opting it as a junior partner: a “responsible stakeholder,” in the paternalistic slogan first used in 2005 by the then Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick, sharing an interest in preserving global stability and open markets. [...]

Throughout their long history, socialists demonstrated a strong ability to review and adapt their doctrine, programmes, and practices to the changes in capitalism, politics, and society. Ideological controversies are an invariant of European socialist culture. This section examines continuities and changes within the socialist movement about the way its actors analyse the mutations of capitalism and conceive their actions, especially regarding the role of the state in some crucial moments. While it is certainly true that each socialist and social democratic party developed national peculiarities up until now, we argue these organizations increasingly converged towards similar positions when they come to deal with capitalism, democratic institutions, and the modern state.

The League of Red Cross Societies (LRCS) – known as the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) since 1991 – has received little historical attention despite representing the world’s largest volunteer network and being an integral part of the Red Cross Movement. Formed in the aftermath of the First World War by the national Red Cross Societies of the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan, the LRCS aspired to lead in the promotion of global public health and welfare during peacetime. Through the lens of assemblage thinking and the five assemblage elements of exteriority, capacity to evolve, internal machinery, open systems, and desire, the paper seeks to understand the longevity and resilient humanitarianism of the LRCS. In doing so, the paper provides a new conceptualisation of the LRCS that helps to explain how it survived in the rapidly changing and increasingly contested international humanitarian environment of the twentieth century.

This edited volume promotes a comparative and transnational approach to the complex and ambiguous relationship between West European socialism and the contemporary state over the longue durée. It encourages a better understanding of socialism while also casting an original light on the history of the contemporary state in Europe. Socialists have been a prime political force since the late nineteenth century through to the present. Through their strength, their presence at the heart of societies, their dynamism, inventiveness, and influence, they have left their mark on the European physiognomy and helped to forge part of its identity. This is particularly true where the welfare state is concerned, and the role played by the state in constructing, embedding, and extending this social model. Surprisingly, there has been no research aiming to systematically analyse the relationship between socialism and the state. This volume fills a gap in knowledge by rejecting the media simplification and political polemic maintained by opponents of socialism – and sometimes by socialists themselves – which systematically links socialism with “statism”. It focuses on numerous case studies involving France, Italy, Spain, Greece, Austria, Germany, Belgium, the United Kingdom and Scandinavia, and highlights the diversity of organisations within European socialism. Ultimately, this book demonstrates that the fate of this political culture depends on the socialist parties themselves but also on any new configurations that states may assume. Conversely, the future of states will also depend partly on the choices made by socialists, if they still exist and still have the means to shape decisions and make their voices heard.

contribution à un site web; The first thirty days : comparative lessons from the covid pandemicThis paper aims to compare the effectiveness of national responses to the covid-19 epidemic in 24 countries, mostly in Western Europe, but also covering North America and Central Europe; Russia, Turkey, and South Africa ; and the Middle East and Asia. Written by Paul-André Rosental, population historian, for Terra Nova put them in perspective.

River restoration is a novel paradigm of ‘mirescape’ (land-and-water-scape) management that developed along with the emergence of aquatic ecology. River restoration can be seen as the application of an ecological perspective to return rivers to nature. However, the river restoration paradigm is also the contemporary iteration of historical phases of mirescape management. We review the long and varied recorded history of the Po River in northern Italy as a case study to illustrate the transformations and common themes of mirescape management. We find, first, that significant changes in mirescape management and river condition only occur in the context of larger social, political, technological and economic transformations. Second, we show how particular cultural understandings, economic interests, technological innovations and political powers have driven particular paradigms of mirescape management. These have tended towards increasing territorial separation of wet and dry. We find, third, that these separations lead not only to increasing economic precariousness for many, but also to increasingly severe disasters. We conclude that river restoration faces social and political challenges to becoming relevant at a mirescape scale, due to its lack of integration with land management, or with current social, political, technological and economic transformations. To act on this conclusion, we suggest philosophically aligned social movements that river restoration could work with to improve impact and uptake.

This co-authored article draws upon two distinct genres of photography, police mugshots and amateur soldier snapshots, to illustrate the value of queer visual culture methodologies for how to think about the visualization of violence, masculinity and desire. Building upon two vastly different depictions of male to female cross-dressing, one produced between 1934 and 1938 by the Berlin police and Gestapo of a transvestite and the other produced between 1940 and 1944 by cross-dressing Wehrmacht soldiers behind the lines, we argue that in searching for evidence of intact identities, we overlook important ambiguities. We first show how different photographic traditions have framed gender and sexual non-conformity in the historical record and then go deeper into an image analysis. Drawing upon cross-dressing as a polyvalent performance of masculinity, as play, camp and an identity category, we explore how photographic sources help us better appreciate the multiple and sometimes coexisting layers of feminized masculinity at work during the Third Reich. By queering Nazi history and reading the police mugshots and amateur Wehrmacht photographs within and beyond their visual frames, we point out the limits of reducing every image of cross-dressing to an expression of an inchoate gay or trans identity and argue for analysis that embraces the multiple layers of histories gathered around visual sources.

contribution à un site web; The history of endemic diseases, epidemics and pandemics in Africa shows, contrary to a stubborn belief, that the continent has had a long experience of biomedicine – its theory, techniques, and modes of action. Africans have been active in biomedicine, exercising methods of appropriation and implementation that are as ‘modern’ and effective as in the rest of the world. Like Westerners, they have a long experience in the theories of microbial contagion and modern prophylaxis and treatment, which appeared in the 1860s but did not become widespread until the turn of the twentieth century in Europe, coinciding with colonial expansion across Africa. During and after this period, Africa played an essential role in the discovery and treatment of many diseases such as malaria, trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness), smallpox, syphilis, tuberculosis and plague (Packard 2007; Webb 2013). Major scientific institutions such as the Pasteur Institute in Paris (1887) and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (1899) played a part in circulating imperial knowledge. Their role in the progress of research is increasingly studied by historians (Arnold 1996; Tilley 2012). The expertise of Africans, whether as researchers, caregivers, or ordinary consumers of biomedicine, is therefore comparable to that of the rest of the world. In many points, it is even superior; I will come back to this in my conclusion.[...]

Czechoslovakia, a newborn state in 1918, immediately faced interethnic conflict, threatening its survival. In other multinational places of interwar Central Europe, democracy rapidly collapsed, and most ethnic minorities became entrenched into a systemic opposition to the dominant nationality of their state. How could the Czechoslovak leaders of all nationalities overcome this state of tension and mistrust? How would leaders shape their preferences and strategies be shaped? Would cooperation prove to be a better option than systematic rejection of a common polity? To what extent did the imperial experience of interethnic cooperation survive the war and remain a useful frame for at least some part of the political leadership?This paper studies how and why interethnic cooperation was successful. It pursues two directions. First, it considers how biographies and individual trajectories of leaders inform us about the strategies adopted vis-à-vis the minority issue. Then, it assesses how documents from the relevant ministries controlled by German-speaking ministers help decipher public policy choices and reassess the importance of the "national question" in the everyday routine of these institutions.

The global magnitude of World War I has meant that proximity and distance were highly influential in the ways the conflict was conducted, and how it was experienced at tactical, political and emotional levels. This book explores how participants and observers in World War I negotiated the temporal and spatial challenges of the conflict. International in scope, it investigates how technology, mass media, elite diplomacy and imperial networks interacted in conjunction with proximity and distance. The authors canvas a range of approaches to the conflict, from cultural history to social, political and military history. Proximity and distance were contingencies that participants had to continually adapt to. This book documents the ways in which these adaptations were approached.

This article examines the political impact of decolonization upon the South African community in Kenya in 1963. It stresses that the end of British rule in Kenya had different implications for different groups of South Africans in Kenya. The community has been broadly delineated into three groups. The first group is the Afrikaner farmers’ community in Kenya – a numerically small but economically strategic section of the white community which produced nearly 70 per cent of the country's wheat. The second includes those working for firms and with business interests in Nairobi, and the third includes those employed in the service of the crown. The three state actors, Britain, South Africa, and Kenya, consciously used this opportunity to define and reinforce their state ideology in opposition to one other in an intra-African theatre. South Africa attempted to establish itself as the preferred white man's dominion in Africa, while Kenya used it to entrench its anti-apartheid position whilst taking the stand that Afrikaners who renounced apartheid could stay on in Kenya. Britain prioritized the interests and demands of the British settlers in Kenya as well as its new comprehensive strategic alliance with the new Kenyan government, and made concessions to Afrikaners within this framework.

Czechoslovakia, a newborn state in 1918, immediately faced interethnic conflict, threatening its survival. In other multinational places of interwar Central Europe, democracy rapidly collapsed, and most ethnic minorities became entrenched into a systemic opposition to the dominant nationality of their state. How could the Czechoslovak leaders of all nationalities overcome this state of tension and mistrust? How would leaders shape their preferences and strategies be shaped? Would cooperation prove to be a better option than systematic rejection of a common polity? To what extent did the imperial experience of interethnic cooperation survive the war and remain a useful frame for at least some part of the political leadership?This paper studies how and why interethnic cooperation was successful. It pursues two directions. First, it considers how biographies and individual trajectories of leaders inform us about the strategies adopted vis-à-vis the minority issue. Then, it assesses how documents from the relevant ministries controlled by German-speaking ministers help decipher public policy choices and reassess the importance of the "national question" in the everyday routine of these institutions.

International audience; The last two decades have seen the term ‘foreign fighter’ enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own country and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists, legal scholars but to a much lesser extent from historians. The ten articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their host, and, when taken prisoners, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host’s combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

The last two decades have seen the term ‘foreign fighter’ enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own countries and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists and legal scholars, but to a much lesser extent from historians. The 10 articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris, the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their hosts, and, when taken prisoner, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host’s combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

There have been many books and articles written about the student movements which were part of the wave of social movements associated with the label "1968". In fact, one of the novel features of "1968" in the context of social movement studies is precisely the ubiquity of students as prominent agents for progressive social change. In earlier decades, university students had generally played a rather conservative role, if they did engage in social and political action in significant numbers. The tremendous increase in university student enrollments from the late 1950s through the early 1970s, often entailing a tripling (or more) of student numbers in less than a dozen years, changed the sociological background of the average university student almost beyond recognition.

Trump constitutes a clear break with past presidencies. Gallons of ink have been spilled on Trump’s controversial use of social networks. Attention has been paid to his incautious statements on both domestic and foreign policy, which seem to be dictated at the spur of the moment rather than after an attentive consideration of the possible consequences for the United States and the world as a whole. Yet, less attention has been devoted to the impact the Trump administration had on constitutional and administrative law doctrines, and to the most recent trends in the U.S. government policymaking under Trump.

This article examines the relation between nation and nature in Spain during the Spanish Civil War and post-war years. As in other European cases of fascist and parafascist regimes, the Francoist regime mobilised nature for political and nationalistic goals. Spanish nature embodied the essences of the ‘true Spain’ and was seen as key to the regeneration of the country. The regime assumed an agrarian discourse that identified the countryside and nature with the real essences of the nation. It adopted autarkic political, social and economic directives, closing the country upon itself in order to regenerate and purge away its sins, but also confident that the nation’s nature was the basis for building a new empire.

Back cover “Why do you measure and why are you also measured? What measurement tools are used to offer a quantified vision of the body and its parts, its growth, and of human life itself? Is measurement the same thing as quantification? Based on in-depth historical investigations and case studies from the 19th century up to the present day, this book proposes enlightening answers to such questions. Combining basic insight from the ‘classics’―Foucault, Rose―on the political dimension of measurement with contextualizing epistemologies, it brilliantly shows how ontologies emerge from various social ‘assemblages’.” ―Marie Gaille, philosopher, senior researcher, Université de Paris-CNRS

This book examines the international dimensions of the Greek military dictatorship of 1967 to 1974 and uses it as a case study to evaluate the major shifts occurring in the international system during a period of rapid change. The policies of the major nation-states in both East and West were determined by realistic Cold War considerations. At the same time, the Greek junta, a profoundly anti-modernist force, failed to cope with an evolving international agenda and the movement towards international cooperation. Denouncing it became a rallying point both for international organizations and for human rights activists, and it enabled the EEC to underscore the notion that democracy was an integral characteristic of the European identity. This volume is an original in-depth study of an under-researched subject and the multiple interactions of a complex era. It is divided into three sections: Part I deals with the interaction of the Colonels with state actors; Part II deals with the responses of international organizations and the rising transnational human rights agenda for which the Greek junta became a totemic rallying point; and Part III compares and contrasts the transitions to democracy in Southern Europe, and analyses the different models of transition and region-building, and how they intersected with attempts to foster a European identity. The Greek dictatorship may have been a parochial military regime, but its rise and fall interacted with signifi cant international trends and can therefore serve as a salient case study for promoting a better understanding of international and European trends during the 1960s and 1970s.

In June 1887, a man known as General Husayn, a manumitted slave turned dignitary in the Ottoman province of Tunis, passed away in Florence after a life crossing empires. As a youth, Husayn was brought from Circassia to Turkey, where he was sold as a slave. In Tunis, he ascended to the rank of general before French conquest forced his exile to the northern shores of the Mediterranean. His death was followed by wrangling over his estate that spanned a surprising array of actors: Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II and his viziers; the Tunisian, French, and Italian governments; and representatives of Muslim and Jewish diasporic communities. "A Slave Between Empires" investigates Husayn’s transimperial life and the posthumous battle over his fortune to recover the transnational dimensions of North African history. M’hamed Oualdi places Husayn within the international context of the struggle between Ottoman and French forces for control of the Mediterranean amid social and intellectual ferment that crossed empires. Oualdi considers this part of the world not as a colonial borderland but as a central space where overlapping imperial ambitions transformed dynamic societies. He explores how the transition between Ottoman rule and European colonial domination was felt in the daily lives of North African Muslims, Christians, and Jews and how North Africans conceived of and acted upon this shift. Drawing on a wide range of Arabic, French, Italian, and English sources, "A Slave Between Empires" is a groundbreaking transimperial microhistory that demands a major analytical shift in the conceptualization of North African history.

Well into the 1980s, Strasbourg, France, was the site of a curious and little-noted experiment: Ungemach, a garden city dating back to the high days of eugenic experimentation that offered luxury living to couples who were deemed biologically fit and committed to contractual childbearing targets. Supported by public authorities, Ungemach aimed to accelerate human evolution by increasing procreation among eugenically selected parents. In this fascinating history, Paul-André Rosental gives an account of Ungemach’s origins and its perplexing longevity. He casts a troubling light on the influence that eugenics continues to exert—even decades after being discredited as a pseudoscience—in realms as diverse as developmental psychology, postwar policymaking, and liberal-democratic ideals of personal fulfilment.

International audience; Systemic sclerosis is a rare connective tissue disease characterised by a wide range of clinical manifestations. Compared with previous sets of criteria, the 2013 American College of Rheumatology and European League Against Rheumatism (ACR/EULAR) classification of systemic sclerosis encompasses a broader and more relevant spectrum of the condition. Nonetheless, clinical and prognostic heterogeneity persists among patients fulfilling these criteria. The next task in the classification of systemic sclerosis is the development of new subset criteria that can successfully identify subgroups of patients with distinct prognostic or pathophysiological features. In this Viewpoint we describe the history of systemic sclerosis over the past century with the objective of highlighting the effect of previous nosological debates on efforts to understand and manage this disorder. Rather than seeking to present a systematic review of possible subgrouping for systemic sclerosis in relation to prognosis, we aim to clarify how nosological considerations have influenced our understanding of the cause and prognosis of this so-called idiopathic rheumatological disorder and how aetiological, prognostic, and pathophysiological hypotheses have helped to describe clusters within the disease. By reflecting on past nosological debates and endeavours, we identify challenges for the current initiative to develop a new subgrouping of systemic sclerosis.

Human occupation of the littoral has dramatically increased in the modern era, leading to major ecological and morphological changes of the coastal zone that are central to current debates on the Anthropocene. While the existing interpretations tend to represent these changes in terms of human impact and despoliation, we argue that exclusive insistence on this aspect risks obfuscating the inherent dynamism and persistent instability of coastal environments, while erasing the differences in how historical actors interacted with this dynamism. Focusing on the north-western Mediterranean, we investigate the interaction between stabilisation and instability - the shifting nature of the shores. Based on an extensive analysis of secondary sources in five languages (Italian, French, Catalan, Spanish and English), we propose a tripartite analytical framework: first, we analyse new understandings of the coast; second, coastal integration and networks; finally, the physical transformations of the coastal environment. Through this approach, the paper sheds light on the contested and ultimately elusive stabilisation which accompanied modern coastal settlement and invites the reader to think historically about the Anthropocene from the perspective of shifting shores.

This article studies relations between Italy and the United States during the Cold War and the role played by the United States in the creation and history of the Italian Republic. It examines the many peculiarities of the highly asymmetrical relationship between Washington and Rome and its impact on Italian politics. Finally, it links the evolution of the Cold War and American foreign policy to the specific Italian context, attempting to thereby offer a periodization of the Cold War in Italy.; Cet article étudie les relations entre l’Italie et les États-Unis pendant la guerre froide, et le rôle joué par les États-Unis dans la formation et l’histoire de la République italienne. Il examine les nombreuses spécificités d’une relation fortement asymétrique, celle entre Washington et Rome, et son impact sur la politique italienne. Enfin, il lie l’évolution de la guerre froide et de la politique étrangère des États-Unis au contexte italien particulier, essayant de proposer une périodisation de la guerre froide en Italie.

Apprenticeship was available in France within the context of guilds, but was also offered by individuals and institutions outside that context. Whether guilds were involved or not, French apprenticeships were always arranged under notarial contracts. This created a double structure of oversight: corporate and legal. All apprenticeship arrangements in France, however, took their cues from the guild framework. This explains why, after the abolition of the guilds during the French Revolution, the apprenticeship model in France continued more or less as it had done in the eighteenth century, despite the absence of the former institutional effect or certification. Girls, however, gained new training opportunities in the nineteenth century. For boys, the number of incomplete apprenticeships, already high before 1800, further increased after that date. Throughout the period, social skills were as important in the apprentice’s education as economic skills.

International audience; Famine Relief in Warlord China is a reexamination of disaster responses during the greatest ecological crisis of the pre-Nationalist Chinese republic. In 1920–1921, drought and ensuing famine devastated more than 300 counties in five northern provinces, leading to some 500,000 deaths. Long credited to international intervention, the relief effort, Pierre Fuller shows, actually began from within Chinese social circles. Indigenous action from the household to the national level, modeled after Qing-era relief protocol, sustained the lives of millions of the destitute in Beijing, in the surrounding districts of Zhili (Hebei) Province, and along the migrant and refugee trail in Manchuria, all before joint foreign–Chinese international relief groups became a force of any significance.Using district gazetteers, stele inscriptions, and the era’s vibrant Chinese press, Fuller reveals how a hybrid civic sphere of military authorities working with the public mobilized aid and coordinated migrant movement within stricken communities and across military domains. Ultimately, the book’s spotlight on disaster governance in northern China in 1920 offers new insights into the social landscape just before the region’s descent, over the next decade, into incessant warfare, political struggle, and finally the normalization of disaster itself.

In Colonial Transactions Florence Bernault moves beyond the racial divide that dominates colonial studies of Africa. Instead, she illuminates the strange and frightening imaginaries that colonizers and colonized shared on the ground. Bernault looks at Gabon from the late nineteenth century to the present, historicizing the most vivid imaginations and modes of power in Africa today: French obsessions with cannibals, the emergence of vampires and witches in the Gabonese imaginary, and the use of human organs for fetishes. Struggling over objects, bodies, agency, and values, colonizers and colonized entered relations that are better conceptualized as "transactions." Together they also shared an awareness of how the colonial situation broke down moral orders and forced people to use the evil side of power. This foreshadowed the ways in which people exercise agency in contemporary Africa, as well as the proliferation of magical fears and witchcraft anxieties in present-day Gabon. Overturning theories of colonial and postcolonial nativism, this book is essential reading for historians and anthropologists of witchcraft, power, value, and the body.

Chronicling the War, Re-imagining French-ness: Memoirs of the French external Resistance One-day workshop, University of Manchester, Friday 14 June 2019. Keynote speaker: Prof. Guillaume Piketty (Sciences Po): “The madonnas of exile: reflections on the emotional life of French external resisters”. Organisers: Dr. Charlotte Faucher (University of Manchester), Dr. Frances Houghton (University of Manchester) and Dr. Laure Humbert (University of Manchester). The study of wartime and post-war life-writingis integral to the history of the French external Resistance, which we define broadly to include members of Free France and subsequent Gaullist committees, as well as those men and women living outside France who did not directly belong to Gaullist movements but still considered themselves as resisters(such as the Jean Jaures Group in London) or shifted from being supporters to challengers of de Gaulle (such as the Admiral Muselieror the journalist and writer Pierre Bourdan). Some resisters put pen to paper out of a desire tohonor the memory of their deceased comrades and pass on their story to the next generation. Others, by contrast, refused to write their wartime stories, either in reaction to the commemorativepractices of First World War poilusand/or the various post-war political appropriations of the Resistance(Roumette, 2014).In recent years, historians have been increasingly attentive to the silences and distortions in resisters' accounts, exploring how gendering and 'whitening' of wartime and post-warpublic narratives impacted on resisters’ communication oftheir wartime experiences. [...]

Building on the new critical historiography about the evolution of the European state, the book analyses how administrators, scientists, popular publicists and other actors tried to redefine the realms of state action in the "Sattelzeit" (Koselleck). By focussing on the specific strategies of these actors and on the transnational circulation and dissemination of state related knowledge itself, the contributors of the book highlight the fluidity and the interconnections of the European debate in the crucial period of the development of the modern nation-state and its administration. They study the common European features of the evolution of a new type of statehood built upon multiple circulations and transfers that forged administrative practices in the different fields of state action. Analysing important fields of expertise ranging from agricultural knowledge, mining sciences to anthropological knowledge, which laid the basis for the new "scientific" foundations of administration, the book underlines the necessity of a re-evaluation of the classical approaches to the history of state in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Erika Vause, an Assistant Professor of History and St. John’s University, is passionate about early nineteenth French history and especially the “Revolutions” of the title, those of 1789 and 1848. As she shows, credit — public as well as private — was then hotly and extensively discussed. In order to better understand the economic, political, and cultural stakes of the discussions, Vause focuses on two legal devices that were specific to merchants: debt imprisonment and bankruptcy. After three brief abolitions, imprisoning debtors was finally abrogated in 1867. Bankruptcy law entailed criminal and commercial procedures, depending on suspicions of fraud, and was regularly reformed.