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The article offers information on Mary Louise Pratt's concept of the "contact zone" and its continuing relevance in today's world. Topics include the evolution of the concept beyond critiques of European colonial encounters, debates about theorizing cultural dynamics in contact, and its application in analyzing Korea's historical, cultural, and literary context within Cold War geopolitical formations and ongoing decolonization processes.

It would be difficult to overstate the centrality of Brown v. Board of Education to American law and life. Legal scholars from across the ideological spectrum have lavished more attention on that Supreme Court decision than any other issued during the last century. In recent decades, the standard account of Brown has placed that most-scrutinized opinion in a geopolitical context. Brown, the standard account maintains, must be viewed as a product of the Cold War era. By the 1950s, the persistence of laws codifying racial subordination had become an embarrassment for the United States on the global stage. The U.S. effort to defeat communism around the world thus rendered the recognition of civil rights for Black Americans a Cold War imperative. This Article complicates and challenges that account by exploring the central role that anticommunism played in segregationists' opposition to Brown and civil rights. Throughout most of the twentieth century, a broad array of Americans contended that preserving Jim Crow was a Cold War imperative in its own right. For this group, anticommunism and segregation were not just compatible, but inextricably intertwined. Their ranks included northerners and southerners alike: politicians, jurists, columnists, and ordinary citizens. White supremacists did not invoke anticommunism merely as a disingenuous ploy to combat Brown. Both long before and long after 1954, anticommunism helped to shape the contours of segregationist thought. The defenders of Jim Crow assailed integration as a product of communistic central government authority. They insisted that racial equality would create discord within the United States, just as the Soviets desired, and that civil rights activists were tainted by communist affiliations. Many segregationists viewed themselves as committed Cold Warriors, undertaking closely connected fights against both a foreign ideological threat and a domestic social one. As such, the Cold War represented not only a divide between the United States and the Soviet Union; it also reflected a debate within the United States over the relationship between racial justice, national security, and foreign policy. Understanding that segregationists viewed their cause as a Cold War imperative recasts dominant views within legal academia, where this essential component of Brown's geopolitical context remains underappreciated. While it is tempting to dismiss every segregationist invocation of anticommunism as the product of either irrationality or opportunism, it would be a mistake to do so. Linking segregation with anticommunism transformed the defense of Jim Crow from a regional priority into a national one. Anticommunism also helped resolve a core tension in the segregationist belief that Black citizens did not actually want integration, allowing civil rights lawsuits to be attributed to communist agitation. Reckoning with this significant element of the civil rights era, this Article thus illuminates the logic of a racist worldview. In so doing, it provides a fuller, more accurate portrait of a critical period in constitutional history, of the complex dynamics undergirding legal change, and of the malleable, tenacious character of racism in modern America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Risky investments under incomplete information (i.e. about future behaviour, future state of the world) characterize international institution enlargements. In clubs, a logic of lowest common denominator accompanies member heterogeneity as weaker states reduce collective good quality to their suboptimal level. Disturbances in a good's provision are attenuated if a club provides diverse goods, however reductions are problematic when it produces fewer/scarce goods. Heavily invested, stronger partners may offset candidate risk through bilateral contracting. NATO & EU enlargement after the cold war provides a set of states to examine the effects of risks and bilateral (security/economic) investments on membership offers in either or both organizations providing a test of rationalist claims. Despite distinct criteria, perceptions of candidate's (political or investment) risk shaped when offers were given. Finally, research treats enlargements as separate despite simultaneous occurrence. This research contributes by (1) specifying a simultaneous model of enlargements linking the processes indirectly and (2) examining risks and side payments. Results confirm security side payments increased chances of a NATO offer, but economic equivalents had no effect on EU offers. Reducing risks increased the likelihood of offers. Finally, the unmeasured factors correlated with offers in both were positive and substantively significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The History of the US Army Forces in Korea and the official history series of the Korean War were written in the context of the emerging Cold War with the Soviet Union and during the formation and establishment of the global Cold War, respectively. They served to diffuse a Cold War-centered worldview of vested interests at the American and global level. Meanwhile, Robinson's "Betrayal of a Nation" could not find a publisher for its severe criticism of American occupational policy and was passed on to later researchers in manuscript form. And I.F. Stone's The Hidden History of the Korean War (1952), which raised, "the theory that North Korea was provoked to attack South Korea" and denounced the US government's military conduct of the war, was removed from many libraries. As the understanding of the nature of the Cold War and its culture has deepened, the awareness is widespread that the efforts to resolve postcolonial issues failed due to the advent of the Cold War. It emerged in the process that world powers' dominance strategies violently deterred and sealed postcolonial challenges in the places concerned. As witnessed in the cases of Robinson and Stone, a divergent understanding of the epoch which countered the dominant one was repressed or rooted out by force in the US and around the 'free world.' The Cultural Cold War did not unravel in a way that different views and modes of understanding engaged in free competition; conversely, it had the characteristic of being deployed as one side excluded and suppressed the other unilaterally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cold War Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev (d. 1971) and Leonid Brezhnev (d. 1982), between 1953 and 1982, continued with Vladimir Lenin's (d. 1924) and Joseph Stalin's (d. 1953) physical culture policy designed to create healthier citizen-workers and soldiers. The underlining concept was to construct a communist society. In the process, the Soviet culture and sports culture played a role in integrating the different ethnic groups into the multinational Soviet Union. Leonid Brezhnev (Communist Party leader from 1964 to 1982) consolidated and expanded the Soviet sports system, albeit in a changing historical context. Our paper, firstly, describes the concept of Soviet modernity and physical culture. Secondly, in the context of Brezhnev's tenure, we investigate the development of the modern sports infrastructure in Tashkent, and the numerical growth of the ordinary and the elite sportspeople in Uzbekistan. Thirdly, to explain what this meant to the everyday Central Asian, we have incorporated their oral histories into our study. This inclusion of the people's memories will provide us with a bottom-up perspective of Soviet sport, and enrich our understanding of the ordinary citizen's relationship with the Soviet Union's sports culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Barack Obama has outlined an impressive arms control agenda, but he will need informed and active people throughout the world to help him realize it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a literary criticism on the work of poet Robinson Jeffers, from a cosmic metaphysical philosophy of Inhumanism to an imagery influenced by the historical context of the U.S. nuclear weapons program during the Cold War. The author stated that Jeffers' political views reflect his caustic philosophy epitomized in his doctrine of Inhumanism. Positive reception of Jeffers began to shift right after the publication of his two poems, which features an increasingly violent imagery.

Samantha Smith came to fame by writing a letter to the Soviet leader, Yuri Andropov, in December 1982, expressing her fears about a potential nuclear war between the two superpowers. Her letter was quoted in the main Soviet newspaper Pravda in April 1983 and the Smith family was subsequently invited to visit the Soviet Union during the summer. Samantha's trip captured the attention of the world media on both sides of the ideological divide. However, her trip has usually been dismissed as a quirky footnote in Cold War history. Scholarly interest has only just begun, sparked by the growing research into the significance of citizen diplomacy, which saw a real explosion in the late Cold War. This article will demonstrate that Samantha Smith's trip was a pivotal moment in this broader process because it provided a very public challenge to the strong political discourse of the early Reagan administration, which promoted conflict. Based on an analysis of Soviet and American media reporting, and using hitherto unused archival evidence, as well as oral history interviews, this article examines why and how Samantha Smith became an icon of citizen diplomacy in the early 1980s. Analysing the receptions, representations and legacies of her trip on both sides of the ideological divide, it will shed fresh light on the role of children as soft power during the Cold War and highlight Samantha Smith's role as a precursor of a rapidly expanding citizen diplomacy that played a largely ignored part in bringing the conflict to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including "Claiming Property, Claiming Palestine," Nigeria's state-sponsored pilgrimages, ethnic clashes in southern Algeria, and "Inter-Asian Cold War Linkages."

In their nostalgia for the Cold War, Western elites may be trying to revive the comforting ghosts of the past to cope with a frightening present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Cold War's effect on the friendship of civil liberties lawyer Arthur Garfield Hays and American Catholic writer Fulton Oursler. It mentions psychological effect with subsequent decree imposed a high alimony payment on Ousler and Hays's sailboats were matched by Oursler's expansive home on Cape Cod. It also mentions Hays and Oursler were vocal critics of prohibition and censorship; neither accepted the easy racism of their society.

China's rise, like the demise of the Soviet Union, is one of the defining events in the contemporary world. Yet, while the unexpected Soviet collapse and the end of the Cold War sparked the ‘Third Debate’ in International Relations (IR) theory, it is puzzling that the rise of China has yet to generate a comparable process of shell-shock and soul-searching among IR theorists. Just as the end of the Cold War is more than simply the end of a bipolar power struggle per se, so too China's rise is much more than the familiar ascendancy of another great power. Rather, it is also a complex, evolving and possibly border-traversing and paradigm-shattering phenomenon in global life that, on the one hand, requires fresh and innovative theorizing in and beyond IR and, on the other hand, potentially offers new insights for us to rethink world politics more broadly. This article introduces this Special Issue that seeks to tentatively respond to this theoretical, epistemological and ontological challenge. It draws attention to the blind spot in IR theorizing on China, and calls for deeper engagement between IR theory and China's rise that goes beyond mere ‘theory-testing’ within the existing perimeters of mainstream IR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 17 February 1968, Bombay surgeon Prafulla Kumar Sen transplanted a human heart, becoming the fourth surgeon in the world to attempt the feat. Even though the patient survived just three hours, the feat won Sen worldwide acclaim. The ability of Sen's team to join the ranks of the world's surgical pioneers raises interesting questions. How was Sen able to transplant so quickly? He had to train a team of collaborators, import or reverse engineer technologies and techniques that had been developed largely in the United States, and begin conversations with Indian political authorities about the contested concept of brain death. The effort that this required raises questions of why. Sen, who worked at a city hospital in Bombay that could not provide basic care for all its citizens, sought a technology that epitomized high-risk high-cost, health care. To accomplish his feat, Sen navigated Cold War tensions and opportunities, situating his interests into those of his hospital, municipal authorities, Indian nationalism, Soviet and American authorities, the Rockefeller Foundation, and others. The many contexts and interests that made Sen's work possible created opportunities for many different judgments about the success or failure of medical innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of global economic governance in the postwar order in the U.S. It focuses on the explosion of multilateral arrangements, with the U.S. hegemony. It focuses on the U.S. international behavior and frequent backroom managing the sacrifice of legitimate governments or flout rules. It mentions that Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) are the first collective post–Cold War contest to global economic governance. It mentions that BRIC family includes Brazil, Russia, India, and China in 2001 with asset class for investors.

During recent years, the study of European televisions has rediscovered socialist television, and we have witnessed a rapid rise in scholarly interest in a new field of research: socialist television studies. On the whole, this recent body of literature presents two main new insights as compared to previous studies in the field of the history of Western television: on the one hand, it shows that European television during the Cold War was less heterogeneous than one may imagine when considering the political, economic and ideological split created by the Iron Curtain; on the other hand, it turns to and capitalizes on archives, mostly video, which have been inaccessible to the public. The interactions between Western and socialist mass culture are highlighted mainly with respect to the most popular TV programs: fiction and entertainment. The authors give us an extraordinary landscape of the Romanian socialist television. Unique in the Eastern part of Europe is the period of the early 1990s. Upon the fall of the communist regime, after almost 15 years of freezing, TVR found itself unable to move forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that media events can be fruitfully understood as an exercise in collective memory. It considers how coverage of the so-called war on terror draws from a deep memory of the Cold War. In drawing from that mnemonic scheme, terror’s current representation as an ideological war prosecuted patiently across time assures its seeming success even when its main media events underscore the war’s failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear multiple independently-targeted re-entry vehicles (MIRVs) on global- range ballistic missiles are at once Cold War relics, unfinished business of the bilateral arms control regime, and potential threats to strategic stability if the United States and Russia find themselves in a nuclear crisis--a confrontation in which the use of nuclear weapons is a real possibility. By concentrating many warheads on single missiles that present attractive targets, in a crisis, land-based MIRVs could undermine deterrence and incentivize shooting first. This article reviews the history of MIRVs and analyzes their limited and abortive regulation in the nuclear arms control legal regime. This article explains that reliance on MIRVs is growing in Russia and China, MIRVs may be fielded by Pakistan and India, and MIRVs could return to U.S. land-based ballistic missiles-- all at a time when the risk of conflict among nuclear powers is significant and could grow. Nuclear states have operational, cost-efficiency, and prestigerelated reasons for relying on MIR Vs, and therefore it will be difficult to negotiate a partial or full ban. But the stakes dictate that MIR Vs should be a top agenda item when the bilateral U.S.-Russian nuclear arms control process eventually resumes. Enhancing strategic stability, lowering potential costs of nuclear accidents, and improving prospects for convincing rising nuclear powers toforego MIRVs, are all compelling reasons for Washington and Moscow to make every effort to negotiate a ban on hydra-headed nuclear missiles in a follow-on to the current New START arms control treaty--a New START II--beginning with a ban on more than three warheads per land-based missile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Han Hyŏng-mo's Madame Freedom (Chayu puin, 1 956) i s often overshadowed by C hŏng Pi-sŏk's novel of the same title, which provoked public debates about representations of the moral decadence and practices of individual freedom of the upper c lass after the Korean War. Shifting critical attention from its relation to the original literary work to its cinematic achievements, this article elucidates how the particular mode of address intervenes in the spectator's viewing experience. I first propose the concept of "cinematic theatricality," which I coin from theatricality, but the concept goes beyond its association with the theater and theatrical performance, to discuss the display-spectator relationship that the film suggests. Second, I explore the political implications of the cultural Otherness of female dancing bodies by investigating public discussions of social dance in the 1950s. Finally, closely analyzing 'Madame Freedom' Sŏn-yŏng's gaze and the gazes upon her, I demonstrate how the film encourages the spectator to become aware of the act of viewing while creating a distance between the spectator and the displayed. I argue that by exploring cinematic theatricality, Madame Freedom invites the spectator to observe the gendered and ethnocultural gaze that emerged in mid-1950s South Korea and the attempt of the Cold War mechanism to place the individual body and desire under surveillance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines a new intelligence strategy for Joint Force 2020 called Persistent Operational Intelligence. It notes that the security environment, future Joint Force missions, and current intelligence doctrine to support theater security and combat operations. It notes that the strategic security environment continues to change due to globalization and the end of the Cold War, with the most challenging environments originate from regions of instability.

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Global powers shape politics of the world for their self interests. United States is the most influential power in the world today, therefore, US foreign policy and its relations with other nations, especially with Pakistan in the South and West Asia is a prominent theme of international politics. This study helps to understand the nature of US relationship with Pakistan i.e. a cyclical pattern of cooperation and estrangement. This also enables us to understand the internal and external forces, which determine the cyclical pattern of relationship between the two countries during cold-war, post cold-war and post 9/11 2001 relations and expected future path of interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1945 and 1966, Belgian public diplomacy operatives turned Africa into their principal target area. Scholars have alternately seen Belgian foreign policy as driven by the quest to safeguard economic interests while also emphasizing the skill with which Belgian foreign ministers increased the influence of Belgium within the Transatlantic partnership. As a result, the use of public diplomacy and the impact of colonialism on foreign policy is under-researched. However, the study of the archives of Inforcongo, Inbel and the Belgian Information Centre in New York allows for a better understanding of the close connections between Belgian public diplomacy and the changing views on development which shifted in the course of the 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses the interrelation between the European Political Co-operation (EPC) and the Cold War, the Belgian role within the EPC, and its impact on Belgian foreign policy-making. The EPC was a response of the European Communities member states to global and Cold War challenges occurring at the end of the 1960s, such as decolonization and détente. It aimed for mutual consultation, coordination and harmonization of member state foreign policies. Belgian foreign policy actors were central in developing the political co-operation. For subsequent Belgian governments, political co-operation was seen as an important step towards political union. A relevant factor for the development of the EPC along the lines of Belgian foreign policy preferences were processes of international socialization and/or Europeanization which gradually changed foreign policy-making in the member states. The significantly intensified and accelerated information flow between the foreign ministries, as well as frequent personal encounters on various levels within EPC, were catalysts for this. Apart from clear indications of Europeanization processes, the EPC partners were not always willing or able to find common responses to political challenges in the context of the Cold War. Belgian foreign policy-making was no exception to this rule. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper by viewing peace agreements as a stepping-stone of enduring peace aims to explore key factors and conditions that assist in a process of transition from violence to stability and peace, once agreements are in place. Negotiated peace agreements, a compromised way-out from violent conflicts, have been widely pursued by the international community and policy-makers for resolving internal conflicts in the post-Cold War changing political landscape. Negotiated agreement sets a peace framework for the parties involved in armed conflict. A new formal relationship between parties often emerges out of conflict when leaders shake hands after long period of fighting over their goals. In reality, incidents of armed violence have often stopped, or reduced, in many occasions, if not all. In many occasions, agreements nevertheless have produced nothing but negotiated breaks in the cycle of violence. This paper, however, does not pursue that external support and attention to peace processes should be stopped after signing agreements; what it crucially argues, instead, is an emphasis on the implementation of agreement, a means of trust-building between/among signatories, to support comprehensive peacebuilding activities, to bridge local knowledge, approaches of local peace, and global norms. Such hybridization has to be sensitive to conflicting contexts, and accepted by locals, in order to sustain a lasting ‘peace infrastructure’. This paper concludes by reasoning that such a hybridization can not only reduce gaps between conflicting parties through participatory decision-making processes but also improve their understandings in relation to transform their negative relationship in longer-term into a workable one, at least. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From today's viewpoint, 2016 may well represent the end of the post‐Cold War era and the general assumptions that are associated with it. These include the beliefs that the United States remains a European power, guaranteeing the territorial integrity of its European NATO allies, that liberal democracy represents the political system widely seen as the only legitimate normative reference point, and that the future of the European Union will be defined by continued integration into an ‘ever closer Union’. These assumptions have been shaken to the core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines NATO's transformation from the Cold War to the present and offers a framework of interpretation. Transformation has entailed a downgrading of territorial defence and an upgrading of out-of-area crisis management, as well as diplomatic engagement and partnership. NATO has thus become a more diversified and globalized alliance. The article traces the evolution post-1989 of the principled policy areas for the alliance-defence, crisis management and partnership-and explains difficulties of development within each area. It also enters into the controversy of interpreting NATO. It explains NATO as an outcome of America's enduring need to engage in the management of Eurasia's rim and Europe's equally enduring need for outside assistance in organizing a concert of power inside Europe. NATO has historically been strong when Europe's and North America's power capabilities and concepts of order are in equilibrium and thus when NATO governments have defined the geography of the Atlantic peace in such a way that both pillars can contribute to it in substantial ways. The article puts this perspective in opposition to two mainstream frameworks of thinking-liberal idealism and retrenchment realism-and applies it in a critique of the diversified and globalized profile that the alliance has developed. The article finally offers a moderately positive assessment of NATO's September 2014 Wales summit as a contribution to renewed geopolitical equilibrium, and it suggests how this contribution could be further strengthened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins with an analysis of the concept of responsibility elaborated in the jurisprudence of Francisco de Vitoria. It is argued that Vitoria's concept of responsibility plays a central role in his construction of an international legal framework for the management of the Indians by the Spanish, a 'management model' which operated so as to legitimise Spanish administration of the colonised world and ultimately, to consolidate the emerging authority of the European sovereign state. In the second part of the article this re-reading of Vitoria forms the basis of reflection on present international law and practice regarding the responsibility of rebel movements. It is used to challenge the idea that the increased engagement with rebel movements by international organisations and legal scholars since the end of the Cold War is necessarily a liberalising and emancipatory move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial body of literature argues that government funding motivated by the Cold War shaped (or distorted) the content of the American academic disciplines. This article tests the impact of such funding on the academic study of the Soviet economy, a small field created to help fight the Cold War. It documents the amount of attention given by researchers to the military sector of the Soviet economy, the topic of central importance for the Cold War, and finds that their publications largely ignored it. Considerations other than the interests of the sponsors determined the choice of topics in the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, the Indian Ocean had remained the pivot of international relations. Following the end of the Cold War, a paradigmatic shift has taken place with the astonishing economic growth of China and India. To sustain the growth rate of the major economies such as China and India and other regional countries, incessant supply of energy has become the dire requirement of the region. But in recent years, maritime threats have been growing exponentially. This perception has been heightened by incidents like 26/11 which took place via sea route. The maritime threats like sea piracy, narco trafficking, gun trafficking and maritime terrorism, particularly after the Mumbai attacks, have created maritime security challenges for the Indian Navy. The focus of this paper is to find out how the Indian Navy is preparing itself to cope with these maritime security challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secret-police surveillance redirected one scholar's research projects in ways that ultimately yielded a changed understanding of cold war Romania and its past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores fashion modeling as an area of interest to the national media. While much research has been done on modeling within fashion theory, my focus is on the role of models in national self-definition, and on the national fantasies and ideals of "making it" internationally that were attached to young women working abroad as models in the 1960s. I address these ideals in the historical context of the postwar modernization process and the geopolitical position of Finland as a neutral territory between the East and the West during the Cold War period. This article extends the existing theorizations on modeling by investigating the notion of cosmopolitanism as a structure of feeling. The research material consists of a collection of interviews published in the Finnish women's magazine Anna between 1963 and 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Russian-Western mistrust persists due to historical and cultural developments with roots in the Cold War. The post-Cold War imbalance of power served to exacerbate the problem. The United States emerged as the world's superpower acting on perceived fears of Russia, whereas Russia's undermined capabilities dictated a defensive, rather than a hegemonic response. The paper analyzes the decision to expand NATO by excluding Russia from the process. It also asks why the process suddenly stopped in 2008. What changed the West's mind about the expansion was not a revised perception of Russia, but rather concern with its growing power and assertiveness as revealed by the Kremlin's use of force during the Caucasus' war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the communiqués issued by Subcomandante Marcos during the early years of the Zapatista rebellion in Mexico (1992-1998). It addresses a double voice, and a double mission, of these internet pronouncements: first, as a tool for a local Indigenous uprising in the state of Chiapas; second, as a part of a much broader anti-neoliberal and anti-neo-imperialist struggle. The article argues that the unusual interlacing of a local, almost intimate struggle with a much broader ideological struggle has its sources, models and origins, paradoxically, in U.S. Cold War anti-communist discourse of the 1950s. Both discourses featured almost priestly, technocratic, master-explainers of an unseen enemy; both resorted to normative narratives of domesticity and infantilization; both relied on masked anti-heroes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the effects of the Cold War on the racial desegregation of U.S. schools. According to the author, these reforms were partly driven by the perception that communist agents were using American discrimination and prejudice as a propaganda tool. It is suggested, however, that conservatives also used popular fears related to the Cold War to block desegregation. Topics discussed include the U.S. Civil Rights Act of 1964, the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW), and the effects of the Vietnam War and urban riots on public opinion towards racial desegregation.

The article discusses the history of German critical psychology in terms of its indigenous aspects, highlighting German critical psychology as a response to the Americanization of German psychology following World War I. The author highlights the impact of the Cold War on the history of psychology in West German and discusses variations in German and North American historiography of psychology. Other topics include German psychologists Wilhelm Wundt and Klaus Holzkamp; German critiques of American and mainstream psychology; and approaches to psychology in countries other than Germany that emphasize political, cultural, and historical contexts.

Civil–military relations and the autonomy of the military profession in Sweden have varied over time depending on the perceived level of external threats. In this article, we set out to conduct an analysis of Swedish civil–military relations over a period of more than twenty-five years from 1984 to 2011. Our analysis is made from the perspective of civil–military control of (1) the military officer rank system and (2) the professional officer education system, for all three services. The analysis is based on Samuel Huntington’s and Morris Janowitz’s theoretical discussion of “objective” and “subjective” civilian control over the military and will give answers on how the Swedish armed forces have been effected by objective and subjective civilian control during the late Cold War era and after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The findings of this study confirm the assumption that civil–military relations vary over time because of perceived external threats but also because of new threats, new tasks, and increased globalization and cooperation in multinational international operations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the history and circumstances of the formulation by Deng Xiaoping in the late 1980s-early 1990s of some recommendations on the foreign policy of China. It deals with the study in the PRC of Deng's testament as a long-term strategy of the country in the international arena. The article also analyzes how Deng's formula is interpreted in the United States. The author reviews the current debates in China on the need to continue to implement the formula of "keeping a low profile, and taking a proactive role when feasible," ("taoguang yanghui, yousuo zaowei") or reject it as obsolete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]