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The passage of the Lodge Act in 1950 enabled the United States to offer citizenship to foreign nationals in exchange for service in the U.S. Army. A chief objective was to further Cold War goals by enlisting Eastern European candidates to serve as special forces troops, linguists, cultural experts, and skilled technicians. The legislation sought to spread American values abroad and unify support at home. Its chief legacy, however, was to serve as a template for naturalizing those who served in the decades that followed. "Citizen Candidates" won first place in the 2021 VMI Adams Center Cold War Military history essay contest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The determinants of whether or not an immigrant seeks to become a citizen are still largely invisible to scholars; as are the decisions made during the naturalization process by street-level bureaucrats. Research on the acquisition of citizenship has incorporated a number of determinants of naturalization outcomes over the past decades, but lacks the contextualization of immigration law in its relation to criminal law. This systematic literature review of the 140 most-cited papers across the naturalization and crimmigration literatures seeks to construct a theoretical bridge between the disciplines in an effort to illuminate the blind spots challenging naturalization scholarship. I argue that the inclusion of crimmigration as a factor impacting naturalization is essential for scholarship in order to accurately use citizenship policies as an indicator of a state's overall approach to immigration - particularly regarding residence requirements. The conceptual utilization of crimmigration in the context of citizenship acquisition offers new insights into the underexplored relationship between citizenship policy and the individual migrant, potentially uncovering some of the factors hindering immigrants' ability to seek formal membership. Evidence within recent crimmigration scholarship points towards the role played by racialization within the functioning of a crimmigration system. This paper reviews the prominent streams of both strands of literature first utilizing a bibliometric analysis of the respective citation networks and second, diving into the substantial developments and parallels in naturalization and crimmigration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January of 1920, the House of Representatives passed HR 288, also known as the Carter Bill, which would have made all American Indians born in the territorial United States citizens. While lauded by some as a "simple act of justice" to extend citizenship to America's first peoples, many Native Americans protested the bill, which eventually led to its demise. In the press, the Pueblos led the protest. Their activism highlights key, yet overlooked, developments in American Indian citizenship in the early twentieth century. First, citizenship lost any pretense of a consensual nature. Second, Indigenous protests forced congressmen to change the very nature of citizenship: from a status that marked completed assimilation to something much more pluralistic. Highlighting the Pueblos' fight helps historians analyze Native activism in the Progressive Era while problematizing citizenship as the ultimate aspirational status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The entanglements of the colonial-imperial efforts with historical and present-day movement, dispersal and displacement of people across the globe cannot be overstated, and yet they are often overlooked in discussions of contemporary immigration policies. As once the most powerful empire in the world, Britain's immigration and citizenship regime is intimately imbricated with its colonial-imperial ambitions. The paper investigates the making of the racialised subject through movement and membership control, historically tracing the production of race in Britain's policies related to border control, immigration, citizenship and race relations. The author argues that the salience of race is sustained to a great measure through border and membership management, whose subject is marked by racial markers that are unstable and transformative, while always remaining linked to a single basic logic of racial difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of international migration and the rise of right-wing populism, debates on citizenship policies intensified. This article seeks to explain why some Central and Eastern European countries adopted more inclusive access to nationality rules for non-ethnic immigrants than others. Encompassing the period from 1990 to 2014, the analysis focuses on four factors: left-right ideological position of governments, electoral strength of far-right parties, the size of expatriate/kin minority populations, and the importance of national minority issues. Using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, the article found that strong far-right parties, important national minority issues, and sizable expatriate/kin minority populations all contributed to restrictive citizenship policies in Central and Eastern Europe. However, none of these factors were necessary or sufficient. Meanwhile, inclusive access to nationality rules were adopted in those countries where far-right parties failed to register important electoral successes and national minority issues were relatively insignificant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical literature on interwar Polish policy on Belarusians and other minorities focuses primarily on the relationship between the regime in power and minority groups as a single block, failing to note instances in which regime policies toward specific organizations have not been uniform. Despite the fact that Belarusian ethnic identity was ambiguous and national consciousness low, no fewer than 13 political organizations in interwar Poland claimed to represent the minority. The most influential organization was the Belarusian Peasants' and Workers' Union Hromada. Less than two years after the organization's inception, it was banned in 1927. This article examines why an organization like Hromada, which did not resort to violence and in fact took pains to operate within the legal framework of the Polish constitution, was shuttered by the state, while other organizations with similar profiles were allowed to operate. The article reveals that Hromada was not banned strictly due to what the government considered its radical ideology or because it was an antisystem party, but rather it was banned for its ability to suppress organizational pluralism among Belarusian organizations. The article advances the existing literature by (a) shifting away from analyzing the dynamics between a state and an ethnic group as a whole, by disaggregating the level of analysis to focus on minority political organizations, and by (b) going beyond ideology as the main explanatory variable dictating state policies toward minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article accounts for the puzzling stability of citizenship regimes in Italy and Spain relying on the explanatory power of ideas. This is done by drawing upon a methodology combining process tracing methods with qualitative content analysis. In both countries ideational factors prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however, according to distinct logic. In Spain it is the agreement, the sharing of a dominant citizenship conception across parties, that ensures policy continuity. When the Spanish legislator wonders about state's intergenerational continuity, it does so by looking at the diaspora and its progenies, overlooking foreigners settled in the country. Contrariwise, in Italy it is the lack of agreement that ensures institutional stability. Beneath the Italian citizenship debate lies a heterogeneous political imaginary where different views quarrel over the way to adapt the actual system to the new immigration reality. These evidences speak to the broader debate in Political Science on the role of ideas in public policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integration policies and citizenisation programmes tend to have narrow conceptions of 'good' citizenship and are often articulated alongside specific assumptions regarding different migrant groups. This study draws on the qualitative research of a unique citizenisation pilot programme in Flanders, Belgium. The programme offered the combination of language courses, citizenisation and education support, and specifically targeted low literate migrant mothers from a non-EU background. Our analysis reveals the discrepancies between dominant discourses about integration and citizenisation and the participants' own views and experiences. We found that the government-subsidised local programme primarily focused on the mothers' citizenship in terms of linguistic and cultural integration, while the women themselves mostly endorsed an affective citizenship as mothers, wives and community members, by centralising mothering and care work. Furthermore, the programme oscillated between paternalism and support, visible in discourses of 'need' and 'empowerment'. And finally, the mothers' agency to navigate between the programme's objectives and their own were dependent on their intersectional positionings; the more literate and the longer their residence in the host society, the more critical they were regarding the programme's agenda. Based on these findings, some empirically obtained directives for future citizenisation programmes are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does citizenship facilitate access to employment and higher status jobs? Existing studies have produced mixed results across mostly single case studies in Europe and North America. To investigate whether this heterogeneity depends on varying institutional and socio-economic conditions, in this paper we analyse the labour market outcomes of immigrants who have naturalised in 13 West European countries. Our empirical analysis draws on data from the 2014 European Labour Force Survey Ad Hoc Module on immigrants. In order to cope with the selective nature of the naturalisation process, we employ a bivariate probit model that accounts for unobserved characteristics of naturalising immigrants. Our main results show a positive relationship across these destination countries between citizenship and the probability of employment, as well as between citizenship and occupational status, but only for immigrant men from developing countries. For women and for migrants from developed countries, we observe no significant differences between citizens and non-citizens. Liberalising the access to citizenship does not diminish the positive returns on employment from naturalisation. For immigrant men from developing countries there is evidence of a trade-off between easier access to citizenship and the returns on occupational status.

In this article, I define and measure the new phenomenon of defensive citizenship in Europe. The literature suggests that defensive citizenship engagement is related to attempts by entitled citizens to preserve their threatened interests. It has been on the rise worldwide, especially in Europe. Based on studies and reports on the phenomenon, I argue that defensive citizenship can be assessed among entitled citizens (those born in the country, whose both parents were born in the country) based on mistrust towards political institutions, anti-immigration attitudes and a challenging personal situation. The analysis, based on European Social Survey data, ranks European countries and uncovers concentrations of countries with high levels of defensive citizenship in Eastern Europe. I contend that this phenomenon has significant implications for the democratic functioning of European countries and the stability of the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks how pro-European activism relates to the idea of European citizenship. Its ambition is to evaluate recent mobilisations in light of an activist understanding of citizenship and relate them to a broader dynamic of reframing political space. Despite its ambivalent founding in market integration, EU citizenship as a legal status has a political potential which has hardly been sufficiently discussed. Exploring the performative as well as polity-constituting dimension of enactments of European citizenship, the article elaborates on the role of narratives and imaginaries of democratic founding that are the basis for political mobilisation. Reflecting on recent attempts to transfer the idea of constituent power to a transnational setting, it suggests a reinterpretation which incorporates the inherent paradoxical dimension of enactment and representation. 'Constitutive moments' are sequences of rupture rather than single events, creating narratives of shared past and future, which reach out to construct new commonalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the notion of 'citizenship as shared fate' as a potentially inclusive and real-world responsive way of understanding Indigenous citizenship in a non-ideal world. The paper draws on Melissa Williams' work on 'citizenship as shared fate,' and assesses some of the benefits and drawbacks of using this notion to understand citizenship in Indigenous and modern state contexts. In particular, the paper focuses on the challenges that existing non-ideal circumstances – past and enduring injustices and unequal power relations – bring to the understanding of 'citizenship as shared fate', and the normative constraints for realizing such citizenship in our contemporary world. By developing this notion in light of Indigenous claims for justice, the paper proposes three side constraints to the notion of 'citizenship as shared fate,' including its openness to different views of history, the role of history in shaping the future, and acknowledging – and countering – prevailing power relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. The paper concludes by looking at some of the implications of the reconceptualized notion of 'citizenship as shared fate' for the shaping of Indigenous/non-Indigenous relations in the Nordic/Sápmi context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of what constitutes the "good citizen" has received renewed interest in Western Europe in connection with increasing pressure on the welfare state, concerns over migration-related diversity, and growing anxiety about a crisis of democracy. We draw on data from fifty in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions with residents of Oslo to study the impact of this discursive landscape of citizenship policy on everyday perceptions of good citizenship. In our study, an ideal-type "good citizen" emerges, against which research participants judge their own and others' contributions. Based on our empirical data, we argue for a reconceptualization of good citizenship that acknowledges present-day spaces of participation as both public and private, and which acknowledges scales of belonging that go beyond and below a narrowly defined national community. Such reconceptualization is necessary to include and recognize the diversity of participation and belonging unfolding in Europe today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on Poland and Israel, both commonly classified as ethnic nation‐states, and aims to question the expression of ethnic–civic dichotomy in return‐migration policies. Policy documents in each country were analysed and complemented by interviews with policymakers and representatives from relevant organizations. Our analysis reveals that, although there are differences in their policies toward returning residents and in the related programmes in both countries, Israeli and Polish policies include both ethnic and civic components. Therefore, our study supports Joppke's (2005) argument that there is no purely civic or ethnic nationalism and there can be no purely civic or ethnic nation. We show that the proportion of ethnic and civic elements may change over time; thus, our findings contribute to the growing literature pointing to the dynamic nature of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key component of the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) electoral strategy in 2011, 2015 and 2019 was to court the country's "ethnic vote". Under the leadership of Stephen Harper and Andrew Scheer, the CPC launched an aggressive outreach strategy aimed at attracting conservative ethnic populations while at the same time, continuing to appeal to the party's "old stock" base – referred to as the "populist paradox". This approach was particularly prominent in the Party's immigration and citizenship policy platform. While the CPC continuously rolled out reforms further restricting access to incoming immigrants and refugees, they framed these initiatives as a way to keep disingenuous immigrants out in order to protect the integrity of the Canadian immigration system, a system used appropriately by those immigrants from whom they were seeking support. Using Sara Ahmed's work on affect and happiness, this paper examines the CPC's construction of "good" and "bad" immigrants, specifically how these constructions are taken up in broader narratives of Canadian citizenship and belonging. In doing so, I address how the CPC uses this rhetoric to appeal to voters, both immigrant and non-immigrant alike. Un élément clé de la stratégie électorale du Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) en 2011, 2015 et 2019 était de convoiter le ''vote ethnique'' dans le pays. Sous la direction de Stephen Harper et Andrew Scheer, le PCC a lancé une stratégie de sensibilisation agressive visant à attirer des populations ethniques conservatrices tout en continuant de faire appel à la base du ''vieux stock'' du parti – appelée ''paradoxe populiste''. Cette approche était particulièrement importante dans la plate-forme de la politique d'immigration et de citoyenneté du Parti. Bien que le PCC ait continuellement déployé des réformes restreignant davantage l'entrée aux immigrants et aux réfugiés, il a présenté ces initiatives comme un moyen de garder les immigrants de moralité douteuse à l'écart afin de protéger l'intégrité du système d'immigration canadien, un système utilisé de manière appropriée par ces mêmes immigrants auprès de qui ils cherchaient du soutien. Utilisant les travaux de Sara Ahmed sur l'insouciance et le bonheur, cet article examine la construction par le PCC des notions de ''bons'' et ''mauvais'' immigrants, en particulier comment ces constructions sont reprises de façon plus large dans des récits de la citoyenneté et de l'appartenance canadiennes. En somme, j'explique comment le PCC utilise cette rhétorique pour séduire les électeurs, immigrants et non-immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on affective citizenship amongst young immigrants without formal citizenship. Citizenship studies use the 'affective turn' to address the central role of affect in current integration and citizenship policies of many Western nation-states, but the lived affective experiences of new immigrants without formal citizenship status concerning these policies remain poorly understood. We advance an analytical framework of 'affective liminality' for examining differences in the collectively patterned affects of young immigrants, according to their specific situations of liminal legality and in relation to governmental 'feeling rules'. An ethnographic study in Belgium reveals that, in general, fear, frustration and hope are key features in the lives of these young people, reflecting the insecurities and ambiguities of their 'in-between' legal statuses. Different situations of liminal legality are entangled with different affective outcomes. Counter-intuitively, as young people progress along the path towards formal citizenship, their feelings become more 'unruly', and thus less likely to comply with the feeling rules of the state. In addition to being paralyzing or disciplining, their affective experiences might thus be emancipatory as well, inciting them to fight exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spanish government has issued a new law offering spanish nationality to sephardic jews around the world fulfilling some characteristics. This legal movement tries to undo the decree of expulsion of spanish jews in 1492. It has been received with a surprising lack of any significant debate (for or against the law) in Spain. The presentation explores this topic, addressing the emotional reactions towards this in spanish population using materials form a focus group qualitative study and also touches upon the identity problems exposed by the new law and the mechanisms of denial, guilt, reparation, displacement, reactive formation, etc. accompanying the whole process. Events in the distant past, often of a traumatic quality may contribute intensely to the construction of national identity. The healing of old wounds, if possible, might shake our large group structure and lead us to confront a complex reality and to a creative process of new identity formation. A deeper exploration of this situation might also help us to understand better the complex identity problems in many large groups around the world today, linked sometimes to group violence and war and to a general movement towards nationalist and isolationist political choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of labour migrants from Kyrgyzstan, conducted by the author in Russia in 2017-2018, showed the limited character of integration of migrants from the EAEU. Only about a third of respondents do not want to obtain Russian citizenship, however, those who wish to acquire citizenship are mainly impelled not by the desire to settle in Russia, but by the convenience of staying and working in the country. The emergence of "glass walls", built by Russians and migrants, and preventing migrants from full adaptation and subsequent integration into Russian society, gradually becomes the norm of life of the Russian society. The current insufficient conditions for integration and adaptation make it necessary and rational to revise Russia's migration policy in relation of migrant workers from the EAEU in terms of elaboration, implementation and targeted funding of integrated adaptation and integration programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article mobilizes the capabilities approach to offer a new and empirically grounded critical perspective on how cultural policy should promote citizenship to audiences. The capabilities approach posits that public policies should be designed and measured in terms of what they actually enable subjects to do or be. Focusing on the case of Norway, we operationalize the capabilities approach in two steps. First, based on survey data, we highlight systematic relationships between social background, cultural consumption, and citizenship. Based on extensive interview data, the article thereafter offers insight into how people engage with culture and whether this engagement enables them to function as citizens. In contrast to common assessments of cultural policy, we argue that the merit of this approach is that it focuses attention on how different measures actually empower different groups of citizens and fail to empower others, thus providing a basis for more effective and just policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite suggestions that multiple citizenships offer enhanced access to security, mobility, and rights, dual nationals of countries like Iran may instead experience greater insecurity, immobility, and disruption of rights. This article offers a brief overview of recent literature and controversies surrounding dual citizenship and then focuses on the Iranian case, demonstrating the limits of dual citizenship as felt by diasporic Iranians. The winds of geopolitical change may affect which nation's dual citizens will be targeted in a given time period, but the impact of geopolitical constraints must be considered in any explanations of the costs and benefits of dual citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the larger trend towards “securitization” of citizenship, citizenship deprivation in Canada is becoming increasingly normalized, resulting in some cases in statelessness. In this article, I pursue a sociology of statelessness by examining its localized production and connections to a broader network of social and material relations. I do this through a case study of Canadian-born Deepan Budlakoti, who at age 22 was informed that he was in fact not Canadian, and lacking any other citizenship, was rendered stateless. Actor-Network Theory is employed to trace how it is that legal documental and heterogeneous networks of humans and things (e.g., a “legal technicality”) have been enrolled to produce a legal decision declaring that Budlakoti, despite his Canadian birth certificate and passports, was never a Canadian citizen. Yet because he has not exhausted all avenues to acquisition of some citizenship (e.g., in India or Canada), he also has failed to secure recognition of his statelessness. A particular innovation in this analysis is the exploration of the exemption in the Canadian Citizenship Act from jus soli citizenship for children born to foreign diplomatic staff. Networks of immigration tribunal and court judgements, and documents treated as evidence have connected and translated into establishing Budlakoti’s fit with this exemption, despite countervailing evidence and a lifetime of documented and state-assisted reproduction of his Canadianness. While robbed of his legal and social identity, and suffering the egregious consequences of statelessness, Budlakoti continues to campaign for restoration of his right to have rights within his country of birth.

Israel's highly restrictive citizenship policy constitutes the clearest indicator of its dominant ethnic model of citizenship. However, this policy has faced new challenges since the early 1990s, following the mass migration of non-Jewish immigrants. This paper examines and characterizes changes in immigrants' entitlement to Israeli citizenship since the 1990s. It indicates that while Israel's traditional citizenship policy has not undergone any significant change, two trends are evident: a much more restrictive policy towards Arab immigrants; and a somewhat more inclusive policy concerning other immigrants. To explain how these conflicting trends have coexisted, this study identifies three major characteristics of the Israeli policy: widespread use of the 'divide and rule' technique; managing policy through bureaucratic decisions; and the growing assimilation of liberal and republican principles into Israel's citizenship policy, although without undermining—on the contrary, even reinforcing—the dominant ethnic model of citizenship. These findings indicate that although the dominant ethnic citizenship model in Israel remains stable, and can successfully tackle significant obstacles, limited opportunities exist for greater inclusion of specific non-Jewish populations within the Israeli polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis builds on previous research exploring the impact of far-right support on citizenship policy. Using Bayesian analyses, this research evaluates the impact of far-right success on citizenship policy restrictiveness and citizenship policy outcomes per year across 29 European countries between 2003–2014. Results reveal that far-right success is a statistically and substantively significant factor in determining citizenship policy restrictiveness as well as rates of naturalization. However, differential levels of impact suggest that far-right influence is not uniform throughout the policy process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to investigate how EU citizens' free movement rights are applied and enforced in practice and determine whether the situation on the ground demonstrates the existence of a so-called 'implementation gap' involving a disconnect between, on the one hand, how the EU free movement rules are intended to operate and, on the other, their application in practice at the national level. Drawing upon a multitude of sources from Belgium, Ireland, Italy, France, Sweden and the UK, an exploration is undertaken of the ways in which this 'implementation gap' manifests itself through a review of the various instances where Member States have sought to restrict the exercise of free movement rights through the adoption of national measures relating to the transposition, application and enforcement of Directive 2004/38 on residence rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While passportization, Russia's policy of systematic distribution of citizenship in the post-Soviet space, is again attracting experts' attention, most observers simply regard it as an example of Russia's "expansionist" policies toward former Soviet countries. This article explains that Russia conducted passportization in Abkhazia and South Ossetia on an ad hoc basis to deter Georgia from regaining its control over these territories. Moreover, this article examines the situation in Transnistria and suggests that passportization has not been applied uniformly to unrecognized republics. Instead, Russia has used citizenship factors in different ways, depending on its aims and the situation in each instance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the U.S. Congressional debates in 1981 and 1982 over the Amerasian Immigration Act (AIA), which provided preferential immigration status for the Amerasians of Southeast Asia. The debates exposed conflict on issues of American identity, race, and nation and the gendered nature of U.S. immigration and citizenship policy. This article considers how lawmakers on both sides of the debate justified accepting the Amerasians as American children or rejecting them as Asian. In each case, lawmakers in the post-Vietnam War era struggled to reconcile the physical appearance of the Amerasians and their racial hybridity with an American national identity. The AIA is evidence of the confusion. While the bill defined Amerasians as children of American citizens, it failed to grant them American citizenship. This article argues that although the rhetoric of inclusion and kinship within the AIA recognized the Amerasians as children of American fathers, the exclusion of citizenship from the bill formalized their status as the children of "others," and thus foreign children. Ultimately, the bill exposed the problematic existence of mixed-race populations in the United States, and a history of exclusionary immigration and citizenship policies against people of Asian descent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants often have lower employment rates and earnings than natives. Our empirical analysis relies on two reforms generating exogenous variation in the waiting time for citizenship. We find that faster access to citizenship improves the economic situation of immigrant women, especially their labour market attachment with higher employment rates, longer working hours and more stable jobs. Immigrants also invest more in host country‐specific skills like language and vocational training. Faster access to citizenship seems a powerful policy instrument to boost economic integration in countries with traditionally restrictive citizenship policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main reference for twentieth century politics is the Nation-state, whose territory-citizens were the unique and only target of norm production. Furthermore, the function of norm production was commitment of public bodies, whose legitimacy - at least in democratic countries - depends on the ‘people’. i.e. the citizens that were the target of the law production itself. An important fact, is that national production of norms slowly shifted from the legislative to the executive power. Too many were the decisions to be made in a brief term, and too fast were people’s emotional reactions, to let this commitment to an impersonal and procedural institution like the legislative power. In a globalized world, things have changed under many aspects. The multiplicity of decisional levels, e.g.: on one side, supranational bodies and entity are more and more frequently assuming this function; furthermore, more and more frequently, national commitments have shifted towards more restricted levels, such as regions or cities. Even the target has turned much more complex: due to more and more massive migration phenomena, all national law makings are nowadays affecting large groups of people, who are not citizens, while citizens are often subjected to other countries’ legislation. Among the main consequences, is that decision-making process have untied from contingent popular reactions and it is possible now to base upon legislative processes, a long-term perspective and a global scale. This paper aims at showing this scenario consequences for innovation processes. Namely, it is possible now to set an environment for innovation by enhancing exchanges of ideas, competences and information is the result of innovation processes, no matter if social or technological. In other words, their work will aim not only at comprehending the process of law-making in the global era, but also proposing models for law-making activities that grant the best environment possible for innovation processes, i.e. free circulation of ideas, science and people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A viable citizenship program is pivotal for state development, and to let official policy determine politics as taught by T. J. Lowi. National states based on national-state citizenship are weaker and weaker before the key challenges of our times. That is why citizenship programs are more and more focused on innovation policies to integrate ius sanguinis, ius soli, citizenship on investment and citizenship on performance. This paper provides a strategic innovation policy by linking development and global citizenship. Innovative law-making, citizenship policy innovation, and development are dramatically interconnected to evolve a scenario in which citizenship represents a key intangible asset to generate tangible wealth in open horizons where free circulation of tangibles or intangibles is strategic and linked to downsizing the bureaucratic burdens, the local power centers by evolving a much leaner and higher organizational standard of citizenship: legally, isotropically, and socially. This results in a new theory of social systems as a useful tool for the management of the complexity of social relations, breaking territorial boundaries, and making them cosmopolitan (Beck, 2006. The cosmopolitan vision. Cambridge: Polity Press). In order to achieve this, the present study will be approached and related with cosmopolitism and development, aiming to bring new contours of study to this subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada grants citizenship expansively to most persons born subject to its territorial jurisdiction. Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms also treats naturalized and native-born citizens as equals. But new distinctions have emerged that threaten the equal status and rights of Canadian citizens. Here, I argue that the reemergence of the dormant historical norm of citizenship as allegiance is being used to cast citizens deemed disloyal out from Canada’s protection and supervision. First, I historically trace the erosion of equal citizenship status and rights in Canada under the guise of protecting native-citizens from security threats. Second, I offer a normative argument against the recent practice of denaturalizing Canadian citizens for their actions or questionable allegiances. I conclude with a preliminary recommendation for protecting the citizenship status of Canadians from revocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many citizens in postcolonial states like Indonesia, the reality and experience of citizenship depend not just on the content of laws and regulations but also on the strength of their personal social networks. In this introduction to the special issue, we argue that instead of being antithetical to citizenship, this reliance on personal connections to deal with state institutions should be seen as a constitutive dimension of citizenship. Drawing on the articles in this issue, we illustrate this argument by discussing how informality in its three dimensions - mediation, the invocation of social norms and the use of social affiliations - shape the character of everyday state-citizen interaction in Indonesia. The cultivation of personal connections constitutes an important form of political agency. It enables citizens to deal with the unresponsive and unpredictable nature of Indonesia’s state institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction to the special issue, we present the general lines of particularistic tendencies in citizenship policies in Europe. Norms that establish special treatments for specific groups of people are increasingly important in the citizenship laws of European countries, but remain understudied in literature. We summarize the development of comparative citizenship legislation research in Europe and the social relevance of formal citizenship in contemporary societies, in order to contextualize the significance of particularistic tendencies in this field. We further underline how different definitions of ‘Europe’ (European Union, Council of Europe, Schengen Area, specific regional groupings of countries) are relevant for the study of citizenship legislation. Finally, we introduce the articles of the special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article argues that Ken Loach's film, I, Daniel Blake, invites deep reflection on the relationship between the individual and the state, and, more particularly, on the role of administrative justice in restoring a re‐imagined sense of citizenship. Drawing on earlier debates from the 1950s, as well as on more recent advocacy of the ‘connected society’, the article proposes that to meet such an ambition, administrative justice must be recognised as an overarching set of principles and values, rooted in a framework of human rights and with a reinvigorated public‐sector ombud‐institution at its centre. In this way, administrative justice might serve as an effective and restorative counterweight to more legalistic options for responding to public grievance, whether the result of routine encounters with the state or of a major breakdown in trust, such as that occasioned by ‘Grenfell Tower’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On marriage issues, many countries have espoused the independence of nationality policy, that is, they accept neutral effects of marriage on nationality. We don't see the point of bestowing nationality on an alien woman who has married a national man but lives abroad. The ratio of countries in favor of dependent nationality to those in favor of independent nationality is one to three. So, there are only a few countries left still pursuing a policy of forcing husbands' nationality upon alien women on an unconditional basis. The main question in this paper is: Should the nationality of one spouse be imposed on the other one, making them both subjects of one State? After an introduction (chapter I), we analyze the theory of the unity of nationality and the theory of independent nationality (chapter II). In chapter III we see international documents on the theories of dependent and independent nationality. Finally, we take care of the present situation of the world in respect to nationality laws and then we resume some conclusions; the main one is that some political approaches seems to discriminates between national and foreign women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of the Soviet Union led to profound changes in ethnicity and identity policies and practices in the newly independent countries, including Kazakhstan. The multiethnic population of Kazakhstan presented an immense challenge for the new regime and its approaches to the identitybuilding policies. This Article focuses on the identity-building policies of Kazakhstan and offers an overview of the legal framework regulating language use, education, media, citizenship, and official identity policy. This Article also focuses on the implementation of the officially stated policies and explores reasons behind inconsistencies and discrepancies between the declared policies and the de facto situation on the ground. Finally, this Article looks at the societal reactions towards the official identity and language policies expressed in the country's public and media discourse. This Article argues that Kazakhstan's post-independence identity-building process is affected by several important implications, including the legacy of Soviet nationality policy, significant continuity with late-Soviet policies and practices, the search for a new identity, and the regime's aim to prevent political confrontation along ethnic lines by assuring Kazakh hegemony while allowing nominal minority representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophical discussion about citizenship has traditionally focused on the questions of what citizenship is, its relationship to civic virtue and political participation and whether or not it can be meaningfully exercised at the supra-national level. In recent years, however, philosophers have turned their attention to the legal status attached to citizenship and have questioned existing principles of citizenship allocation and withdrawal. With regard to the question of who is morally entitled to citizenship, philosophers have argued for principles of citizenship allocation that go beyond birth and lineage and have focused instead on the value of political attachment and located life plans. These principles have several advantages over existing legal principles, but they suffer from being under-specified, as well as being over and under-inclusive. With regard to loss of citizenship, philosophers have primarily denounced citizenship withdrawal as a form of punishment by appealing to principles of fair and equal treatment. However, theories purporting to show that denationalization is always wrong have trouble explaining why loss of citizenship is so problematic for persons who have committed the most horrendous crimes against their fellow citizens and who, in so doing, have in effect self-excluded from the political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the rise in terrorism after the turn of the millennium, multiculturalist countries such as Australia, Britain and Canada introduced policies that make it easier to revoke the citizenships of dual nationals. These policies primarily target naturalized immigrants and their descendants. Ongoing debates indicate that more countries plan to follow suit. Some scholars argue that easy revocation policies create two-tiered political communities, where one group of citizens have a stronger status security than the other. This study builds on their perspectives, and argues that majority members should be more likely to hold anti-immigrant attitudes in countries where state policies discriminate against citizens in terms of status security. To test this hypothesis, this study employs multilevel regression analysis. Data come from European Values Study (2008), European Social Survey (2014), and Eurobarometer (2015), and cover thirty European countries. Findings offer support for the proposed hypothesis. In countries where immigrants have low status security, majority members are more likely to have negative attitudes toward immigrants. The results hold not only for immigrants in general but also for Muslim immigrants in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's Minimum Living Standard Guarantee System (mlsgs) provides an unconditional cash transfer to poor households to alleviate poverty. During China's transitional period, the mlsgs has played an important role in the maintenance of social stability. However, beyond poverty alleviation and stability maintenance, other outcomes--particularly the strengthening of citizenship--have received little attention. This study explores the influence of the mlsgs on the perceptions of citizenship among aid recipients, and finds not only that the mlsgs has gradually promoted the social rights of the poor and strengthened state--citizen interactions, but also finds issues and challenges that may limit Chinese citizens' ability to fully exercise their new rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the court case Alfredo Rendón Marin v. Administración del Estado where the decision was passed by Judgment of the Court of Justice (Grand Chamber) on 13 September 2016. Thje issues involved the conditions that activates the status of EU citizenshipas a source of transnational rights and what are the limitations that can be imposed on rights granted on the basis of EU citizenship.

The article discusses the path of an important reform of the Greek Citizenship Code, starting from the initial introduction of the Citizenship Law in 2010, the public debate and reactions that followed leading to its partial annulation as unconstitutional in 2012, and finally, the developments until its restoration with a new law in 2016. This initiative introducing radical reforms for the Greek context took place in the midst of the public debt crisis, and thus has not been discussed accordingly. Until then, the issue of Greek nationality represented anon-issuein the political agenda of the country, since the issue of citizenship was considered ‘nationally sensitive’. The paper examines how such a reform is pushed forward during extremely difficult conditions, an unprecedented economic and political crisis, coupled by the largest refugee wave in the recent history of the country, having still an uncertain future/outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of post-socialism evolved into an "area study" while its "era" content became mostly excluded from the discourse. This paper discusses the necessity of integrative approach in postsocialist studies to understand the phenomenon in depth. It offers a comparative study of the post-socialist period through the EU trajectories of the three neighboring states: Bulgaria (2007), Greece (1981) and Turkey (candidate since 1999). Comparative studies mostly dealt with intra-post-socialist states. State-socialist regime's differences from their capitalist neighbors are mentioned, but usually not included in comparative studies. I argue that by compartmentalization under the label of postsocialism, we miss the similarities that transcend state systems of capitalism and socialism. I argue that one of the fundamental similarities between former state social list countries and their "capitalist" neighbors is migration and citizenship regimes driven by nationalism and their politics of "unwanted" vs. "desired" populations. While the influx of refugees is currently at primary agenda of the EU politics, migration and refugees were also among the concerns of the post-socialist era in the 1990s. Postsocialist migrations had various motives, such as refugees from civil wars as in the case of former Yugoslavia, asylum seekers from destabilized post-socialist regions and economically motivated emigrants. Through examples from Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey, this paper analyzes the three countrie's socio-political trajectories as well as migration and citizenship policies. I evaluate migration of the "co-ethnics" and citizenship policies in the three countries and show how similar their motives are, how they are interrelated with each other and finally with the dissolution of state-socialist regimes and the growth of the EU, how they produce similar effects. I argue that the EU could neither change nor even challenge the politics and discourse of "unwanted" vs. "desired" populations in the three states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores causes of statelessness on children born to Syrian refugees outside of Syria. Topics discussed include discriminatory nationality laws in countries such as Syria; state citizenship policies driven by Immigration and national security; and ways in which citizenship laws in countries surrounding Syria have affected Syrian refugees.

In September 2012, residents of Chino Hills, California--a wealthy suburb of Los Angeles--exposed a maternity hotel in their city. Subsequently, controversy erupted as protesting residents argued that Chinese birth tourism is an immigration loophole, where foreigners took advantage of jus soli birthright citizenship guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This paper uses this controversy as a springboard to explore how temporalities--both the past and the future--come to shape politics in the present. Considering reproductive futurism in the contexts of citizenship and migrations, this paper argues that the figure of the fetal citizen emerges as the defining site of struggle between preserving, or exposing, the fantasy of a national future. Reports of panic over Chinese birth tourism, then, show how ''backwards'' racialized citizenship is continually brought to this present struggle, especially vis-a-vis discourses of the ''worthy immigrant'' and ''anchor babies'', to determine who may give birth to citizens in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term ‘sexual citizenship’ was largely developed in the Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies of the UK, the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The concept is thus inflected by broader understandings of politics in these places. In this article, the author first considers the specificities of ‘sexuality’ and ‘citizenship’ in these Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies. She argues that we need to provincialize these local understandings, for configurations of sexuality and citizenship in the UK, North America, New Zealand or Australia are just as contingent and locally specific as they are in the Asia-Pacific region. She then considers whether the term ‘sexual citizenship’ can be transplanted into places in the Asia-Pacific region with different political and economic systems, welfare systems and social structures, distinctive cultural understandings of sexuality and citizenship and different taxonomies of sexes, genders and sexualities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses citizenship and belonging with reference to processes of post-war state formation, namely: the MPLA’s political hegemony and the centralisation of power in the presidency. It argues this political arrangement imposes upon individuals an oscillation between different ‘levels’ or hierarchies of citizenship with a tendency towards marginalisation, formally allowing them to access both but under the specific circumstances dictated by the MPLA party state. Without a strong political opposition with a plausible alternative citizenship doctrine and with little incentives to improve the terms of citizenship it provides to the population, the Angolan government constructed a system of interests whereby the MPLA functions as a gatekeeper. Both in control of the state and of the distribution of citizenship, the regime regulates the flow of resources to the bottom through strategies of poverty and dependency, which increase the distance between the state and the population and sponsors the marginalisation of the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]