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From the earliest studies examining the impacts of the coal-powered Industrial Revolution, the field of sociology has possessed an intimate, if often implicit, interest in the interconnectedness of fossil fuels and modernity. With the looming climate crisis, the world must rapidly wean itself from these resources in favor of others that emit little to no greenhouse gasses. And while this energy transition will likely have profound social implications, it has only recently begun to receive sustained attention from sociologists across subfields. Consequently, although debates have emphasized the technological and market dimensions of this shift, its relational dimensions and human aspects have remained relatively marginal. In this article, we review research on the social impacts of fossil fuel production and transitions to renewables. Such work is critical and urgent, since the main barriers to combating the climate crisis are neither technological nor economic; they are, instead, deeply social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: We characterized informally employed US domestic workers' (DWers) exposure to patterns of workplace hazards, as well as to single hazards, and examined associations with DWers' work‐related and general health. Methods: We analyzed cross‐sectional data from the sole nationwide survey of informally employed US DWers with work‐related hazards data, conducted in 14 cities (2011–2012; N = 2086). We characterized DWers' exposures using four approaches: single exposures (n = 19 hazards), composite exposure to hazards selected a priori, classification trees, and latent class analysis. We used city fixed effects regression to estimate the risk ratio (RR) of work‐related back injury, work‐related illness, and fair‐to‐poor self‐rated health associated with exposure as defined by each approach. Results: Across all four approaches—net of individual, household, and occupational characteristics, and city fixed effects—exposure to workplace hazards was associated with increased risk of the three health outcomes. For work‐related back injury, the estimated RR associated with heavy lifting (the single hazard with the largest RR), exposure to all three hazards selected a priori (worker did heavy lifting, climbed to clean, and worked long hours) versus none, exposure to the two hazards identified by classification trees (heavy lifting, verbally abused) versus "no heavy lifting," and membership in the most‐ versus least‐exposed latent class were, respectively, 3.4 (95% confidence interval [CI] 2.7–4.1); 6.5 (95% CI 4.8–8.7); 4.4 (95% CI 3.6–5.3), and 6.6 (95% CI 4.6–9.4). Conclusions: Measures of joint work‐related exposures were more strongly associated than single exposures with informally employed US DWers' health profiles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise in working-age mortality rates in the United States in recent decades largely reflects stalled declines in cardiovascular disease (CVD) mortality alongside rising mortality from alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning; and it has been especially severe in some U.S. states. Building on recent work, this study examined whether U.S. state policy contexts may be a central explanation. We modeled the associations between working-age mortality rates and state policies during 1999 to 2019. We used annual data from the 1999–2019 National Vital Statistics System to calculate state-level age-adjusted mortality rates for deaths from all causes and from CVD, alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning among adults ages 25–64 years. We merged that data with annual state-level data on eight policy domains, such as labor and taxes, where each domain was scored on a 0–1 conservative-to-liberal continuum. Results show that the policy domains were associated with working-age mortality. More conservative marijuana policies and more liberal policies on the environment, gun safety, labor, economic taxes, and tobacco taxes in a state were associated with lower mortality in that state. Especially strong associations were observed between certain domains and specific causes of death: between the gun safety domain and suicide mortality among men, between the labor domain and alcohol-induced mortality, and between both the economic tax and tobacco tax domains and CVD mortality. Simulations indicate that changing all policy domains in all states to a fully liberal orientation might have saved 171,030 lives in 2019, while changing them to a fully conservative orientation might have cost 217,635 lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Few studies, mostly descriptive, have quantitatively analyzed the working conditions of domestic workers (DWers) informally employed by private households in the USA. These workers are explicitly or effectively excluded from numerous workplace protections, and scant data exist on their exposures or how best to categorize them. Methods We analyzed data from the sole nationwide survey of informally employed US DWers with work-related hazards data, conducted by the National Domestic Workers Alliance, the University of Illinois Chicago Center for Urban Economic Development, and the DataCenter in 14 US cities (2011–2012; N = 2086). We used exploratory latent class analysis to identify groups of DWers with distinct patterns of exposure to 21 self-reported economic, social, and occupational workplace hazards (e.g. pay violations, verbal abuse, heavy lifting). We then used multinomial logistic latent class regression to examine associations between workers' individual, household, and occupational characteristics and latent class membership. Results Among the 2086 DWers, mean age was 42.6 years, 97.3% were women, 56.0% Latina/o, 26.5% White, 33.2% undocumented immigrants, and 11.7% live-in. 53.5%, 32.0%, and 14.5% primarily worked doing housecleaning, child care, and adult care, respectively. 49.9% of workers reported ≥3 hazards. Latent class analysis identified four groups of DWers doing: 'Low hazard domestic work' (lowest exposure to all hazards), 'Demanding care work' (moderate exposure to pay violations [item response probability (IRP) = 0.42] and contagious illness care [IRP = 0.39]), 'Strenuous cleaning work' (high exposure to cleaning-related occupational hazards, such as climbing to clean [IRP = 0.87]), and 'Hazardous domestic work' (highest exposure to all but one hazard). Covariates were strongly associated, in many cases, with latent class membership. For example, compared to other DWers, DWers doing 'hazardous domestic work' had the largest predicted probability of being economically insecure (0.53) and living-in with their employers (0.17). Conclusions Results indicate that informally employed US DWers experience distinct patterns of workplace hazards, and that it is informative to characterize DWers' exposures to different sets of multiple hazards using latent class analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]