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This article aims to analyse migration from the post-Soviet space to the northeastern periphery of the EU (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) and examine the hypothesis about these states, once countries of origin, turning into destinations for migrants. A change in the socio-economic paradigm and accession to the EU sped up economic development in the Baltics and Poland. Despite growing welfare and income levels and a decline in the unemployment rate, further economic growth was hampered by the outflow of skilled workforce and resulting labour shortages. In response, the governments of the Baltics and Poland drew up programmes to attract international labour. Soon these countries transformed from exporters of labour into importers. Unlike Western European countries, Poland and, to a lesser extent, the Baltic States are trying to attract migrants from neighbouring nations with similar cultural and linguistic backgrounds. In the long run, this strategy will facilitate migrant integration into the recipient society. The Polish and Lithuanian governments are devising measures to encourage ethnic Poles and Lithuanians to repatriate from post-Soviet republics. To achieve the aim of the study, we investigate the features of migration flows, trends in migration, migration policies of recipient countries, and the evolution of diaspora policies.

Today Russia has difficulty doing business-as-usual with EU states. It seems that the countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) and the Baltic Assembly/Baltic Council of Ministers (BA/BСM) have contributed substantially to this state of affairs. Overall, the tensions between Russia and the EU are building up — another tendency that did not arise on the Russian initiative. This article aims to address the question of whether Russia should establish direct relations with the V4 and the BA/BCM as tools to overcome the mentioned difficulties. On the one hand, these associations date back to before the countries acceded to the Union. On the other, they are products of regionalisation in the EU. In answering this question, we achieve three objectives. Firstly, we look for an appropriate theoretical and methodological framework for the study. Secondly, we produce a comparative description of the V4 and the BA/BCM. Thirdly, we examine the capacity of these associations to pursue an independent foreign and domestic policy. This study uses a comparison method to analyse the activities of the two organisations and identify their significance for the EU.

The article explores opportunities for the sustainable economic development of coastal territories in the Baltic Sea region (BSR) arising in blue economy sectors in the framework of digital transformation. The study argues that more active commercialisation of territorial resources can facilitate the sustainable economic development of the BSR coastal territories, following digitally-driven innovations. The paper provides an overview of methodological approaches to territorial sustainability. It also assesses the 2009—2018 level of the socio-economic development of the BSR coastal territories, underpins the importance of the blue economy and highlights the role of digital transformation in reaching the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the BSR through digitally-driven innovations. A comparative and problem-targeted statistics analyses show significant differences in the dynamics of socio-economic development in the BSR coastal territories with their GRP per capita being generally lower than the national or macroregional average. A review of literature on sustainable development in the BSR has shown that a more active use of the unique resources of coastal territories along with a technology-driven growth of the blue economy sectors can counterbalance the negative impact of the uneven development of these territories on the progress towards the SDGs in the BSR. Increasing the competitiveness of the BSR coastal territories requires investment in digital solutions in the blue economy sectors and building communication infrastructure. The review of key innovations in the blue economy sectors shows that their implementation gives impetus to other industries by reducing costs, creating new jobs, and improving the quality of products and services.

The novel coronavirus pandemic has triggered an economic slowdown worldwide, aggravating those steadily accumulated inequalities in income and wealth redistribution. Western-type capitalism, international cooperation, and European integration have found themselves at risk. This article points out the resemblances and dissimilarities in policies combating therecessions of 2008 and 2020 on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing specifically on the EU and Canada. It assesses the rising popularity of the welfarestate concept applied both to individuals and entire businesses deemed essential for democracy, notably in the EU, for which the protection of citizens’ well-being and solidarity values are at the core of bloc integration. Conceptually confl icting solutions for those crises refl ect a profound shift in policy making, reinforcing state interventions vs the neoliberal approach and intensifying discussions on a universal basic income as a tool in redressing socio-economic inequalities. This paper highlights the need for a trans-disciplinary approach to benefi t policy making.

Rezension zu Imagology Profiles. The Dynamics of National Imagery in Literature. Ed. Laura Laurušaitė. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2018. 259 p.

In the studies of transition states and societies, Estonia and Lithuania are considered as twin cases of the neoliberal Baltic model due to similarities in their political economies and macroeconomic policies. Do similarities between the two countries extend to their class structures? We compare changes of the class composition in Estonia and Lithuania during the 2008-2015 period, encompassing the Great Recession and subsequent recovery. For empirical analysis, we use the European Social Survey (ESS) data and employ the framework of the European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). We find that by 2015 the class structure of the Estonian society became similar to the class structures in the technologically most advanced post-industrial countries. Changes in the class structure of Lithuania diverged from general trends, preserving many features characteristic of industrial societies., Studies of Transition States and Societies, Vol 12, No 2 (2020)

When the intriguing phenomenon of Balt influence on the design of Migration Period brooches in certain parts of Norway was paid attention to in 2001, in the first and so far only comprehensive study of this subject, just four specimens of such cruciform or square-headed brooches with star- or spade-like foot had been recorded in Denmark. Since then, the number of Danish finds of this type has quadrupled, to judge from scattered examples occurring in print or posted on the web. In the present article, eleven such examples compiled from various sources, and two previously unpublished finds made in 2019 by one of the authors while metal detecting in collaboration with Danish museums, are reported and commented on. Whether these finds in Denmark represent Norwegian "exports" or a direct Balt influence on Danish design is at present an open question. Both alternatives might be valid in view of other archaeological finds, as exemplified in the article.

This article addresses the question of willingness to defend one’s own country and a similar notion of resistance, should Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia be attacked. The study principally relies on quantitative data from a dedicated nationally representative survey across all three countries. The data acquired thereof reaffirm findings from previous studies concluding that the highest level of willingness to defend one’s own country is in Estonia, while it is lower in Latvia and in Lithuania. Asked if and how respondents would resist in case of an attack, more willingness to resist either non-violently or violently was expressed by respondents in Lithuania, ahead of the number of willing to do so in Estonia and more so in Latvia. Demographic background of the respondents visualized and discussed in the article provides further nuances of both research questions. While situation with the willingness to defend Estonia is relatively comfortable, this should not be treated as a reason for complacency. There is still room for progress within some groups of the society. Meanwhile, valuable lessons could be drawn for policies of Latvia and more so of Lithuania to avert some of the less flattery trends identifed in this study.

Vertical redistribution refers to the transfer of income from those who have more than they need to those who are in need and is related to the levelling of income inequality and poverty. Vertical redistribution over the life course is indicative of the capacity of the welfare state to protect against social risks over the life course. Studies that explore such redistribution often rely on the life-course perspective and use secondary cross-sectional rather than primary data. The goal of the current study is to analyse the impact of social benefits on income inequality and poverty over the life course in the Baltic States. The paper focuses on the three Baltic countries commonly characterised by successful economic performance, low income redistribution and high income inequality. With this aim, analyses of micro-level data of EU-SILC of 2015 was conducted. To evaluate inequality changes across the life course, the study used a decomposition of the Gini index. Evaluation of poverty of different cohorts rested on the gap of the poverty rate between different groups and the average poverty rate in the country. The findings of our study suggest that the impact of social benefits on the reduction of income inequality is modest. Highest poverty rates are linked with the periods of childhood, working age when unemployed and old age. Overall, the context laden with high inequality and poverty cannot ensure adequate protection against social risks over the life course and create a “buffer” for the development of human capital., Studies of Transition States and Societies, Vol 11, No 2 (2019)

Reinvigorating Russia’s development strategy requires a comparison between the social development of the Russian Federation and other Baltic region states, some of which are world leaders in terms of living standards. The most popular tools for country comparison are composite indices that take into account various components affecting the quality of life. This article analyses the current level and changes in the social development of the Baltic States in 1990—2016. The analysis is based on the values of human development index. Having distinct advantages and disadvantages, this index remains to be the most popular and influential tool for assessing a country’s social development. A statistical analysis carried out with the use of HDI values makes it possible to divide the Baltic States into three groups according to their current development level and advancement trajectories. The greatest gap in progress was observed in 2000. Later, it narrowed as the social advancement of the third group — Lithuania, Latvia, and Russia — accelerated. The nature of the Baltic States’ social improvement in 2015—2016 suggests that a decrease in social development rates will be observed in the coming years across the region, and the gap between the countries will increase.

This article attempts to explain the relationships between journalists, politics and the state from the perspective of collective autonomy, that of the professional organization of journalists. The case of Estonian Journalists’ Union demonstrates the complexity and historical contingency of professional autonomy of journalism. The development of the Estonian journalists’ organization occurred as a sequence of transformations from the Estonian Journalists’ Association to the Estonian Journalists’ Union to the Soviet type journalists’ union, and lastly to an independent trade union. This sequence was disrupted by several fatal breakdowns that changed not only the character of the association, but also professional values, the whole occupational ideology and the conditions of the existence of journalism as a profession in Estonia.

During the last 25 years, the economy of the Baltic States has been developing in the conditions of sovereignty, both de facto and de jure. This period has been sufficient to identify regular patterns in the national economic models. Studies into the nature of the economic development of the Baltic States have a considerable practical and scientific significance. On the one hand, the three Baltic States are a part of the post-Soviet space. The nature, success or failures of their economies contribute to a more accurate assessment of Russia's development. On the other hand, it is the second decade of the Baltic States' EU membership, and the countries' experience is very relevant. The article identifies and analyses key characteristics of the Baltic States’ economic model. The author puts forward a hypothesis on two stages of the economic transformation undergone by the Baltic States. The first stage is characterised by a combination of transformation and modernisation whereas the second - by transformation accompanied by a number of destructive trends in the economy. The current economic model demonstrates limited stability, partly due to deliberately severed economic ties with Russia.

This article considers the legitimacy of political regimes in the Baltic States by analysing three major parameters: confidence in political institutions, level of corruption, and the development of their party systems. The author identifies the major crisis trends in the legitimacy of the political regimes of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The article stresses the problem of legitimacy reproduction resulting from the limited representation of the national party systems. Special attention is paid to compensatory mechanisms used by political elites to ‘artificially’ reproduce legitimacy. It makes sense to analyse the deficit of legitimacy in the Baltic States not only in the context of threats to democratic institutions but also considering weaknesses of public institutions and insufficient resources to ensure stateness. This requires developing a hypothesis about smaller states ‘importing’ legitimacy from larger states and intergovernmental organisations, in whose zone of influence they are included. In other words, the EU and NATO can provide smaller states not only with economic and military resources but also legitimation ‘resources’ using their prestige to support the belief of local residents that there is no alternative to the current political system of social organisation. Legitimacy deficit increases the risks of a rift between political elites in the Baltic States, which can become a prologue to a deep political crisis. In these conditions, compensatory mechanisms cannot be considered as targeted exclusively at broad social strata. They are also aimed at political elites, whose consolidation or ‘encapsulation’ is achieved by exaggerating external threats and resorting to repressive measures in an attempt to develop an ethnonational consensus. These methods are used to ensure self-preservation of the Baltic States political regimes within the current ideological and institutional configuration.

The article deals with the development in Russian-Estonian relations during the crises of 2007 and 2014, taking into consideration the balance between political and economic factors in the decision-making by Estonian government. A number of special aspects, trends and problems in trade and investment ties are detected. The aim of the study is to uncover key motivation behind the actions of both Russia and Estonia, to identify the drivers for economic and political development in the region, and to work out recommendations to adjust them. The questions put forward by the authors of this article could not be more topical at the time, when Russian economic situation is obviously getting worse and capital flight (to the neighboring EU Member States) is likely to increase. The method of the study is comparative analysis of the impact on economic ties made by Russian-Estonian crisis of 2007 and the current international tension around Ukraine. The regional fossil fuel market and the possibilities of Gazprom involvement in its development are also analyzed. It is concluded that political motives are still important for Estonian decisionmaking, though they are balanced out by measures of business support (despite some of these measures being taken by the EU bodies). The role of political factor for the Russian side is increasing. It is acknowledged that there is a growing number of missed economic opportunities in the Russian Northwest.

This article examines the views of modern Russian scholars A. Dvornichenko, M. Krom, A. Filyushkin, and S. Mikhalchenko on the pre-revolutionary and Soviet historiography of medieval Lithuania. Chronological problem analysis constitutes the methodological framework of the study. Special attention is paid to the priorities of the Russian scholars in the analysis of the pre-revolutionary and Soviet Lithuanian studies. It is shown that the disintegration of the Soviet Union marked a new period in research on the historiography of medieval Lithuania. The activation of historical and historiographical studies was a result of a revision of views of Lithuanian past. The authors believe that modern historiography exhibits a “nostalgic” attitude to pre-revolutionary works, while the reception of the later, Soviet-era publications is more critically inclined. Post-Soviet historians do not restrict themselves by describing previous historiography: they also consider factors behind the change in the attitudes to Lithuani an past. Thus, the scholars pay special attention to studying the connection between the political situation and the evolution of the views of Russian scholars on the events of Lithuanian history.

The article analyzes the development of EU — Russia energy relations through the lens of the evolution of three parameters: the political agenda (the Energy Dialogue), the institutional structure, and the legal modalities. The identification of these three aspects for assessing the evolution of EU — Russia energy relations is the novelty in the author’s approach. This study aims to identify the previous stages and assess the current state of EU — Russia energy dialogue, since they set out conditions for energy cooperation in the Baltic Sea region. This research is based on a political and legal analysis of various documents and employs various international relations theories (including integration theories). The article demonstrates that the EU nd Russia have made a transition to the integration agenda manifested in the Energy Dialogue (its current goal is the creation of a common European energy market). The author describes the process of gradual consolidation of transgovernmental and transnational institutions, which leads to depoliticization of cooperation and mutual socialization of the partners. Finally, legal discussions on the development of common rules have become more constructive. In sum, the current situation in EU — Russia energy relations is favourable and positively affects cooperation in the Baltic Sea region.

This article is devoted to the issues of cross-border cooperation carried out by agents resident in the Pomeranian and Warmian-Masurian voivodeships. Among such agents there are non-governmental organizations. This article aims to identify the role of NGOs in cross-border cooperation and the predominant fields of their cooperation, as well as to assess their activity in attracting funding from European budgets. The article widely applies the results of surveys of NGOs conducted by the author, compares the results of performance reports submitted by these organisations within international projects, and offers the data presented in relevant publications (Euroregion Baltic documents and Phare CBC reports, Interreg IIIA and, Interreg IIIB, NMF, and Polish-Swiss Cooperation reports, as well as the data of the Central Department of Statistics). The research covers the period from the late 90s to 2012. The article highlights the difficulties agents face in forging and implementing cross-border cooperation, resulting from the mismatching definitions of the tertiary sector in Poland’s neighbour states.

The Baltic Sea region is one of the most developed transnational regions. It is comprised of the coastal areas of Russia, Germany, and Poland and the entire territories of Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. New spatial forms of international economic cooperation are emerging in the region. The region is not homogeneous in terms of socioeconomic development, thus there are certain differences in dimensions and intensity of international cooperation. The author sets out to identify structural characteristics of the Baltic Sea region. This requires studying practices of transnational and transboundary cooperation and possibilities for their adoption in other regions of the world. An important characteristic of the Baltic Sea region is a considerable difference between its coastal territories, the fact that affects the development of multilateral relations. This article examines the most pronounced socioeconomic differences that should be taken into account when forecasting cooperation trends in the region, including those between the Baltic territories of Russia and their international partners.

45 This article focuses on Germany’s key ‘soft power’ actors promoting the country’s interests in the Baltics. The authors analyse the policies of ‘soft power’ aimed to create a positive image of Germany in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The article examines the activity of German political foundations, research institutions, communities, language centres, and scientific and cultural organisations. It is stressed that Germany makes use of the Baltics’ historical familiarity with German traditions in implementing its policy in these countries. The study suggests that German political and educational foundations are major actors of German soft power. It is shown that the development of a multilevel German language learning system incorporating various courses and scholarship programmes is one of the central strategies of German foundations. This strategy uses ‘High German’ as a means to integrate the Baltic audience into the German information space. The German language serves as a basis for popularisation of the German educational system and educational standards, on the one hand, and partnership institutionalisation, cooperation, and integration on the other. It is concluded that, alongside Sweden and Russia, Germany is a major foreign policy player in the Baltics.

The separation of the Baltics from the Soviet Uni on was a difficult process accompanied by both political and economic conflicts. The third party in the negotiation process was represented by Germany and the USA. This article sets out to identify the role of the USA and Germany in the restoration of Baltic independence. Historicism and objectivity principles serve as the methodological framework for the research. The regional approach was applied in order to integrate the features of regional development into the overall picture of world politics. The scientific and practical significance of the article lies in a scientific evaluation of the Soviet-Baltic relations in 1989—1991. This study can help understand the mechanisms of formulation of foreign policy by the USA, Germany, and the USSR, as well as the practice of political interaction between these countries and the Baltic States. The materials and conclusions of this article can be used for further research on the foreign policies of the USA, Germany, the USSR, and the Baltic republics. In the process of the Baltics gaining their independence, western countries showed an ambivalent position and hesitancy regarding support for the struggle for liberation. As a result of internal contradictions in the USSR, Baltic leaders managed to achieve independence without any effective support from western powers. The research significance of this study lies in a diverse sel ection of sources and a new formulation of the problem of Baltic independence. The practical significance of the article results lies in the applicability of its materials in the development of Russian foreign policy in the Baltic region, further research on the history of the Baltic region, Germany, and the USA, and preparation of lectures.

The influence of the events related to the transfer of the remains and the monument to Soviet soldiers in central Tallinn on the Russian cargo transit flows through the Baltic Sea region is described. The author shows that there has been a redistribution of Russian cargoes and their shipment through the ports of Latvia and Lithuania lately. According to the author, the positive dynamics of Russian-Latvian and Russian-Lithuanian relations should be sustained, proceeding from the assumption that sooner or later, the logic of economic cooperation may prove stronger than political considerations.

The article focuses on multiple cases of the politicization of history by the Baltic political elites. Three states of development of the politics of memory in the Baltic States are identified. Problems of political exploitation of the past are scrutinized in the context of political life and international relations. It is concluded that the narratives of the past where Nazi and Soviet legacies are equated are actively promoted on the pan-European level. Elites of the Baltic states play a salient role in this process and enhance ties with the elites of the Eastern Europe, expert and political communities of the Western Europe and USA. The dominant trends in the development of the historical politics in the Baltic countries are the administrative and legislative instruments for approval of the preferred narratives of the past, as well as an active political work at the international level aimed at the inclusion of the Baltic narratives of the past into the European politics of memory. Historical politics of the Baltic states shows the Baltic countries as the victims of "two totalitarianisms" ("Nazi and Soviet occupation"), and this point of view is widely used as a foreign policy tool. The politicization of the "anti-totalitarianism" issue is now a popular foreign policy tool that not only serves the interests of the Baltic and Eastern European politicians, but also finds ideological supporters in Western Europe and the United States.

This article presents a survey of the First World War in the region of today’s states of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Finland. Chronologically the article begins with the outbreak of the war in August 1914 and ends with the conclusion of the Polish-Soviet Peace Treaty in Riga on 18 March 1921. The article covers the historical background of the region as well as a survey of the course of war and its effects on the civilian population, particularly displacement. Moreover, it outlines the policies of the German occupation regime against the background of German perceptions of the region. Taking into account that fighting in the region continued for two more years after the German defeat, special focus is placed on the transition from imperial war to the “independence wars”, starting from the Russian Revolution and ending with the successful establishment of national states., 1914-1918-Online International Encyclopedia of the First World War

Outbreaks of infectious animal diseases within the last 10-15 years in areas with intensive livestock production have shown how vulnerable the production systems can be when confronted with an outbreak of a highly infectious disease such as avian influenza, foot and mouth disease or classical swine fever. The veterinary administrations of the Nordic and Baltic countries have established contingency plans; the objectives of the plans include: - to protect animal and human health - to minimize economic loss for the livestock sector and the society as a whole - to minimize damage to the environment. This publication provides information on measures to be considered in contingency planning; the measures take into account: - the pre-epidemic period; disease prevention - the epidemic period; disease eradication - the post-epidemic period; regaining of animal health status.

Many infectious diseases of domestic animals and humans have reservoirs in wild animals. One of these diseases is rabies which worldwide causes more than 55,000 deaths pr. year. Climatic changes, human population growth, certain livestock production systems and continued globalization enhance the interface between wildlife, domestic animals and man. The wildlife component of this triad has received inadequate attention in the past to effectively protect man, livestock, poultry and pet animals. The seminar held in Gdansk, Poland 2–3 October 2013 highlighted how the wildlife has high economic, ecological, social and cultural value for the coastal areas bordering the Baltic Sea and how it contributes to recreation. Nevertheless, the wildlife plays also an important role in the spread of infectious diseases and thereby the need for focus on disease surveillance and control measures.

When Latvia felt endangered by the Bolsheviks they called for German help, since Germany had assisted in clearing the country from the Bolsheviks before. However, very soon tensions between the Latvians and their helpers became apparent and the Allies decided that the “Baltische Landeswehr” should come under the British command., 1914-1918-Online International Encyclopedia of the First World War

In 1981 the European Commission started a pilot-student mobility action in Europe, which became a predecessor to the Erasmus programme launched in 1987. During the first academic year 11 European countries with almost 3 244 students participated in the programme. In 1995 Erasmus was merged with other educational and training programmes and was named the Socrates programme. In 2000 the programme was prolonged to Socrates II. In 2007 a new programme called the Lifelong Learning Programme grew from the previous Socrates. This brochure provides a statistical analysis of the implementation of the Erasmus Programme’s decentralised mobility actions in the 3 participating Europe- an countries in the Baltic Area and covers the overall performance of all the different types of actions funded by the Lifelong Learning Programme (Student and Staff Mobility, Intensive Programmes, Erasmus Intensive Language Courses) in the period 2007–2013.

This paper focuses on men and women and the gender segregation of jobs in the Baltic countries. Based on the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian labour force survey data, a look is taken at the employment structure of men and women by industries and occupations, as well as at the question whether or not gender segregation in the labour market has been increased after the collapse of the communist systems in the region under consideration. Empirical data demonstrate that in respect to industrial gender segregation there is some increase in Estonia and Latvia, but not in Lithuania. Occupational gender segregation demonstrates more stability in all three Baltic States. Compared to the Western European countries, the main trend is towards bigger similarities., Studies of Transition States and Societies, Vol 1, No 1 (2009)

Aquaculture is one of the fastest growing productions and the value of aquaculture is now about to pass the value of capture fisheries. Among the Nordic countries, Norway in particular has been able to create a large aquaculture industry with high growth rates over a number of years. The other Nordic countries have only had limited growth, but have a high unutilised potential. There is a need to identify opportunities and limitations for increased growth with due care for sustainability and environment. This report identifies seven focus areas with special potential for creation of a sustainable, competitive Nordic aquaculture sector. These areas are new feeds, better use and reuse of nutrients (nitrogen, phosphorus and carbon), value adding of by-products, technological and regional development, domestication of new species and reduction of energy consumption. The aquaculture sector with its strengths and weaknesses is described for each of the Nordic countries.The report is compiled on basis of contributions from a Nordic group of experts. It was presented at a seminar on Green Growth at the annual meeting of the Nordic Ministers of Fisheries in Trondheim, July 2012.

The Baltic Investment Programme was first launched for the period 1992-1995. It was then extended for another period, 1995-1998. In 1998 it was decided to let the programme come to a gradual end in 2003, the year before the three Baltic countries became members of the European Union. The main purpose of the programme was to promote the development of small and medium sized enterprises in the private sector as an important vehicle for economic growth and employment, as well as assisting the development of a commercial financial sector by establishing a national investment banks in each of the three countries. The report tells the story leading up to the agreement with the Baltic countries on the Baltic Investment Programme. It then goes on explaining the various phases in the development of the Programme, the tasks of the institution and the finances, how the institutions used the resources provided by the Programme. Some of the important sub-p rogrammes are explained in more detail. Finally, in the last chapter an assessment of the Programme is given.

This issue brief presents results from the project Capacity building regarding data inventory and air pollution modelling with the EMEP and GAINS models – applied on Oblasts of the Russian Federation, financed by the Nordic Council of Ministers (project KOL 10-11) and the Swedish Clean Air Research Programme (SCARP). The purpose with the brief is to highlight air pollution problems and policy options in the Russian Federation and to provide information on the benefits of Nordic-Russian co-operation over the last couple of years, as well as to provide suggestions for ways forward.

82 The processes related to the development of international tourism in Lithuania are of importance for the growth of economic, social, and cultural welfare. The increasing tourist and recreational attractiveness of such cities as Druskininkai, Trakai, Palanga, Vilnius, and Klaipeda to international tourists, as well as an advantageous quality-price ratio of the services offered contribute to the growth of competitiveness on the international tourism market. Service standards applied in Lithuania at the international tourism market uphold and improve the image of Lithuania in the Baltic Sea region. The interregional cooperation between Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in the field of international tourism development is based on the principle of public private partnership. It has been recently acknowledged that the three Baltic States form an integrating region in the field of international tourism and thus affect the Kaliningrad region, North-east Poland, Southern Finland, and partially Belarus. Therefore, Lithuania plays an important role in the integration of the tourist infrastructure of the Kaliningrad region into the tourist system of the Baltics. This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of the processes relating to the development of international tourism in Lithuania in the context of the Baltic States. We also carry out the comparison of regional competitive factors and trace the patterns for further development of international tourism in Lithuania in the framework of cross-border and transborder cooperation.

The 1987 report from the World Commission on Environment and Development – better known as the Brundtland Report – aimed at uniting countries under the United Nations topursue sustainable development. The report stipulates three kinds of sustainability: economic, social and environmental. Over the past 25 years these three pillars of sustainability have significantly changed the way development is pursued – not least in theBaltic Sea Region. In the past 10-15 years, culture has been a candidate for inclusion as the fourth pillar of sustainability – with some success. At recent COP meetings for example cultural aspects ofsustainability have grown in importance. In 2010 the UNESCO partner United Cities and Local Governments declared culture “The Fourth Pillar of Sustainability”. This was followed in 2012 by the Rio+20 UN conference, which declared: “We acknowledge the diversity of the world andrecognize that all cultures and civilisations contribute to the enrichment of humankind and theprotection of the Earth’s life support system. We emphasize the importance of culture forsustainable development. We call for a holistic approach to sustainable development which will guide humanity to live in harmony with nature." The logic is that by including culture in sustainability one achieves a more complete development model which – it is argued – better embraces the complexity of societies and highlights the importance of culture as a driver of societal change and development. Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region is extensive – particularly with regard to the three traditional pillars of sustainability. In fact economic, social and environmental sustainabilitywere cornerstones of the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region when this was launched in 2009. However, the first Action Plan associated with the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region provided few opportunities for developing regional cooperation – including cultural dimensions of sustainable development – beyond what could be related to education and cooperation in the tourism sphere. However, the recently updated Action Plan for the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region does emphasise the importance of culture to sustainable development, as part of a dedicatedPriority Area for Culture and associated cooperation activities. The Nordic Council ofMinisters is committed to taking responsibility for advancing regional cooperation under thePriority Area for Culture – including by leading the Flagship Project “Baltic Sea Regioncooperation with a focus on culture as a part of sustainable development”. This paper is a first effort under this flagship project. It is an attempt to map stakeholders and activities in the field of culture and sustainability. It is also a first effort to engage stakeholders in a new region-wide dialogue aiming at identifying opportunities for synergies in current efforts, and to propose practical steps for further cooperation in the field of culture andsustainability. The longer-term objective of the Nordic Council of Ministers is, to take the first steps – along with partners from around the Baltic Sea – towards systematically developing knowledge and capacities in the Baltic Sea Region on ways in which culture contributes, and can contribute more, to sustainable development – whether be it economically, socially and/or environmentally sustainable development. The mapping and reporting by Cultura 21 Nordic and Innogate, a task commissioned by theNordic Council of Ministers, took place between November 2012 and March 2013. The team is grateful for the high level of interest and valuable contributions provided by the many organisations and individuals involved. Any eventual omissions of important stakeholders, networks or projects are not intentional but a result of the limited time available to pursue the mapping. We are grateful for any suggestions for improving this overview.

Confidence in political and social institutions is of basic importance for democratic rule. The topic here is the patterns of elite and mass confidence in parliament, police, private business, and the church, in three Baltic States following the collapse of communism. The main finding is that elite's confidence in new institutions is considerably more affirmative than among the mass public, indicating their leading role in the consolidation process. I argue that this finding is more in line with the theory of democratic elitism than liberal democratic theory and underscore the vital role of elites in the process of democratic consolidation. However, gaps and trends over time vary between the countries, which also accentuate the importance of national contexts as explanations., Historical Social Research Vol. 37, No. 1 (2012): Special Issue: Elite Foundations of Social Theory and Politics. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

This chapter discusses the reception of Henry's chronicle during the early modern period or rather the lack thereof. It intends to document the faint traces which Henry left on early modern scholarship, up to Gruber's first edition of his chronicle in 1740. The Codex Zamoscianus, which forms the basis of all modern editions, is the only surviving manuscript from the Middle Ages. The list of early modern scholars who used the Livonian chronicle seems impressive at a first glance. The first early modern scholar to use Henry's chronicle was Albert Krantz, the prominent Hanseatic historian and one of the most influential humanists in Northern Europe. The idea of a pre-social, pre-governmental condition in which all people were equal before God enabled early modern society to reflect on itself. Reconstructing the mechanisms and motivations that led to the initial establishment of statehood, it raised the question of which political system best served the interests of the individual.

In diesem Artikel werden fünf aktuelle Beiträge besprochen, die sich empirisch mit der Interaktion zwischen wandelnden sozio-historischen Kontexten und der individuellen Anpassung und Entwicklung auseinander setzen. Die Beiträge von John Bynner, Rand Conger und Mitarbeitern, Cigndem Kagitcibasi, Jungsik Kim und Mitarbeitern sowie von Ingrid Schoon werden auf dem Hintergrund eines Modells zur Entwicklung im sozialen Wandel diskutiert. Es wird argumentiert, dass Forschung zum sozialen Wandel den politischen und sozialen Kontext berücksichtigen muss und dass es dabei notwendig ist, die für die Interaktion zwischen Makro und Mikro stehenden Bedingungen zu identifizieren und zu untersuchen. Solche Forschung ist dann nicht nur geeignet um die Disziplin als solche zu bereichern oder um das Modell der Entwicklung im Kontext voranzutreiben. Sie ist auch von Relevanz um sozialpolitische Interventionen in Zeiten des raschen sozialen Wandels zu begründen., This paper reviews five recent contributions that empirically investigate the interaction between changing socio-historical contexts and individual adaptation and development. The contributions by John Bynner, Rand Conger and colleagues, Cigdem Kagitcibasi, Jungsik Kim and colleagues and Ingrid Schoon are discussed against the backdrop of a generic model of social change and human development. It is argued that research on social change has to consider the larger political and social context and needs to identify and to study conditions that represent the processes of macro-micro-interaction. Such research will not only enrich the scientific inquiry in this field and promote theorizing about development-in-context, but also is of relevance for social policies in times of rapid social change., Historical Social Research Vol. 35, No. 2 (2010): Special Issue: Transitions - Transformations: Trajectories of Social, Economic and Political Change after Communism. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

This article revises the conventional approach to welfare state development in the post-communist world, according to which the main challenge for the Eastern European states is to catch up with Western European welfare regimes. The article argues that adjustment to the new social risks and volatile markets is more important today than the catching-up scenario. Based on social and labour market statistics for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, the article analyses how the Baltic States are coping with this adjustment challenge. Adaptation to the post-modern conditions can be regarded as successful if the stability of welfare spending is accompanied by the expanding and flexible employment and by the stable or decreasing level of poverty. The findings suggest that the opportunities to increase the flexibility and equality of the labour market provided by the breakdown of the communist regime were not used. Instead, the Baltic welfare states continue to focus on protecting against the old social risks by combining neoliberal and post-communist principles. Poor performance in meeting new social risks poses a greater challenge for the post-communist welfare states than their lag in terms of gross welfare expenditure., Studies of Transition States and Societies, Vol 2, No 2 (2010)

Gabrielle Hogan-Brun, Uldis Ozolins, Meilutė Ramonienė, Mart Rannut, Language Politics and Practices in the Baltic States. Current Issues in Language Planning, Volume 8, Issue 4 January 2008, lk 469–631. Oleme veendunud, et väljaspool Balti riike elavad inimesed ei saa õieti aru, miks meie keelepoliitika on just selline, nagu ta on. Sealjuures on seda kogu taasiseseisvusaja saatnud erakordselt suur rahvusvaheline tähelepanu. Sellest ajendatuna on neli keele- ja poliitikateadlast kirjutanud monograafia, mille eesmärgiks on asetada kolme Balti riigi viimase aja keelepoliitika ajaloolisse konteksti. Raamatu üks põhieesmärke ongi väidelda, et keelealaste otsuste tegemisel ei ole võimalik lähtuda ainult käesolevast hetkest, vaid peab arvestama ka ajaloolist tausta. Seisukoht, mis kodusele lugejale on intuitiivselt endastmõistetav.

This report gives an overview of the evaluation of two scholarship schemes – Sleipnir and Closer Culture Neighbours. The main objectives of the evaluation were to obtain a comprehensive overview of the processes and outcomes of Sleipnir and Closer Culture Neighbours scholarship schemes, find out the opinions of each and every party involved in the process, analyse received information and generate a list of perceived advantages and disadvantages of the programs. Subsequent proposals can be applied to the following grant programs.

In the success stories of Estonians across several generations we can speak about certain regularities. The career which moved the person out of the taxpayers' status could be started in governmental (often half-military) educational establishments and was related to civil or military service. The way from leaving the countryside for town and to become a white-collar employee would happen no sooner than within 2-3 generations. A large part of the first generation intellectuals in 19th century left for Russia. It was hard to assimilate into well-established structures of the local society, but the vast Russian empire offered various possibilities to ambitious young people. Estonians, once having accepted to act like Germans, could in Russia make a career as engineers of factories, doctors in chief of military hospitals, chemists, headmasters of schools, veterinarians, land surveyors, postal or railway clerks, Lutheran pastor in the vast spaces of Siberia. The mere size of the Russian empire guaranteed extended job opportunities. At the beginning of the 20th century emigrants tried to come back home and use the knowledge and skills obtained in Russia for the (Estonian) public weal. When Estonia became an independent state, 40.000 persons came back and they had a great impact in the building of Estonian professional elites., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

In November 2004 the Nordic Council of Ministers together with the Nordic countries, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland decided to initiate a colaboration by approving an action plan for improved co-operation between the countries concerned in the area of construction and building. The co-operation will take place through the following activities: to make market information and information on national regulations accessible to potential actors on the market to expand the basis of experience and newfound knowledge in housing construction to undertake a comparative analysis of regulations within the building sector intended to serve as a basis for deliberations on possible harmonization to make it possible to compare competency requirements imposed on certain actors in the building process to establish a network for joint research and development on issues relevant to the plan of action This report describes the main principles of the building legislation of the three Baltic countries and Poland, and compares some of the central issues. The report has three main sections: Background and "frames" for building activity in each country Comparison of the principals for the building legislation Implementation

Despite several attempts in the eighteenth century to re-establish the University of Dorpat, the Baltic Germans succeeded only in 1802 in re-founding this precious institution meant for the education of the local German-speaking elite. The Baltic German nobility had power over the whole area, ruling it in political, religious, economic and cultural respect. In return for their numerous privileges, they demonstrated an almost proverbial loyalty to the Russian tsar. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, several high posts in the Russian government and in the Russian army were taken by members of the Baltic German nobility. A similar ambiguity characterized the attitude of the Finnish elite. On the one hand, the exceptionally privileged position of the Grand Duchy of Finland within the Russian empire forced them to act loyally towards their occupier. On the other hand, Finnish national awareness increased from the 1820's, a development towards which the university contributed to a large extent. As the Baltic German elite was educated at the University of Dorpat, the Finnish elite had its own university, first in Turku/ Abo and, from 1827, in Helsinki. Certainly when the university moved to the new capital, it was given explicit instructions to 'build the nation'. Also the location of the new imperial university was significant in this respect: on the Senate's square with at the opposite side of the square the government and next to it the imposing cathedral., Historical Social Research Vol. 33, No. 2 (2008): Special Issue: Elite Formation in the Other Europe (19th-20th Century) Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

The importance of nature tourism and outdoor recreation is increasing in the Nordic and Baltic countries. Information on visitors to nature areas is needed for managing outdoor recreation to ensure quality recreation experiences, tourism development, the promotion of public health and well-being, and the efficient protection of nature and cultural heritage in a sustainable way. The purpose of this manual is to provide managers with methods, tools and ideas for learning more about outdoor recreationists and their use of nature areas. The main focus is on practical matters: how to carry out visitor counting and visitor surveys, how to report the results and how to make use of the information obtained. The manual includes guidelines, recommendations and examples on visitor monitoring methodologies applicable to nature areas in the Nordic and Baltic countries. The manual has been produced by a group of specialists on visitor monitoring methodologies in nature areas, and it represents an effort to put harmonised methods into practice in the Nordic and Baltic countries. It is a first step towards obtaining uniform visitor monitoring information, creating a common basis for statistics and databases in this part of the world.

'The aim of this study is to investigate the causes and effects of economic exclusion of historical national and ethnic minorities and to identify the policies, both at the national and supranational levels, that are most effective in combating this problem. The study analyzes economic participation in four regions of Europe in which historical minorities are concentrated: the Autonomous Province of South Tyrol/ Bolzano (where German-speakers form a majority), Northern Ireland (where Catholics form a large minority), Estonia (where Russians and other Russian speakers form a majority in the northeastern county of Ida-Viru) and Transylvania in Romania (where Hungarians form a majority in two countries). The main focus is on compactly settled minorities, rather than widely dispersed minorities such as Roma. The paper (Section II) shows how a variety of factors, including constitutional arrangements and other fundamental laws, policies from different fields of policy making, general economic processes, such as privatization or integration into the global marketplace, as well as the strategies adopted by the minorities themselves, affect the relative economic position of members of minorities in the four regions under analysis. This allows us to derive examples of best practice in terms of policy initiatives that can best combat the problem of economic exclusion. The paper concludes by summarizing the policies that are most effective in promoting economic inclusion in our case studies and the ways that these may be employed at a wider EU level.' (author's abstract)