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The new dynamics in the global security environment accompanied by the renewal of great power competition and its impact on security provision of Central European countries brought new challenges, especially in countering hybrid threats. The article embraces the outcome of a multilateral research analysing countering hybrid threat policies in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The goal of the article is to discuss and explain the four nations’ policies towards the mitigation of the hybrid challenges and their complexity. Those national approaches are comprehensively assessed in four case studies and their main commonalities and key differences are discussed. The conclusion is that although the V4 countries have the same conceptual theoretical basis, the policies against the hybrid threat differ. The authors propose more efficient way ahead at the national level and the improvement of coordination between the V4 countries.

Over the past decade, immigration has been the main driver shaping Poland’s migration policy. This has given rise to the concept and problem of an immigrant as an “other” who should be adjusted to Polish reality. The idea of parochialism is helpful in addressing the matter of the lookingglass self and its consequences for immigration policy. This article aims to interpret Poland’s immigration policy in the context of parochialism and its virtues. It points to the consequences of a migration paradigm shift generated by modernisation and indigenisation. The methodology embraces a theoretical framing of parochialism, an interpretive political analysis approach, a qualitative content analysis, and an interpretation of selected public opinion polls and surveys. The argument developed in this article holds that Poland’s immigration policy after 2015 has been marked by the tendency to favour parochialism as an attitude which captures immigrants in the exclusionary formula of “others”. The mobilisation of the Polish population to oppose the infl ow of immigrants is in line with their “domestication” according to ethno-nationalist standards. Such process facilitates the implementation of Poland’s immigration policy by shifting responsibility from the central authorities to local communities.

The EU has been under severe strain as a free-travel area. The migration crisis of the mid-2010s and the current Covid-19 pandemic have exerted a negative impact on the freedom of movement in the EU and the undisturbed crossing of internal borders within the Schengen area. Direct effects and long-term consequences of the prolonged crisis have shown that the dynamics of integration, which are determined by spillover effects of transnational processes, are counterposed by a politicization of domestically-embedded issues of security governance. This assumption underpins the postfunctionalist approach to European integration proposed originally by Hooghe and Marks. The tendency towards longstanding derogations from the Schengen regime, termed “internal rebordering,” should be juxtaposed with efforts of the European Commission towards a full restoration of the Schengen area without controls at internal borders. The argument developed in this article holds that internal rebordering has been embedded in the logic of the EU as an area of freedom, security, and justice comprising the Schengen area as its territorial manifestation. The rebordering processes in the EU and in the Schengen area have questioned the principle of “constraining dissensus” underlaying the postfunctionalist approach.

Already, the 21st century has seen an unprecedented increase in cross-border movements of people, goods, information, and financial capital. Numerous incentives and facilitators have expanded international interconnectedness and mobility, so altering the conventional nature and functions of state borders, as captured by the “new mobilities” paradigm. Yet the weaponization of global economic interdependencies and other trends towards deglobalization mean there is now a growing pressure on governments to re-establish the conventional attributes of borders. Against the current mobility and security backdrop, this collection of articles takes stock of the meaning, roles, and practices of border activities. Now is the moment to consider the special role that borders perform as an institution of state security in a contemporary world exposed to massive international flows of people and goods, as well as technologically-driven control and management systems.

The data fusion methods, techniques and tools are regarded as a remedy for shortcomings of information/knowledge management and intelligence production. They also address current needs of the holistic, all-source approach to intelligence. Their implementation means the creation of new organizational elements − ‘fusion centers’. The concept of a fusion center has been introduced to and tested in the European Union for years. This paper examines data fusion processes and elements within the EU and focuses on intelligence fusion capabilities developed under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The examples of the Single Intelligence Analysis Capacity (SIAC) and EU Hybrid Fusion Cell in the Intelligence and Situation Center (INTCEN) are examined to evaluate challenges, opportunities and limitations of EU intelligence fusion elements. This paper is also an effort to indicate that there are still many elements to be improved within the EU intelligence establishment, including the area of data and information fusion – with the overall aim to effectively and timely support CSDP. Intelligence sharing by Member States with the EU remains one of the main impediments.

Contemporary security is shaped by a variety of factors which determine the changing dynamics of connections and interdependencies within and between social groups and political actors. The growing importance of technology and innovation for states and societies has been a critical factor in the infrastructural, organizational and decision-making dimensions. This article aims to integrate some aspects of contemporary security into current dynamics of technology and innovation as vehicles of rapid and substantial changes in security policies and actions. Designed as an essay based on qualitative method in social sciences, this paper raises theoretical and empirical questions concerning modernization and innovation as determinants of contemporary security structures and policies. The empirical dimension of technology, innovation and politics are presented in the microscale (local security), in the mesoscale (state security, national security, sectoral security) and in the macroscale (international security in regional and global dimensions), as well as from the cross-sectional (transversal) perspective.

Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid-2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti-immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East-Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long-term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East-Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so-called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra-local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra-local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.”

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden’s immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

This article tackles the issue of legal regulation of the use of force by the European Union based on the example of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), operating in the EU’s area of freedom, security, and justice. Due to the risks and threats related to border protection and migration management, Frontex has been endowed with extensive powers to use force in its operations. Using the concept of institutional isomorphism, the author argues that Frontex’s activities in the face of specific and extremely difficult challenges at the external borders of the EU have become a component of operations undertaken by the border services of the Member States, leading to an isomorphic “merging” of the activities of EU agencies and national border services, including the legal dimension of the use of force.

This article presents one of the most salient aspects of the migration crisis in the EU, namely the turbulent management of external borders, and analyzing it in the case of the central region of the Mediterranean Sea. The study is focused on risks and threats to the security of the European Union and its member states, particularly Italy, posed by negative aspects of migratory flows and accompanying phenomena such as migrant smuggling, trafficking in human beings, drug smuggling or document frauds. For this purpose, a concept of ‘extended borderland’ is applied as particularly suitable for analyzing border-security policies and actions undertaken by the European Union. The argument developed in this article is that the Central Mediterranean area has been converted into an extended borderland where conventional systems, methods and tools of border management are superseded by spatial taming created by international actors acting through joint maritime operations.