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This article reexamines the legacy of Wagnerism in France through the lens of cultural and intellectual history. Taking the Revue wagnérienne (1885-88) as its central subject of analysis, it demonstrates that contributors to the Revue developed from Richard Wagner's work several strategies for transcending the Franco-German nationalist conflicts so trenchant in the 1880s. Falling beyond the confines of any one academic discipline or aesthetic category, the Wagnerism presented on the pages of the Revue wagnérienne borrowed from scientific thought, aesthetics, religion, and politics in equal measure. This comingling of approaches expressed by the authors suggests that Wagnerism in the 1880s created an intellectual space for seemingly contradictory perspectives to coexist. Grappling with Wagner's works and ideas, then, provided French intellectuals with an opportunity to imagine alternatives to many of the political, cultural, and ideological polarizations of the early Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a theory of military retrenchment by states in relative decline. I argue that a declining state will choose to withdraw foreign military deployments and security commitments when there exists a suitable regional 'successor' to which it can devolve its current responsibilities. The degree of a successor's suitability and the strategic importance of the region to the declining state interact to determine when and how rapidly retrenchment will occur. Importantly, this devolutionary model of retrenchment predicts significant variations in retrenchment patterns across a declining state's multiple regional commitments. It advances the literature by producing nuanced predictions of precisely where, when, and how quickly retrenchment will occur. This paper assesses the theory empirically through an examination of Great Britain's varying regional retrenchment strategies prior to World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the summer of 1907, France experienced one of its largest social disturbances since the Revolution, as the winegrowers of the Languedoc-Roussillon led a mass protest movement that paralysed the region and challenged the state. Although the Grande Révolte evoked references to the Albigensian Crusade, and juxtaposed North and South, it never fully represented a moment of Occitan regionalist rising. The failure of the cultural organisation the Félibrige to fully engage with protesters led to a fissure between political and cultural expressions of Occitan identity that marked the movement thereafter. By combining linguistic anthropology and historical analysis, the authors are able to foreground a key aspect of national identity formation as it occurred in 1907. Considering the impact of the Grande Révolte on the identity and language of the Midi offers us an insight into the development of regionalism both within and beyond the borders of the French nation. Pendant l'été 1907, la France vécut de grands troubles sociaux auxquels l'État dut faire face, à savoir la Grande Révolte des vignerons du Languedoc-Roussillon qui glaça la région. Bien que la Grande Révolte ait évoqué des références à la Croisade des Albigeois et ait juxtaposé le Nord et le Sud, elle n'atteignit jamais le niveau d'un vrai soulèvement régionaliste occitan. Le manque de coopération entre l'organisation culturelle du Félibrige d'un côté et les manifestants de l'autre provoqua une fissure entre les expressions politiques et culturelles de l'identité occitane, qui désormais marquerait le mouvement. Les auteurs allient l'anthropologie linguistique et l'analyse historique afin de souligner un aspect principal de la création d'une identité nationale en 1907. Prendre en considération l'impact de la Grande Révolte sur l'identité et les langues du Midi nous donne un aperçu du développement du régionalisme en France et hors de France. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines some of the debates over maternal instinct in France under the Third Republic. It focuses on the work of three naturalists (Fabre, Perrier, and Giard) and shows how these scientists shaped, reinforced, or challenged feminine identities as well as a number of sexual social conventions making constant reference to the natural as their authority. This paper highlights these scientists' views on womanhood and maternity and their stances on contemporary feminist discourses as well as seeking to establish the extent to which these views and stances influenced their scientific discourses and practices. It also aims to demonstrate the interpenetration of science and policy, not only in terms of the transfer of political concepts into the scientific domain (and back again), but also as a joint construction process, which produced a new political and natural order in nineteenth century France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

About 2,800 volunteers of the American contingent of the International Brigades, generally known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, served in Spain from 1937 to 1939. After the fall of Barcelona at the end of January 1939 many ended up in French refugee camps. This article draws on first-hand eye-witness accounts to paint a picture not only of the withdrawal from Spain after the fall of Barcelona in January 1939 but also of conditions within the camps in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1934 French politics became polarized in a bitter struggle for the soul of France between Jeanne d'Arc and Marianne. In the course of the war in Spain, the positions taken by the Left and Right did not change; they simply hardened. Socialist doctrine was grounded in pacifism, but now it had to confront fascism. The Right, in its many varieties, was pro-appeasement and pro-Mussolini, and did its best to close its eyes to Italo-German rapprochement; Hitlerism was viewed as a terrible danger, but it was still the lesser ideological evil. Toulouse provided a fine observation point on Spain, and its varied press included the centre-left La Dépêche, of international renown. Among its writers, Heinrich Mann and Émile Vandervelde expressed an excessive pro-Republican optimism (as did Léon Blum in Le Midi Socialiste). L'Express du Midi called for volunteers for Franco, and Franco fumed at the poor response. Guglielmo Ferrero meanwhile warned that Europe was now plunged into the greatest intellectual and moral confusion in all its history. With Franco's victory, what all sides came to realize was that France now faced hostile forces on three frontiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the conceptual and organisational connections between late nineteenth-century civil-liberties activism and the emerging human-rights paradigm of the twentieth century. The comparison of the two largest and most influential civil-liberties organisations to emerge in Britain and France before the First World War (the British Personal Rights Association and the French Ligue des droits de l'homme) has three objectives: to place the two groups in a wider context of civil-liberty organisations of the pre-First World War era and to identify personal connections and inspirations. Secondly, by analysing functional definitions of ‘rights’ and who these rights should apply to, the article argues that although one group conceptualised their activism on the basis of ‘civil liberties’ and the other on ‘human rights’ there were significant similarities between the approaches of the two groups. Moreover, differences stemmed from internal politics within each group rather than the dissimilar conceptual framework. Finally the article seeks to understand why the Ligue des droits de l'homme was much more successful than the British Personal Rights Association both in its ability to mobilise supporters, and in inspiring sister organisations in other European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Alphonse Aulard (1849–1928) institutionalised and professionalised the practice of history. Beyond this undisputed contribution, however, Aulard's place in historiography remains contested. Scholars' perceptions that anti-clerical and radical-republican commitments skewed his research findings, and that he chose narrowly to study history as a series of constitutional, institutional and political developments in stark contrast with his student Albert Mathiez, have divided opinion regarding the beliefs and significance of Aulard. Yet Aulard's work and the cultural and political contribution it made have become a source of inspiration for a generation of scholars now studying revolutionary and European history. Based for the first time on an examination of his private papers, professional activities and oeuvre in tandem, this article revisits Aulard, and, using a post-analytic hermeneutics, re-reads his work in order to show how in his age Aulard advanced a demonstrably original contribution to historical research. He likewise left behind him a neo-Jacobin legacy more attentive to raison d'état than party division and championing international, liberal democracy and human rights. Multifaceted commitments therefore both explain the content of Aulard's oeuvre and help to understand contemporary developments, and suggest future directions, in historical enquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French socialist movement developed out of an eclectic mixture of ideas and militant groupings in the late nineteenth century. As party unity developed, many theoretical positions were sidelined. The strand of thinking exemplified by the working-class journalist Eugene Fournière, an advanced form of economic federalism that drew on the writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, found it difficult to identify itself clearly in twentieth-century socialism; yet this strand has remained a source of fruitful discussion. This article attempts to unpack the relationship between the intellectual history of these forms of socialism and the issues of political identity faced by militants who were attempting to forge a clear identity. Using Fournière as a case study, this article suggests that afresh examination of the political culture of the socialist movement will give a stronger basis for understanding how dissidence and libertarianism have been vital elements in French socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National and international critics of Paris's 1900 Universal Exposition claimed that it was a disaster on various levels. That year, in addition to two walkway collapses that killed thirteen people, Paris experienced numerous construction and transportation accidents; electrical failures and fires; a deadly heal wave followed by a water shortage, near sewer failure, and "great stink"; and typhoid and smallpox outbreaks that killed more than a thousand people. Taking the spatial turn in exposition studies, this article interprets these claims as part of a conservative disaster discourse that targeted the exposition to undermine the Third Republic and its progressive conception of urban modernity. Thus, rather than examining an actual disaster, I show how the Republic's critics used fears of impending disaster to cast modem Paris as a "risk society" characterized by "normal accidents," which in turn questioned the Republic's project, widely hyped at the exposition, of controlling nature and achieving social progress through science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how official and unofficial early film footage intersects in the representation of France's mission civilisatrice in films taken in West Congo in the early twentieth century. We study uncut, and largely unseen footage of the French soldier General Henri Gouraud in Syria and Lebanon, filmed during the French acquisition of these territories following the First World War. This footage taken by Albert Kahn's photographer Lucien Le Saint, and now in the Archives de la Planète in Paris, reveals twin images of the General: one a powerful military commander of France's ‘civilizing mission’ and the other a relaxed, modern man of the kind not usually seen in public film footage. This article then, examines various contradictions at the heart of imperialistic discourse that characterised French cultural self-confidence in the last decades of the Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The seize mai crisis of 1877 was the occasion for last of the three war scares that punctuated Franco–German relations in the 1870s. However, it has not been given the detailed scrutiny it deserves. It was not only important for the amount of influence that Bismarck exerted during a six month period to influence the course of French domestic politics at a critical juncture. This crisis also provides a cipher for understanding the earlier crises of 1873–1874 and 1875 since the German Chancellor pursued his key objective of supporting the establishment of a republic much more openly in 1877 and his tactics are much better documented than in the earlier scares. A closer look at the events of 1877 reveals more continuity in both the means and ends used by Bismarck in his dealings with France during the mid-1870s than was previously thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Information is presented about the history conference entitled "Marginalized Masculinities and the Nation: Global Comparisons, 1800-1945," held March 2012 at the Heidelberg Center for American Studies in Heidelberg, Germany. Topics included a comparison of Neo-Nazis in the U.S., GErmany, and Sweden; masculinity and Japanese military personnel in Meiji Japan; and homosexuality and masculinity in France between 1871 and 1945. Presenters included historians Andreas Beer, Denis Gainty, and Norman Domeier.

Since Emile Zola's "J'accuse," the Dreyfus affair has often been conceptualized as a struggle between truth and raison d'état. In this interpretation, the antidreyfusards voluntarily cede any claim to the concept of truth in favor of arguments based in the exigencies of national security. This article suggests, however, that antidreyfusard rhetoric and imagery also employed a concept of truth: a subjective truth that depended on personal credibility as established through opposition to imagined enemies of France. The caricaturist Caran d'Ache represented this relational truth in scenes of antidreyfusard women identifying and rejecting dreyfusard or Jewish men. These scenes allowed the artist to emphasize the personal and conditional nature of this sort of truth by showing ambiguous sexualized or aggressive women acquiring credibility through their hostile interactions with dreyfusard or Jewish adversaries, thereby permitting the representation of a truth based on human interaction and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to a familiar assimilation model whereby peasants were "transformed into Frenchmen," this study of Limousin migrant masons illustrates how occupational specialization, rural-based social networking, and circular migration strategies encouraged residential concentration in Paris in the second half of the nineteenth century. After addressing circular migration and the characteristics of the building trades that promoted social networking, this study draws on census and electoral records to map the boundaries of Limousin solidarity in Paris during the Third Republic (1871-1914). Rather than constituting a "colony," Limousin migrant masons established "microcommunities" based on familial and village-based social ties. The article concludes with an analysis detailing the functions of residential concentration by considering how collective living arrangements in hôtels garnis (boardinghouses) enabled the procurement of work, maintained the cohesion of the work team, and promoted links connecting Paris to the Departments of the Haute-Vienne and the Creuse in central France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pendant la période de domination coloniale française, les réactions disparates et souvent contradictoires des missionnaires catholiques et des autorités françaises face aux religions non-catholiques ont été source de conlit dans la poursuite de leurs visions respectives de la "mission civilisatrice." Cet article explore l'effet de l'émergence du Protestantisme sur les relations Église-État dans le Vietnam colonial. Même si l'Église et l'État partageaient des doutes quant au Protestantisme, les limites des structures légales et de police de l'État et les partisans inluents du Protestantisme au sein de la gauche politique, ont assuré au Protestantisme une présence sociale et une position protégée que les Catholiques interprétaient comme un produit de l'anticléricalisme républicain. La consolidation de la présence protestante fut donc un facteur important dans la détérioration des relations Église-État à la in de l'époque coloniale. Cet article désigne les religions locales comme un élément crucial des relations Église-État dans l'empire français, sans parallèle dans la vie politique ou sociale métropolitaine, ce qui requiert de placer "les relations Église-État" plus directement dans le contexte colonial particulier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the French feminist movements campaigning to obtain the right to vote between the 1870s and the 1930s are well known, the struggles for women's access to higher education and professional work have not yet been studied in depth. Although the French Third Republic (1871-1940) claimed to adhere to the principles of equality, meritocracy and the 'free competition of talents', which translated concretely into the creation of a system of scholarships, competitions and professional degrees which provided access to many of the professional careers, these doors remained largely closed to the first women attempting to enter them. The controversies that this situation provoked are the subject of this article, which draws from professional, parliamentary, press and activist sources. More broadly, through examining this particular series of controversies, the article aims to give an account of the mechanisms and arguments that are generally used to make such discriminations publicly acceptable within institutional spaces that are formally governed by the principle of equal access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jean Renoir's post-war films are generally not given the same critical attention as his great works of the 1930s, and are usually regarded as indicating a withdrawal of interest in politics. Although it deals with a possible coup d'état, Elena et les hommes/ Paris Does Strange Things (1956) appears to be principally a light-hearted film about love set in a fantasized nineteenth century. This article argues that the political context is more important to the film than has so far been acknowledged. It draws out some of the links between the film's treatment of the emergence of right-wing extremism during the Third Republic and the situation in France in the mid-1950s. In particular, the film is shown to allude to tensions in France arising from decolonization and the dangers of a public all too ready to submit to dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of Paris-Lyon Méditerranée railway (PLM) tourist posters in the creation and maintenance of regional and national identities in France's Third Republic and on Provençal regionalists. The author examines the PLM posters at the turn of the twentieth century and the evolution the posters made from advertising tourism as health rehabilitation to attracting wealthier, active tourists. The emphasis on advertising the region as opposed to specific towns is analyzed.

In this article the author examines the global ambitions of France between the restoration of Louis XVIII in 1814 and the fall of Napoleon III in 1870. The author characterizes this period as a high point in French imperialism. A number of topics are addressed including an examination of the formal and informal power of France between the fall of the house of Bourbon and the rise of the Third Republic, French imperialism between the 18th and 20th centuries, and the extent of French foreign trade and overseas investment.

As many unused sources in the Service Historique de la Defense in Vincennes and the Quai d'Orsay in Paris reveal the French Deuxieme Bureau, and also naval intelligence, monitored events during the home rule crisis, the Easter Rising, the First World War, the Peace Conference in Paris and the Civil War. Also worthy of note are the elaboration of Franco-Irish invasion plans during the Boer War and the secret mission of an Irish general in Paris shortly after the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty on 6 December 1921. The aims of this article will be to give an overview of French military intelligence activities regarding Ireland and to give an assessment of its interest in the country during the period under consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les banques modernes émergèrent au Mexique dans les années 1860, pendant l'empire français de Maximilien de Habsbourg (1862-1867), une des conquêtes impériales commanditées par Napoléon III, et à partir de ce moment-là, les banquiers français jouèrent un rôle dominant dans le développement du Mexique. Pendant les décennies précédant la Révolution mexicaine, les banques françaises financèrent la modernisation du pays, et une d'entre elles, la Banco Nacional de México, fonctionna comme banque centrale du Mexique. La Révolution mexicaine détruisit l'ancien régime et mit fin à la domination française des marchés du crédit mexicain. En 1920, le Président Alvaro Obregón, dans le but d'initier la reconstruction économique du pays, réorganisa tout le système monétaire et bancaire du Mexique; le Crédit Foncier se retrouva non conforme à la nouvelle législature et fut donc liquidé, causant une grande perte financière aux investisseurs français. Les puissants banquiers parisiens ou le gouvernement français ne purent rien faire. Après 1920, la France cessa de jouer le rôle principal dans le secteur financier du Mexique. A partir d'archives mexicaines et françaises, cet article raconte l'histoire du Crédit Foncier Mexicain, une banque française qui opéra au Mexique pendant et après la Révolution mexicaine de 1910, et montre comment sa liquidation, en 1928, illustre la fin de l'hégémonie française en Amérique latine, notamment au Mexique, un pays où les banques françaises avaient dominé les marchés du crédit et des finances pendant un demi-siècle. Cette étude nous permet d'explorer les limites de l'impérialisme informel dans le contexte d'un pays non-colonial tel que le Mexique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article approaches international feminisms in historical comparative perspective by looking at three feminist federations, called national councils of women, that were established in France, Italy and Portugal in 1901, 1903 and 1914, respectively. All of these organisations emerged from the International Council of Women, which had been founded in Washington in 1888 'to stimulate the sentiment of internationalism among women throughout the world', as an attempt to build a collective women's identity. The comparison between France, Italy and Portugal during the first three decades of the twentieth century must take into account the fact that the last two countries faced authoritarian regimes (fascist and Salazarist dictatorships, respectively) while, by contrast, France spent the period considered in this article under the Third Republic. After examining the origins of these three national councils of women, the focus will be on their common agenda, taking into account the national contexts to which they had to adapt themselves. The aim of this article is to contribute to the history of transnational feminisms and to a comparative women's history of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How France became a consolidated democracy after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 has received little attention from students of comparative democratization. Contrary to earlier structural theories, the French case shows that in periods of high social uncertainty, political elites with clear ideological visions of the future have a strategic advantage over their more "pragmatic" opponents. Clear and consistent ideologies can solve the collective action dilemma facing initial party activists by artificially elongating the time horizons of those who embrace them. Successful party ideologies have the character of self-fulfilling prophecies: By portraying the future polity as one serving the interests of those loyal to specific ideological principles, they help to bring political organizations centered on these principles into being. In the early Third Republic, ideologically consistent republicans and legitimists built effective networks of party activists, whereas ideologically inconsistent Orléanists and Bonapartists failed to do so, allowing the victorious republicans to design new state institutions--with pro-democratic consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the suicide of a teenager illuminated a longstanding ideological divide in fin-de-siècle France. Five days after his arrival at the Maison Paternelle, an internationally renowned, privately-operated establishment for bourgeois boys, Gaston Contard committed suicide. The suicide was quickly sensationalized in the press and resulted in a wide-ranging investigation by public prosecutors who charged the institution's director with illegal imprisonment. Although acquitted, this was a pyrrhic victory as the event marked a critical turning point in the relationship between private power, state control and paternal authority as it pertained to the incarceration and socialization of troubled youths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the reasons that pronatalists in the Third Republic aligned the resolution of the depopulation crisis with the fate of settler colonialism. Convinced that the French population grew more quickly when far away from the metropole, pronatalists presented colonial emigration and settlement as means by which to strengthen the French race. The demographic importance that pronatalists attached to imperialism also led them to study colonial initiatives in population growth, most notably those of Governor- General Joseph-Simon Gallieni in Madagascar. Gallieni's belief that a large indigenous labor force was essential to preparing the colony for more extensive French settlement led him to introduce a series of reforms intended to increase the colony's Merina population. Though Gallieni's reforms reflected racial and gender assumptions specific to Madagascar, pronatalists in France considered them applicable to their own efforts to address the gendered causes of French racial decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an assessment of notes generated by France's surveillance of African and Afro-Caribbean migrants during the interwar years to analyze how black men made use of racial terms such as nègre and mulâtre. It is suggested that this racial language was infused with new political, social, and cultural meaning after World War I. How workers and intellectuals developed a race awareness that was both a response to colonialism and as a reaction against those who did not appear anti-imperial enough in their politics is discussed. It is argued that racial language expressed the nuances of black political and ideological stances with respect to the French Empire. The meanings granted to race are traced through organizations such as the Union des Travailleurs Nègres.

This section presents abstracts of articles in this issue, many of which discuss French historian Eugene Weber's work. Articles include "André Siegfried and the Complexities of French Anti-Americanism," by Sean Kennedy, "Black in France: The Language and Politics of Race in the Late Third Republic," by Jennifer Boittin, and "Rethinking the Nation at the Periphery," by Laird Boswell.

The French Protestant minority has always maintained an ambiguous relationship to the French nation. At the end of the nineteenth century, confronted by a Catholic supremacy that placed their continued existence in doubt, they found in the Republican cause a mode of integrating themselves into the national political community. Their integration into the nation went hand in hand with their efforts to decrease the danger of Catholic domination through the laws separating church and state. The association with the war effort in 1914, and again in 1939, enabled them to silence the anti-Protestant rhetoric of Maurrasian nationalists and overcome the ultimate barrier to their full integration into the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the proposition of a hygienic reform concerning the lifestyle of French people by doctors during a period called the Belle Époque, from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of World War I, in reaction to industrial and urban development and its effect on health. According to the article, naturopathy enthusiasts and vegetarians agreed with this program and shared the idea that a lifestyle far from the laws of nature was the main cause of diseases. The Société Végétarienne de France, the French society of vegetarianism, is mentioned as a key player in the promotion of this reform.

This article considers whether a specifically French 'appeasement' developed among policymakers of the inter-war years and, if so, how various appeasement strategies changed over time. It does so firstly, by attempting to define this French version of appeasement partly by reference to the historiography of French inter-war foreign policy and strategic planning. The article then considers the various impersonal forces that led to changes of course in foreign policy. These include domestic social and political pressures, economic conditions, and the changing strategic balance of power in Europe. The article suggests that French appeasement was neither a constant feature of France's international strategy in the 1930s nor simply a mirror image of its British counterpart. The foundations of French diplomacy, military thinking and strategic outlook were altogether different. By the late 1930s the limitations of actual allies, the recalcitrance of some potential friends, the elusiveness of others, had all provided a powerful fillip to proponents of appeasement, although substantial minorities continued to oppose it. Ultimately, France without a great power ally was a nation compelled to appease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Images of women in French Masonry closely resemble those of men in the movement from the eighteenth century onwards and for many of the same reasons: masonic secrecy leaves non-masons to suspect the worst, especially with state and church opposition to the craft from its inception in France. This suspicion intensified because of the revolutionary and Napoleonic disruption attributed to an apparent masonic conspiracy identified by conservative commentators. When the French Third Republic (1870–1940) embraced Masonry's anticlericalism, the new regime's political leaders embraced as well its republican tendencies, to the exclusion, however, of its women. Images of the New Woman captured well the French fin-de-siècle's hostility to women in Masonry. From George Sand to Clothilde Bersone, literary accounts of mostly para-masonic activity portray women engaged in demonic, sacrilegious, and occult practices dangerous to social and political stability. This perception became particularly problematic in the hands of unscrupulous journalists, political partisans, and literary hacks like Léo Taxil and Roger Lambelin. In the absence of better informed and more favorable views, masonic women were thus seen as rebellious without any ostensible cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the contents of the April 1, 2006 issue of "Labour History Review," which discuss the relationship between Freemasonry and the history of labour in Great Britain. The differences regarding class attitudes toward 18th century Freemasonry and contemporary Freemasonry are discussed, as well as the suspicion which right and left wing groups have about Freemasonry. Roger Burt's essay regarding Freemasonry's role in coal and non-ferrous mining labor relations is discussed, as well as an article by James Smith Allen on women in French Freemasonry. Andrew Prescott and John Hamill investigate allegations of Freemason involvement in 1935 Labour Party elections in Great Britain.

In 1904, the largest banquet of the fin de siècle celebrated a new direction in evolving public opinion on national social solidarity. Flanked by the National Guard, 30,000 French citizens marched down the Champs-Elysées before pledging to the President of the Republic Emile Loubet the support of the new National Mutualist Federation of France (FNMF) to 'lead the nation [...] in the path of fraternity'. For two million rank-and-file members of the largest social movement of the Third Republic, concerts and casse-croûte, songs, plays, and poetry cemented ties of financial solidarity in group health insurance, medical care, and pensions. In the shadow of divisive events like the Dreyfus affair and labour demonstrations, Mutualists gave stability to and generated consensus on the emergent welfare state. Mutualist celebrations suggest a politicization of popular culture but also its endurance in the face of commercialized entertainment. Borrowing from traditions of Republican fraternity, these gatherings transmitted values regarding class, gender, religion, and politics as well as secular, civic, and hygienic duties, including the fight against depopulation and tuberculosis. The planting of 'trees of solidarity and mutuality' consecrated the shift from liberty to solidarity as a core value which continues to shape modern French political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the intellectual and cultural history of the work of zoologist Louis Boutan on animal language and mind. The importance of the millieu of the French Third Republic that shapes the understanding of Boutan on nature was also demonstrated. An argumentation was also presented regarding the use of primate mind on the examination of animal and child psychology in France during the early twentieth century.

Examines the juridical concepts and notions of political unity and legality in the late Third Republic in France. Definition of the political doctrine, jurisprudence of crisis, that emphasized the importance of decision, order, and national unity over constitutional norms and parliamentary practice; Significance of the constitution in the legitimacy of the administrative state; Law and jurisprudence in the Great War; Political authority of coalition governments; Reaction to the Nazi revolution; End of political unity.

Analyzes the diplomatic career of Ernest Constans, French ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1898-1909. Background in politics; Comparison of the ambassadorial performance of Constans with French foreign minister Theophile Delcasse; Observations about his diplomatic career.

Discusses the history of the Third Republic of France. Examination on the different schools of thought that attempted explain the political conditions and events that brought the creation of the Third Republic; Analysis on the political philosophy of Etienne Vacherot.

Presents a study on conspiracy theories during the Third Republic. Identification of two conflicting sets of conspiracy theories; Two problems found in this setting; How were these problems related; What conspiracy theories provide; Feature of conspiracy theories; Functional roles in which the rhetorical aspects of conspiracy theories are supplemented; Examination of the Judeo-Masonic conspiracy theory in modern European history.

Focuses on the political crises that endangered the Third Republic in France before the Second World War. Impact of Boulangism on politics; Emergence of ecclesiastical hierarchy and monarchist deputies; Massive injection of capital.

Examines anti-Protestant writings during France's early Third Republic era. French reexamination of their national identity in the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War and the Commune; Alien elements invading the French body politic; Prominent position that individual Protestants held during the formative years of the Third Republic.

Examines the existence of a third side to the barricades in France's civil war of 1871. Analogies that are implicit in François Furet's presentation of the Edgar Quinet/Alphonse Peyrat debate; Groups which comprise the Party of Conciliation.

Stresses that military monuments were the only obvious examples of the modern cult of death and the statue-mania of France's Third Republic. Number of monuments studied in the Department of the Aisne; Information on the religious form to some of the monuments.

Focuses on the political career of Frederic Joseph Caillaux and his association with Alliance Republicaine Democratique (ARD) of the Third Republic of France for the period 1901-1912. Reasons for the creation of ARD; Caillaux's objective to join ARD; Fall of the Caillaux government; Shift of the Alliance from cosmopolitanism to jingo nationalism.