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It is estimated that 17% of the UK population experiences food insecurity, with increasing evidence to suggest a direct link with oral health. As such, dental professionals should be prepared to tailor their advice accordingly to support. At time of writing, there is a paucity of information available about food insecurity and oral health, and methods of support for the dental profession. Therefore, this article provides an overview of the concepts of poverty and food insecurity, and their impact on oral health, as well as presenting actionable suggestions for ways in which the dental team can identify and signpost those needing support. CPD/Clinical Relevance: Awareness of the relationship between dental caries and food insecurity is important to be able to provide tailored advice to patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change has highlighted the importance of thermal comfort and its health-related outcomes, particularly for the most vulnerable members of society living in social housing. Due to their vulnerable living conditions, low-income people are more exposed to negative outcomes of overheating and cold indoor temperatures in buildings. Previous studies suggest that there is a significant risk of overheating in retrofitted buildings both for the current and future weather scenarios. The UK government has introduced new building regulations to assess and limit the risk of overheating in new buildings; however, there is still a need to assess and improve conditions for existing and retrofitted properties. This study aims to evaluate the effect of retrofit strategies on thermal comfort and the risk of overheating in social housing under current and future climatic conditions. A typical case study building was simulated in DesignBuilder to assess thermal comfort conditions for upgraded building fabric to Part L of the UK building regulations and Passive House standards. The summer results were analyzed according to CIBSE TM59 while the Predicted Mean Vote index (PMV) was used for winter analysis. Findings revealed that the south-facing bedrooms are most exposed to overheating. Risk of overheating significantly increased for the future weather scenarios by up to 10 times while winter thermal comfort improved for the retrofitted scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK community finance institutions play an important role in deprived neighbourhoods by serving households and businesses unable to access mainstream finance. This paper analyses the short-term effects of the Coronavirus pandemic on the activities and sustainability of the community finance sector by analysing longitudinal survey data for 40 providers and follow-up interviews with 25 organisations. COVID-19 resulted in an acceleration of the shift to online service delivery and temporary and permanent branch closures among community finance institutions. Further, the demand for, and volume and value of lending fell significantly during the first lockdown only recovering by the end of the summer 2020. This resulted in lower income, greater costs and lower regulatory ratios. Smaller providers in a weak financial position with more financially vulnerable customers were worst affected by the pandemic. We argue the pandemic may reduce access to finance for the financially excluded through the intensification of the shift to online services and by increasing the risk of providers serving the poorest folding or being merged with larger providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The negative health effects and mortality caused by the COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately fell upon older and disabled people. Protecting these vulnerable groups has been a key policy priority throughout the pandemic and related vaccination campaigns. Using data from the latest survey of the UK Household Longitudinal Study on COVID-19 we found that people who receive informal care have higher probability of being infected when compared to those not receiving informal care. Further, we found that care recipients who are in the lowest income groups have a higher probability of catching the virus when compared to those in the highest income groups. We also estimated the likelihood of being infected for informal carers versus those who did not provide any care during the pandemic and found no significant differences between these two groups. Our empirical findings suggest that the standard measures introduced with the aim of protecting vulnerable groups, such as closing care homes or prioritising the vaccination of their staff, were not sufficient to avoid the spread of the virus amongst disabled and older people. Informal carers play an important role in the social care sector. As such, protecting vulnerable people by investing in the informal care sector should be a priority for future health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslims in the UK experienced a much larger decline in mental health than the rest of the population during the pandemic and this decline persisted even as mental health in the rest of the population bounced back to pre-pandemic levels. We use panel data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (UKHLS) to decompose the mental health gap between Muslims and non-Muslims into those attributable to differences between the characteristics of the two groups and find that these differences - particularly Muslims being younger and being substantially overrepresented at the bottom of the income distribution - explain a substantial proportion of this gap. However, over a third of the Muslim-non-Muslim mental health gap remains unexplained by these factors and is driven by the experiences of Muslims who are neither young nor poor suggesting that this may be a result of discrimination experienced by the community. We conclude that being Muslim, being young, and being poor all independently contributed to experiencing a mental health gap and to the persistence of this gap. • We examine changes in the mental health of Muslims in the UK during the pandemic. • We find a gap of 1.7 points on the GHQ scale compared to non Muslims. • The gap in mental health for Muslims persisted following the pandemic. • Differences in characteristics between the two groups explains much of the gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of the soft drinks sugar tax introduced in the UK in 2018 on the purchasing behaviours of different geo‐demographic consumer segments. We analyse data for a composite good comprising the most popular sugar‐sweetened drinks (SSDs) using loyalty card data from one of the UK's largest supermarkets. We use pre‐levy data to predict the effect of the tax and corroborate our predictions by analysing actual consumption of the composite good in the first 5 months post‐levy. The results show that the impact of the sugar tax is likely to have the desired effect of reducing the purchase of SSDs. Moreover, though the impact of the tax is likely to vary across different geo‐demographic segments, the evidence suggests that its impact is likely to be greatest on the most vulnerable market segments – families on low incomes – who are among the highest consumers of SSDs in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Restoration and the eighteenth century brought great changes to the islands of Great Britain. It was a time that witnessed the Act of Union which joined Scotland and Wales to Britain in 1707. Britain achieved political stability and commercial prosperity. New standards of politeness and social behavior prevailed to distinguish between civilized and vulgar citizens. The standards of hierarchy and order helped people participate in and contribute to the emergence of the British Empire and culture. For the sake of expansion, Britain started to drive many of its population and soldiers to settle in its newly occupied territories to encourage the British hegemony in those colonies. For that reason, several English writers, critics, and poets approached the theme of political and social transformation in their literary works. Although Thomas Gray’s poem “Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard” has been predominantly analyzed as a poem that mourns the death of marginalized poor people, this paper aims to put the poem in its socio-political context. Within a historical framework, this study argues that the poem does not only lament the death of England’s underprivileged individuals but that it also contains a prophecy that started to be fulfilled decades later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the orientations to the future of young people living in low-income families in the U.K. and Portugal following the 2008 Global Financial Crisis and the contexts in which they are socially reproduced. It is based on data from comparative research on families and food poverty, funded by the European Research Council. The study focused on parents and young people aged 11–16 living in low-income families in three European countries (the U.K., Portugal and Norway); only the U.K. and Portuguese data were analysed here. Given the study was concerned with the consequences of low income for food insecurity, we primarily sought to understand how young people manage in the present; however, the project also affords a theoretical and methodological opportunity to explore young people's thoughts about the future as they begin to transition to adulthood. We found that, when asked about the future, young people responded in different ways: some said they did not think about the future; others mentioned their dreams, but considered them unrealisable. while others expressed hopes that were more concrete and achievable. Precarity constrained the control that young people and their families exercised over their lives. We argue that young people's aspirations and time horizons are framed in relation to the present and the temporalities of the life course, the public discourses to which they are subjected and the limited access of their families to resources provided by the labour market and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When prompted to comment on a draft of a biographical note that was to appear in the paperback version of I The Waves i , Leonard also had to remind Penguin Books in September 1950 that the Woolf book they were publishing "in the Penguin was 'A Room of One's Own' and not 'A Life of One's Own'" (DM 1107/481). And as late as May 1960, Leonard was still reluctant to let Lane's company have more than a minor share in Woolf's fiction. As Woolf's letter reveals, Lane had asked the Hogarth Press for the rights to re-print I Orlando i ,[12] the Woolf novel which had thus far sold the most copies ([38]). She had refused "by way of a snub to Lane" because he had first approached Leonard with the request before shifting "sans apology" to her ([35]).[32] In this particular case, Woolf might have had personal reasons for rejecting Lane's offer. [Extracted from the article]

It is common knowledge that, under the premiership of Margaret Thatcher, economic inequality and poverty in the United Kingdom rose dramatically, but it is often overlooked that during the 1980s knowledge about movements in poverty and inequality was much less certain and was subject to political battles over statistical policies, measurements and figures. This article connects the historiography on Thatcherism to the growing scholarship on the politics of statistics. Based on recently declassified government records and other archival and published sources, it explores government interventions in official statistics and their impact on public discourse on issues of economic inequality. The Thatcher government endeavoured to transform the social-democratic knowledge regime inherited from the 1970s by cutting back existing statistical series on income and wealth distribution and by gearing the low income statistics towards the concept of absolute poverty, as favoured by the New Right. Moreover, the government made extensive use of statistical artefacts for government public relations purposes, including controversial claims about substantial rises in the real incomes of the poorest under Thatcher. The article traces how ministers and civil servants used statistical knowledge to promote narratives about the success of Thatcher's policies and the trickle-down effect, complementing recent research about government public relations and Thatcherite efforts to recast social discourse. It argues that knowledge politics were employed to marginalise issues of economic inequality and to defuse opposition against market-driven reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the changing structure, characteristics, and condition of Polish Immigrant Organisations (PIOs) in the United Kingdom, from Poland’s accession to the EU (2004) until the immediate aftermath of the Brexit vote (2017). It suggests that they are an important part of the rich tapestry of civil society actors dealing with migrants’ issues. It finds that the profound heterogenization of the landscape of Polish Immigrant Organisations can be attributed to a very diverse migrant community in terms of class, whose needs were not met by the hitherto existing organisations devoted to the symbolic affirmation of Polishness and in-group solidarity, chiefly along class lines. The resultant intergenerational tension between old and new migrants translated into the emergence of a new breed of migrant organisations that addressed the welfare needs of the underprivileged Polish migrants, especially on a local level, as well as their cultural belonging and social aspirations. The article is based on a 2-year multi-method study of migrant organisations across the United Kingdom that included surveys, interviews, and participant observation among civil society activists, experts, as well as civil servants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the extensive literature on the labour market outcomes of migration, little attention has been given to labour market inequalities within ethnic economies containing internal ethnicity. This article, using a field-study, multi-segmented labour market approach and the enclave hypothesis, contributes to the literature by demonstrating the key roles of different migration patterns and ethnic disparities in shaping labour market segmentation. It focuses on how and why Kurdish migrants are located in the lower segments of the labour market in their shared ethnic (migrant) economy in London. It argues that the Kurds' underprivileged position associated with an ethnic penalty for them in the UK results from their relatively recent migration history, (un)documented asylum status and the ongoing persecution against them in Turkey. The article concludes that different migration histories, particular motivations for migration and ethnic disparities stratify migrants into distinct segments of the labour market in the country of destination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the emergence of a new mode of representing the poor that became dominant in Britain in the early twentieth century—a mode in which the "point of view" of impoverished people themselves was increasingly foregrounded. Focusing on examples drawn from documentary film, Mass Observation, and the publications of Victor Gollancz Ltd., the article considers how, while marking a kind of formal shift away from a late Victorian discourse of poverty, this development maintains that earlier discourse's disciplinary agenda. In examining three case studies—John Taylor, Arthur Elton, Edgar Anstey, and Ruby Grierson's Housing Problems; Humphrey Jennings and Charles Madge's Mass Observation Day Survey; and H. Beales and R. Lambert's Memoirs of the Unemployed—it argues that the new point of view mode marked a continuation in the twentieth century of the outlook that shaped representations of poverty in the late Victorian era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper simulates the likely fiscal and employment effects of a vast public annual investment programme of free universal high-quality early childhood education and care (ECEC) services in the UK. It examines the extent to which it would pay for itself fiscally for different scenarios of pay increases. Investing in high-quality universal ECEC benefits all children by improving their life chances, especially for those living in lower income families. It also generates larger employment effects than other more typical investment policies such as construction projects and fosters gender equality in employment: not only it provides many high-quality jobs for women, it also allows many mothers to improve their lifetime earnings prospects by freeing up their childcare constraints. This in turn has beneficial fiscal revenue effects for the government. Estimations of annual public expenditure for a system of highly qualified and well-paid childcare staff with low child-to-staff ratios are performed, with universal coverage for all pre-school children aged 6 months to 4.5 years. Labour demand and matching supply effects are also simulated using input–output methods, for different take-up rates of the programme. A microsimulation tool is used to calculate increases in household income and tax liabilities and decreases in social security benefits spending. This results in a net annual funding requirement of between 28 and 39% of the gross investment. Two funding methods are then explored: raising taxation in a progressive way and recouping the cost over time from persistent mothers' increased earnings. The former would entail a net additional contribution by the richest 20% of households of at most 0.4% of their income; the latter would require 21 to 31 years to offset the programme on average, which is within a typical working life-course following a first child's birth, of 35 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment had risen to historically high levels in Britain before the coronavirus crisis; however, whereas work is traditionally conceptualized as a route out of poverty, this is no longer necessarily the case. Participation in non‐standard or low‐income work such as zero‐hour contracts, involuntary part‐time work and self‐employment is increasingly a feature of the labour market and in‐work benefits which top‐up low incomes have been pared back. This case study undertaken in the period before the coronavirus crisis takes a multi‐disciplinary approach in relation to three key questions: are working women resorting to food bank use in times of financial hardship?; to what extent is this a function of non‐standard working practices?; and is welfare reform a contributing factor? A three‐strand approach is taken: a synthesis of literature, an analysis of national data and in‐depth interviews with stakeholders involved with referrals to or delivery of emergency food provision within northern Britain. The findings highlight a growth in precarious employment models since the 2008/2009 recession and how this intersects with increasing conditionality in welfare policy. We contribute to the debate by arguing that ideological driven policy fails to acknowledge structural deficiencies in labour market demand and misattributes responsibility for managing precarious working patterns onto individuals who are already struggling to get by. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the heart of this article stand three questions that we believe are crucial to an understanding of the character of the poor law and its role in the lives of the poor who had to navigate its rules. First, what was actually 'new' about the central administrative structures and processes required to make the New Poor Law function? Second, how did those processes change over time and, in particular, how far did the central authority itself engage with the poor directly? Third, did the processes and structures of the central authority afford a space in which the poor could learn to better navigate the New Poor Law and exercise their own agency? Using a sample of letters written directly to 'the Centre' by paupers in the English midlands, and the subsequent epistolary responses of the central authorities, we trace a situation in which the Centre was duty bound to respond to poor letter writers much as they did to everyone else. Rights to contest local welfare regimes remained strong in the post-1834 period, and the central authorities, through their responses, afforded a space of agency that came to be well known. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a historical overview of the ascent of neoliberalism in the United Kingdom (UK) and examines trends in higher education from a neoliberal perspective. It discusses the widening of state and institutional participation interventions and the politics of aspiration for addressing inequalities, the emergence of student entrepreneur-consumer and marketization of higher education. It explores the impact of online courses or Internet-based education on students.

Purpose: The study explores the role of accounting technologies of government (ATGs) associated with UK Tax Credits and their impact on claimants' motivations, behaviour and identities. The aim of this study is to deepen empirical and conceptual understandings of how ATGs of tax authorities transform claimants into "entrepreneurs of the self". Design/methodology/approach: The authors approach Tax Credits (TC) as a case study to examine how ATGs articulate and operationalise neoliberal ideology through a complex network of inscription devices, expertise and locales. They adopt an ethnographic approach based on interviews, archival data and field notes to gain a deep understanding of citizens' lived experiences of ATGs when claiming Tax Credits. Findings: The authors find that ATGs play a key role in transforming TC claimants into self-disciplined "citizen-subjects" whose decisions are informed by market logic. When claiming TC, citizens interact with ATGs and are transformed into "entrepreneurs of the self" who internalise neoliberal ideology and associated beliefs and assumptions of poverty, work and the welfare state. In this process of subjectification, ATGs (re)construct their identities from welfare recipients to "responsible" and "accountable" hardworking individuals and families. However, ATGs perversely disempower claimants who lack the required human capital for becoming responsible for their own welfare, and thus ultimately maintain socio-economic inequality. Research limitations/implications: Participants were drawn from a relatively narrow geographic area. Practical implications: The authors reveal how accounting as a technology of government (dis)empowers individuals vis-à-vis the state and spurs inequality dependent on personal circumstances and calculative skills. Originality/value: The authors contribute to the accounting literature by showing how neoliberal ideology is articulated, operationalised and reinforced by dynamic and repetitive interactions with ATGs of the UK TC scheme. The study helps deepen the understanding of the processes through which socially and economically disadvantaged individuals are transformed into self-governing economic agents responsible for their own welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the poverty level in the US and the UK during the 2004–2016 period and analyses the cause of the poverty difference. The results show that poverty in the US is more serious than that in the UK. Although the overall income in the US is higher than that in the UK, the poor in the US, especially the ultra-poor, are poorer than those in the UK. The inequality in the US is higher than that in the UK, which offsets the contribution of the higher income and renders the higher poverty level in the US as the dominant factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integrated nature of well-being produces difficulty in evaluating poverty levels and one issue is the neglected of human life aspects, multiple feedback loops, and an over-emphasis on income. In the light of current structural changes a multidimensional poverty measure (MPI), which includes some of those missing dimensions, closely related to the well-being of individuals, is constructed in this paper. Using data from the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions Survey, this paper provides a fresh insight into the analysis of multidimensional poverty in the United Kingdom. One of the distinctive feature of the study is the use of polychoric factor loadings to estimate dimensional weights of the MPI, in addition to more arbitrary weighting schemes. This technique consists of a coherent hierarchy of principles, to verify which of the many acknowledged dimensions of poverty hold both theoretical and practical importance. Findings indicate that, the MPI is highly consistent with the conventional measures of poverty and multidimensional poverty has decreased over the period of examination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2015 the UK TV station Channel 4 started screening James Bluemel's series "The Romanians Are Coming", a three-part documentary film about "the lives of poor Romanian people who seek work in Great Britain, seen through the eyes of the British people". This documentary provoked strong opposition from some Romanian politicians and mass media outlets. In the UK the reaction was a contrasting one: sympathy, understanding and compassion. We showed the series to three Romanian university classes in 2017-18 and the students largely had a negative reaction similar to that of those Romanian commentators. A standard content analysis of the film, however, suggests that it gives a positive image of Romanian immigrants in the UK. Despite this, our audiences tended to form a negative perception of the film. We attribute this disparity to the wording of its title activating two classical stereotypes: that Romanians are often Roma, and that poor people are a source of social problems. The film as a whole in fact projects an opposite message, but once these stereotypes have been activated the content is automatically perceived as negative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adapts O'Halloran's (2010) electronic supplement analysis (ESA) to investigate debates about UK poverty in online newspaper articles and reader responses to those articles. While O'Halloran's method was originally conceived to facilitate close reading, this paper modifies ESA for corpus-based discourse analysis by scaling it up to include multiple texts. I analyse (key-)keywords and concordances to compare seven articles from the Mail Online (2010–2015) with their 2354 reader responses generated using the newspapers' Below the Line (BTL) comments feature. The analysis provides a snapshot of the discourses BTL commenters draw upon when writing about UK poverty. Unemployment, benefits receipt, and single parenthood were repeatedly referred to in the newspaper articles and their comments, but BTL commenters also drew on personal narratives and (fictional) anecdotes to index notions of flawed consumerism, scroungers, and the deserving and undeserving poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The voice of the people is assumed to have carried little authority in early modern England. Elites often caricatured the common people as an ignorant multitude and demanded their obedience, deference and silence. Hostility to the popular voice was an important element of contemporary political thought. However, evidence for a very different set of views can be found in numerous polemical tracts written between the Reformation and the English Civil War. These tracts claimed to speak for the people, and sought to represent their alleged grievances to the monarch or parliament. They subverted the rules of petitioning by speaking for 'the people' as a whole and appealing to a wide audience, making demands for the redress of grievances that left little room for the royal prerogative. In doing so, they contradicted stereotypes about the multitude, arguing that the people were rational, patriotic and potentially better informed about the threats to the kingdom than the monarch themselves. 'Public opinion' was used to confer legitimacy on political and religious demands long before the mass subscription petitioning campaigns of the 1640s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of early modern England are aware that the legal testimony of poor, dependent, and subordinated individuals was regarded with suspicion. Contemporaries believed that labouring people would provide false evidence in return for 'gifts' or 'rewards'. To what extent did such assumptions accurately reflect the processes whereby such witnesses came to depose for their 'betters'? This article uses sixteenth‐ and early seventeenth‐century perjury and subornation suits from the court of Star Chamber to reconstruct labouring people's experiences and understandings of the politics of testimony. In explicating the structural and material factors that could militate against their deposing, override their reservations about doing so, and colour the contents of the depositions they gave, it makes two broader contributions to our understanding of the period. On the one hand, it presents a markedly more pessimistic account of the social relations involved in the increase in litigation. On the other, it reappraises a category of source—depositions—that historians have long regarded as providing singularly privileged access to the expressions of social groups that left little trace in the historical record. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Great Famine (1845–51) hundreds of thousands of Irish refugees fled to Britain, escaping the hunger and disease afflicting their homeland. Many made new lives there, but others were subsequently shipped back to Ireland by poor law authorities under the laws of Settlement and Removal. This article explores the coping strategies of the Famine Irish in Britain, and the responses of poor law authorities to the inflow of refugees with a particular focus on their use of removal. We argue that British poor law unions in areas heavily affected by the refugee crisis adopted rigorous removal policies, and that the non-settled Irish were consequently deeply reluctant to apply for poor relief, doing so only when alternative sources of support were unavailable. Thus, the true scale of Irish hardship was hidden from the official record. The article also explores, for the first time, the experiences of those sent back to Ireland, a country suffering from the devastating effects of Famine. The combination of heavy Irish immigration to Britain and large-scale removals back to Ireland created distrust between the authorities at British and Irish port towns, as both sides felt aggrieved by the inflow of destitute Irish arriving on their shores. At the centre of all this were the Irish poor themselves. Uncertainty, dislocation and hardship were often their experience, and we argue that this endured long after the Famine had ended; that the events of the late 1840s, indeed, created a new reality for the Irish in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Great Famine (1845–51) hundreds of thousands of Irish refugees fled to Britain, escaping the hunger and disease afflicting their homeland. Many made new lives there, but others were subsequently shipped back to Ireland by poor law authorities under the laws of Settlement and Removal. This article explores the coping strategies of the Famine Irish in Britain, and the responses of poor law authorities to the inflow of refugees with a particular focus on their use of removal. We argue that British poor law unions in areas heavily affected by the refugee crisis adopted rigorous removal policies, and that the non-settled Irish were consequently deeply reluctant to apply for poor relief, doing so only when alternative sources of support were unavailable. Thus, the true scale of Irish hardship was hidden from the official record. The article also explores, for the first time, the experiences of those sent back to Ireland, a country suffering from the devastating effects of Famine. The combination of heavy Irish immigration to Britain and large-scale removals back to Ireland created distrust between the authorities at British and Irish port towns, as both sides felt aggrieved by the inflow of destitute Irish arriving on their shores. At the centre of all this were the Irish poor themselves. Uncertainty, dislocation and hardship were often their experience, and we argue that this endured long after the Famine had ended; that the events of the late 1840s, indeed, created a new reality for the Irish in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws noted in 1909, the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 and the Poor Law (Scotland) Act of 1845 sprang from rather different motives. Whereas the first Act aimed to restrict the provision of poor relief, the second was designed to enhance it. However, despite these aims, it is generally accepted that Scotland's Poor Law continued to relieve a smaller proportion of its population and to spend less money on them. This paper revisits the evidence on which these claims are based. Although the gap between the two Poor Laws was less than previously supposed, it was nevertheless substantial. The paper also explores the links between the size of Scottish parishes and welfare spending, and demonstrates that the main reasons for the persistence of the spending gap were related to different levels of investment in poorhouses and workhouses, and support for the elderly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research and policy attention has been on socio‐economic gaps in participation at university, but less attention has been paid to socio‐economic gaps in graduates' earnings. This paper addresses this shortfall using tax and student loan administrative data to investigate the variation in earnings of English graduates by socio‐economic background. We find that graduates from higher income families (with median income of around 77,000) have average earnings which are 20% higher than those from lower income families (with median income of around £26,000). Once we condition on institution and subject choices, this premium roughly halves, to around 10%. The premium grows with age and is larger for men, in particular for men at the most selective universities. We estimate the extent to which different institutions and subjects appear to deliver good earnings for relatively less well off students, highlighting the strong performance of medicine, economics, law, business, engineering, technology and computer science, as well as the prominent London‐based universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the nature of power and control under the New Poor Law to better engage with the Victorian approach to discipline and punishment in 'closed' institutions, such as workhouses. Through the mechanism of an empirical case study it will illustrate that, far from being static, approaches to punishment evolved considerably over time. The article employs sophisticated record linkage work, at the local and national level, to analyse a complex case of power, control, abuse and neglect involving women and children inmates. The study will hence challenge the theoretical constructs of punishment and discipline promoted by Foucault by focusing on the actual lived experience of female inmates in mid-nineteenth century Bedfordshire. It provides new evidence that the reality of law and order for paupers could be far removed from a strict disciplinary regime, underpinned by rigid rules and regulations and augmented by clearly defined and executed roles. For these women and children, the actual experience was far more complex and subtly expressed. It is, therefore, as much a refined case study analysis about abuse and neglect as it is a micro study about punishment. It is a story about the exploitation of power to control the workhouse population; the impact of the absence of power and the considerable and sophisticated agency employed by one of the female inmates at the centre of the events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the low-cost private schooling in Great Britain. Topics discussed include creation of the new chains of low-cost private schools, increasing investment for educational improvements, and capitalisation on economies of scale. Also being discussed is drawback of the government schools for low-income families.

For over a decade, all three‐year‐olds in England have been entitled to a free part‐time early education place. One aim of this policy is to close developmental gaps between higher‐income and low‐income children. However, the success of the initiative depends on children accessing the places. Using the National Pupil Database, we examine all autumn‐born four‐year‐olds attending in January 2011, and ask whether they started attending when first eligible, in January 2010. One in five children did not access their free place from the beginning, and the proportion is much higher among children from families with persistently low incomes. We also find differences by ethnicity and home language, but these factors explain only a small share of the income gradient. We go on to explore associations between non‐take‐up and local area factors. In areas with higher child poverty rates, take‐up is lower overall, but the gap between low‐income and other families is smaller. There are also various associations between take‐up and local proportions of different provider types (maintained, private, voluntary, Sure Start). In particular, the voluntary sector seems to have more flexibility than maintained provision to offer places in January, and more success than private providers in reaching children from lower‐income backgrounds. The analysis also highlights how take‐up overall is relatively high and the gap by income level is smaller in areas with more Sure Start provision. This suggests that aspects of Sure Start facilitated access among low‐income families, and could perhaps be replicated as implementation of the free entitlement continues to be expanded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the twentieth century, historians debated what happened to the living standards of ordinary men, women, and children during the British industrial revolution. But where this historical question once attracted attention from across the methodological spectrum, the past two decades have seen cultural and qualitative approaches eclipsed by statistical accounts written by economic historians. In this article, I will argue that the marginalisation of social and cultural approaches to historical living standards has been to the detriment of our understanding. Through an analysis of two discrete sources of evidence – nineteenth-century budget data and working-class autobiography – this article sheds new light on the diets and living standards of the labouring poor. It rejects the optimism/pessimism dichotomy that continues to frame quantitative analyses and presents a more nuanced account that examines how experiences varied according to region, gender and age. The article concludes that it is not only that it is possible to incorporate cultural change into our analyses of living standards, but that it is necessary to do so in order to grasp this period in all its complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the work of the Charity Organisation Society (COS) in assessing applications for children's admission to care in the late nineteenth‐century. It is based on an archive study of records kept by the ‘Waifs and Strays’ Society in England and Wales between 1882 and 1899, in particular 270 family assessments conducted by the COS. The focus was on parental behaviour rather than children's needs, with a strong narrative of taking children away to relieve parents of a burden. The research illuminates contested assumptions about childhood in the period, with resonance for current issues in policy and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following a prolonged miscarriage in the spring, Mary Toft – a poor woman from the Surrey town of Godalming – began giving birth to parts of animals in the autumn of 1726. Reportedly beginning with initial deliveries of parts of cats, pigs and rabbits in September, Toft's deliveries were soon exclusively of rabbits and these continued to appear until mid November. Historians have focused on the medical and wider cultural context of the episode. Other scholars have explored what this case reveals about contemporary ideas about frauds, monstrosity and the self. Mary Toft and her rabbit births have become an exemplary case in cultural history. This article is part of a recent reassessment of cultural history and the renewed emphasis on its relationship with the study of social and material relations of power. This article situates Mary Toft and her rabbits in the social and political contexts of family, neighbourhood, parish, town, county and metropolis. It undertakes a micro-history to expose the stark inequities and quotidian exclusions that shaped the hoax and responses to it, arguing that the case was shaped by the politics of social conflict and disaffection amongst the poor. The article then views the case within the social and political context of the 1720s, showing why it was of interest not just to doctors, but to lawmakers and law enforcers. The case developed amidst considerable fears about unrest, disorder and crime amongst the local and county elite and particularly tense social and political relations in south-east England as discussed in E. P. Thompson's Whigs and Hunters (1975). Toft's case invites consideration of how accounts of protest such as Thompson's – one exclusively about men – might be adjusted to take account of the practices of women and the family within the domestic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written that details the decline in living standards following the 'credit crunch' in the UK. It remains that we understand to a lesser degree the lived reality of poverty through the Great Recession and into the era of austerity. This article draws on testimonies of 62 participants from low income households conducted in three different areas of the UK during 2012-13 to document the pressures that this period brought to bear on these households. According to these testimonies, the experience of poverty intensified in key respects: first, participants reported feeling, more than ever before, that they were 'existing, rather than living' due to the meagre budgets they were forced to live on; second, the precarious nature of work and social security contributed to a sense of insecurity that was all pervasive in our participants' lives; third, due to the pejorative political rhetoric and media coverage of poverty, our participants felt that their lives were placed under increased scrutiny which deleteriously impacted their wider relationships and sense of belonging. Our analysis demonstrates the profound consequences for those living on low incomes of the continued shift to residual forms of state welfare and the increased reliance on the 'Big Society' as a means to deal with the pressures identified in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on an unusually rich archive to explore the motives and mentality of poor English emigrants in the early nineteenth century. In 1819, the Colonial Department advertised a subsidized emigration scheme to South Africa; 2000 people wrote letters of application preserved in the National Archives. In studying the emigrant poor, historians have been primarily dependent on numerical data derived from passenger lists. The letters of application of 1819 allow more nuanced conclusions about the circumstances and the aspirations of the poor emigrant at a time of severe economic distress. The correspondence shows which trades were particularly drawn to emigration, particularly the framework knitters and the weavers who had lost not only their regular income but their trades. The letters also shed light on the gender tensions which lay beneath the surface of what was promoted as family migration. Most telling of all, the letters show that among the poor there was more to the decision to emigrate than fatalism and passivity. Poor emigrants expected to have to work for their living, but with the reward of greater security, enhanced prosperity, and -- in the case of the male majority -- the achievement of 'independence'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study on Great Britain, we estimate the labour market and income process of prime-aged men simultaneously and control for spillover effects. Evidence is presented that the risk of becoming unemployed and poor increases with the duration of unemployment and decreases with the duration of employment. Moreover, the experience of poverty influences the labour market and income prospects negatively, though on a much smaller scale than does the labour market position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence is growing that Wales was a distinctive ‘welfare region’ under the New Poor Law. Higher rates of out-relief, tense relations with London and a deep dislike of the workhouse system marked the Principality out as different. This article considers Welsh distinctiveness in the context of the ‘crusade against out-relief’. Launched in the early 1870s, the crusade saw out-relief numbers tumble nationally. Little is known about the crusade in Wales but it is often assumed that it was a non-event. It is argued here that this is entirely incorrect. Official statistics reveal that tens of thousands of outdoor paupers in Wales had their relief stopped. Crusaders were successful partly due to the misleading way the Poor Law inspectorate used official figures to portray Wales as a district on the brink of crisis. The turning of outdoor paupers into ‘folk devils’ by sections of the Welsh press was also pivotal. Welsh distinctiveness was not eradicated during the crusade, but it was eroded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In recent years there has been growing acknowledgement of the place of workhouses within the range of institutional provision for mentally disordered people in nineteenth-century England. This article explores the situation in Bristol, where an entrenched workhouse-based model was retained for an extended period in the face of mounting external ideological and political pressures to provide a proper lunatic asylum. It signified a contest between the modernising, reformist inclinations of central state agencies and local bodies seeking to retain their freedom of action. The conflict exposed contrasting conceptions regarding the nature of services to which the insane poor were entitled.Bristol pioneered establishment of a central workhouse under the old Poor Law; ‘St Peter’s Hospital’ was opened in 1698. As a multi-purpose welfare institution its clientele included ‘lunatics’ and ‘idiots’, for whom there was specific accommodation from before the 1760s. Despite an unhealthy city centre location and crowded, dilapidated buildings, the enterprising Bristol authorities secured St Peter’s Hospital’s designation as a county lunatic asylum in 1823. Its many deficiencies brought condemnation in the national survey of provision for the insane in 1844. In the period following the key lunacy legislation of 1845, the Home Office and Commissioners in Lunacy demanded the replacement of the putative lunatic asylum within Bristol’s workhouse by a new borough asylum outside the city. The Bristol authorities resisted stoutly for several years, but were eventually forced to succumb and adopt the prescribed model of institutional care for the pauper insane. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Based on ethnographic research in Harpurhey, Manchester, in the northwest of England, this article addresses the emergence of a moral economy of personhood amongst some of the poorest people in Britain today. Specifically, the article studies how new conceptions of the viable and worthy person emerge in the practice of borrowing and lending money between neighbours, as a sort of ‘safety net’ in times of financial precarity and social stigma. The humiliation experienced regularly by people who need state support to make ends meet is responded to in the local prioritization of what it means to ‘be fair’ and to express and recognize the worthy self in negotiating the terms of a loan. It is in the process of negotiation that we can see in a new light what is being responded to and fought for in the face of stigma and precarity. Despite experiencing an ever-increasing threat of poverty and destitution, we see worthy selves, fair persons, and the creation of an alternative space of hope in which social and personal worth can be expressed and recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of a statutory national minimum wage policy in the UK is proving ineffective in resolving the problem of low pay. The emergence of living wage campaigns in the UK follows similar developments in the USA, and more recently, New Zealand. Rather than focus on a particular employer-specific campaign, this paper explores the campaign of the General and Municipal Boilermakers Union (GMB) in local government which recruits members from low-paid occupations. The 11 local government sector cases examine contracted workers allied to local government services, drawing on interviews with full-time officers, lay representatives and members involved in the campaigns. Nine campaigns were successful and two were not. The Union’s strategy revealed an interplay between industrial and political influences and, despite the social-economic nature of the issue, the limited extent of involvement of social movements in the campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]