Search

In recent years, Russia and Turkey have been among non-Western powers that have been more assertive in their foreign policies in the Western Balkans. Naturally, this creates the need to identify the key similarities and differences between these two geopolitical players. By using the case of Serbia, the pivotal country of the Western Balkans and a country whose foreign policy was largely influenced by the idea of hedging and engaging non-Western players, one can determine key similarities and differences between these two powers. This paper states two major similarities between these two powers and one major difference. The first similarity is that both Russia and Turkey are acting based on the same permissive environment of a regional power vacuum, the environment in which the EU's leverage has decreased and in which countries like Serbia feel emboldened to hedge their bets and diversify partnerships. The second similarity is that although the popular explanation is to stress to powers' ethnic and religious ties with the Balkans, Slavic and Orthodox ties in case of Russia and Islam in case of Turkey, or even as the continuation of old imperial traditions, the two countries are guided by strategic pragmatism. The difference between the two powers is that Russia can be defined as a status quo power as it aims to act as a spoiler perpetuating the current state of political dysfunctions; Turkey is not a status quo player as it does not oppose the region's membership in Western institutions as long as its interests are respected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on whether the effects of sustainable challenges in terms of economic prosperity through GDP per capita and vulnerable employment have significant influence on the variation of net migration rate in five Western Balkan Countries and Turkey. Results from the panel PMG ARDL model showed that only the coefficient of vulnerable employment has statistically significant negative long-run effect on NMR variation. The short-run relationship indicates on significant individual effects over the NMR across all countries in the coming years. Also, research results confirm the causal link between the sustainable development variables and NMR variation for all these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, through the use of the model of trade gravity, the aim is to analyze the trade between Turkey and the countries of the Western Balkans, looking beyond Turkey's foreign policy. In Turkish foreign policy, trade with the region and investment in the region is of particular importance. Even economic-trade relations are among the main elements of Turkish foreign policy. The dependent variable represents Turkey's exports and imports to the Western Balkan countries for the period 2009-2019, while the independent variables are the GDP of Turkey and the Western Balkan countries, the distance between the capitals of Turkey and these countries, the number of the population of Turkey and these countries, the common language and colonial ties. Thus, through the Panel data for ten years period, the trade between Turkey and the Western Balkans has been analyzed. Turkey should make greater efforts to increase trade volume with the countries of the Western Balkans so that its interest in these countries does not remain only rhetoric but is concretized with adequate political and economic actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the influence of Turkey, the Gulf States and Iran in the Western Balkans and the role that Islam has been playing in the region since the 90 s. Starting from the idea that religion is a tool of soft power but also a vehicle for addressing other concerns, the main argument is that the aforementioned actors, use Islam as an instrument of foreign policy mixed with realpolitik. Special emphasis is given to Turkey, due to its traditional links with the Balkans through their common Ottoman past. The article also tries to show how the current projection of religion has severe repercussions in the region as it is directly linked with the issue of foreign fighters that present a new challenge for the Western Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using four emerging powers as a case study (China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey), this paper examined how the current redistribution of power in the contemporary world has affected the Western Balkan region. The objective was to shed light on the ability of the emerging powers to make use of soft power to increase their influence. This paper demonstrated that the growing presence in the Western Balkan region of these emerging powers occurred to the detriment of traditional actors in the region, in particular to the European Union and the United States. While Russia favored political instability in the region to increase its grip, China proposed a new economic project to reach the European market and expand its own norms. As far as Saudi Arabia and Turkey were concerned, both states privileged the use of religious soft power in Muslim-majority countries. The paper concluded that a rapid European response is required today if the EU wants to remain the most influential actor in the Western Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new global order has yet to be fully established. The process reflects not only a geopolitical struggle but also a set of competitive political models. While it is possible to determine more than two dominant models, it is a contest between the two forms of democracy - liberal and illiberal. A one-party state, or a Chinese model, is an economic model used for geopolitical purposes while Muslim political model, strongly contested within the Muslim world, is restricted to areas dominated by the population of this faith. Some of its forms are reflected in the form of authoritarianism as developed in Turkey. The faith, therefore, is of lesser significance. The regimes in the Western Balkans have been developed and are based on two models of democracy. The resulting hybrid regimes are analysed in the global context of the powerstruggle and ideological contest. The question is whether the hybrid regimes of the Western Balkans are the result of dysfunctional local democracy or whether the search for global stability is resulting in a model of competitive authoritarianism which provides for global security but also supports the regime's desire to remain unchanged in perpetuity? This development might be supportive of international security but is an utterly destabilising factor for societies in the Western Balkans and a substantial obstacle to the development of liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the AKP government, Turkey's foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara's attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a profound importance with regard to Turkey's relationship and the Western Balkan states and their societies. This paper first analyses the Western Balkans from an historical developmental point of view and see its relationship ground towards the modern Turkish state having in mind their historical, cultural, religious, political, military and economical ties. Secondly it will be analysed the Turkish state policies towards the Western Balkans region and their states and societies. In the third part of the paper it will be focusing towards the Turkish coup d'états history and the civil-military issues that rise in the Turkish political history from the very beginning of its state formation and last until today. In the fourth part I will be structuring my paper while analysing the coup d'état attempt on the 15th of July and the Gulen movement as one the most important factor for the coup launch. In the last part actually the fifth I will be focusing on the coup d'état attempt of the 15th of July and its reflection in the Western Balkans as a political and universal event that dismantled the citizen sovereignty and legitimacy in general. Moreover, Turkish political relations with the Western Balkan states will be observed and future perspectives will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the quality infrastructure systems and procedures required in the Western Balkans and Turkey to facilitate SMEs' access to the EU Single Market. It starts by outlining the assessment framework, then presents an analysis of Dimension 7's three sub-dimensions: 1) overall co-ordination and general measures, which assesses the strategic documents and institutional framework for quality infrastructure co-ordination; 2) harmonisation with the EU acquis, which analyses the capacities of quality infrastructure institutions as well as their alignment with international and European rules for technical regulations, standardisation, accreditation, metrology, conformity assessment and market surveillance; and 3) SMEs' access to standards, which explores government initiatives to enhance and support access. Each sub-dimension makes specific recommendations for increasing the capacity and efficiency of quality infrastructure systems in the Western Balkans and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the system and procedures applied in the Western Balkans and Turkey to facilitate small and medium-sized enterprises' (SMEs) access to the public procurement market. It starts by outlining the assessment framework, then presents an analysis of Dimension 5b's three thematic blocks: 1) policy and regulatory framework for SMEs in public procurement; 2) implementation of public procurement provisions in practice; and 3) monitoring and evaluation of access to public procurement markets by SMEs. The chapter makes specific recommendations for improving SMEs' access to public procurement procedures in the Western Balkans and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the state of play in education and training in developing entrepreneurial culture and learning in the Western Balkans and Turkey. It also assesses the policies needed to allow women to make a more proportionate contribution to the entrepreneurial economy. It starts by outlining the assessment framework, then presents the analysis of Dimension 1's two sub-dimensions: 1) entrepreneurial learning, paying particular attention to developing the entrepreneurship key competence underpinned by EntreComp, including curriculum, assessment and teacher training requirements; and 2) women's entrepreneurship, considering cross-sector policy linkages, national partnerships, and effective monitoring and evaluation (including gender-disaggregated data), which are critical in ensuring a comprehensive picture of the support for, and impact of, women's entrepreneurship. Each sub-dimension makes specific recommendations for the Western Balkans and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses policies in the Western Balkans and Turkey that support efficient bankruptcy legislation for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and promote a second chance for failed entrepreneurs. It first provides an overview of the assessment framework and progress since the last assessment in 2019. It then analyses the three sub-dimensions of Dimension 2: 1) preventive measures, which assesses tools and policies to help SMEs avoid bankruptcy; 2) survival and bankruptcy procedures, which investigates the economies' insolvency regimes for SMEs; and 3) promoting second chance, which examines policies to help failed entrepreneurs make a fresh start in business. Each sub-dimension makes specific recommendations for increasing the capacity and efficiency of bankruptcy and second chance in the Western Balkans and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This chapter provides a thorough assessment of small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) internationalisation policies across the Western Balkans and Turkey region. It begins with an explanation of the assessment framework and a comparison with the last cycle's scores. The chapter then presents the key findings on the regional level. It then analyses the three sub-dimensions of Dimension 10: The chapter assesses 1) export promotion activities across the region and the economy's export environment, identifying the main deterrents for exports; 2) economies' efforts to integrate SMEs into global value chains and create linkages between SMEs and multinational enterprises; 3) policies promoting the use of e-commerce across the region. Each sub-dimension concludes with a set of targeted recommendations and presents applicable good practice examples for further guidance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the provision of policies that promote green behaviour among small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the Western Balkans and Turkey. It starts by outlining the assessment framework and progress since the last cycle in 2019. It then presents the two sub-dimensions of Dimension 9: 1) framework for environmental policies targeting SMEs, which considers the greening aspects in national SME, sectoral and innovation policy frameworks; and 2) incentives and instruments for SME greening, which looks at the various tools and instruments in place - such as regulatory and information-based instruments, financial incentives, and green public procurement - to support SMEs in their greening efforts. Each sub-dimension makes specific recommendations to tackle the challenges identified and help to facilitate SME greening in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the strategic framework, available infrastructure and policy measures to stimulate SME innovation to build a knowledge economy in the Western Balkans and Turkey. The chapter starts with an overview of the assessment framework and outlines the key developments since the last assessment. It then presents the four sub-dimensions of Dimension 8b: 1) policy framework for innovation, which reviews the framework in which innovation is embedded and progress implementing it; 2) government institutional support services for innovative SMEs, which looks at the institutional support structure to foster innovative entrepreneurship, both for early-stage and more mature small businesses; 3) government financial support services for innovative SMEs, which assesses the availability and scale of direct and indirect financial support schemes to enhance firm innovation, and 4) SME and research institution collaboration and technology transfer, which analyses the level of collaboration between SMEs and research institutions, and support measures that are in place to stimulate business-academia co-operation, technology transfer and commercialisation. Each sub-dimension concludes with a set of key recommendations to help address outstanding challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses policies in the Western Balkans and Turkey to promote the skills small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) need, from start-up throughout the different growth phases. It starts by providing an overview of the assessment framework and progress since the last assessment in 2019. It then presents an analysis of Dimension 8a's three thematic blocks: 1) planning and design, which assesses policies in the areas of skills intelligence; 2) implementation, which focuses on training provision for SMEs, responding to the skills required of digital and green economies, and smart specialisation; and 3) monitoring and evaluation, which considers whether economies ensure their SME skills policies are working and keeping up with market needs. The chapter concludes with key recommendations to help the region's policy makers tackle the challenges identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the strategies, policies and instruments deployed across the Western Balkans and Turkey to facilitate access to finance for SMEs. It starts with an overview of the assessment framework and key developments since the last assessment, proceeding with assessing access to finance for SMEs along five sub-dimensions: 1) looking at the legal and regulatory framework fundamental for lending, such as creditor rights, credit information and registers, as well as banking regulations and capital markets; 2) discussing banking sector lending practices and the availability of credit enhancement and risk mitigation mechanisms; 3) considering the availability of non-bank finance instruments in support of SME lending, including microfinance, leasing and factoring; 4) reviewing the ecosystem in support of venture capital and 5) looking at efforts to promote financial understanding and awareness, both among businesses and the broader population. Each sub-dimension concludes with a set of key recommendations to help address the outstanding challenges and, where applicable, provides best practices to enhance SMEs' access to finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the policies in the Western Balkans and Turkey that provide small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) with access to business support services (BSSs). It starts by providing an overview of the assessment framework and progress since the last assessment in 2019. It then analyses the two sub-dimensions of Dimension 5a: 1) BSSs provided by the government, assessing the BSS policy framework, the extent and types of services provided by public institutions, how information about them is disseminated, and how this provision is monitored and its effectiveness evaluated; and 2) government initiatives to stimulate private BSSs, including the planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies to encourage the uptake of privately provided support services, particularly cofinancing schemes. Each sub-dimension concludes with key recommendations to help ensure that SMEs have access to and benefit from a wide range of support services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the availability, quality and responsiveness of the public services for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the Western Balkans and Turkey. It begins with an overview of the assessment framework, then focuses on the four sub-dimensions of Dimension 4: 1) digital government services for enterprises, which measures the extent to which SMEs can interact with public institutions through the use of digital technologies; 2) company registration, which focuses on the procedures necessary to register a company; 3) business licensing, which considers the complexities of the process of obtaining a licence; and 4) tax compliance procedures for SMEs, which examines whether tax systems are adapted to SMEs' unique needs. Each sub-dimension concludes with key recommendations for increasing the capacity and efficiency of the operational environment for SMEs in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter assesses the quality of frameworks for planning and implementing SME policies in the Western Balkans and Turkey (WBT). It starts with an overview of the assessment framework, then analyses the three sub-dimensions of Dimension 3: 1) institutional framework, which looks at the quality of the institutional framework as a basis for planning and implementing SME policies; 2) legislative simplification and regulatory impact assessment, which examines to what degree regulatory review mechanisms are in place to assess the impact of regulations on SMEs; and 3) public-private consultations, which evaluates the degree to which SMEs are involved and engaged in policy making as stakeholders. Each sub-dimension concludes with key recommendations for helping WBT economies build institutional and regulatory frameworks that are more responsive to the needs of SMEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the EU's impact on the rule of law in the Western Balkans and Turkey. It enquires into the reasons behind the patchy record of rule-of-law reforms in Turkey, Croatia and Albania by examining judicial reforms in response to the EU accession requirements. It argues that a credible EU accession perspective and an adequate degree of state capacity are necessary but not sufficient conditions for explaining the fluctuations in the rule-of-law standards in EU accession countries. The genuine, partial or non-alignment of the ruling elites' domestic incentives with the EU incentives is a key determinant of rule-of-law trends in the Western Balkans and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the Turkish Chairmanship-in-Office of the South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP), 2009 represented the year of Turkey's return to the Western Balkans as an influential actor. Granted, Turkey's Balkan policy became a matter of contention. Ankara's Bosnia and Herzegovina initiative even raised questions as to whether Turkey is aspiring to restore its former power and influence over the region. hose expressing their unease over this initiative are accusing Turkey of nurturing inclinations reminiscent of the Ottoman state. To counter this image, Turkish officials are using every opportunity to underline that Ankara has no intentions other than to contribute to the consolidation of peace and stability in the Western Balkans. his article reviews the last two years of Turkish policy towards the region, and includes evaluations on the perception of Turkey's proactive Western Balkans policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to research the impact of a public administration reform on the economic development of the Western Balkan (WB) countries. The research covers a ten-year period (2009 - 2019), and is conducted on a sample of 19 countries (so called New EU Member States, Turkey and 6 countries from the WB). The paper attempts to quantify the effect that the public administration reform has on the two variables of economic development, namely the real GDP Growth Rate and Trade Per Capita, in the context of analysis and impact of six governance indicators created by the World Bank, within the WGI (The Worldwide Governance Indicator). In order to prove the hypotheses, we used the dynamic panel method. The results show that there is a significant positive impact of public administration reform in the WB on the GDP growth and trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vigor which has characterized the Turkish approach to the Western Balkans since the end of the Cold War has transformed the country into an important regional actor from its previous position as a distant neighbor that showed little interest. Although Turkey and the Western Balkan countries have in the meanwhile achieved the most intensive relationship since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Turkey has not yet displayed the economic capacity and political weight that could make it compete with the magnetism of the European Union for Western Balkan countries. Turkish cultural influence, although significantly widened in the last few years, particularly through investments in educational institutions, is mostly limited to the Muslim population in the region. While potential EU membership remains the most important driver for the political elites in the region, the stalled EU membership prospects of both Turkey and the countries of the region might change this in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has already cleared the path for the future accession of Turkey and the Western Balkan states (Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia). The question is whether their mineral potential can significantly enrich Europe's supply situation, which is facing an international run on resources. Production and resource data for oil and natural gas clearly reveal that neither Turkey nor the Western Balkans have any considerable potential; their share of the EU-27 actual production is well below five per cent and they will remain net importers. Lignite is the only energy commodity with good potential. On the metal side, the accession countries produce chromium, boron and borates far in excess of European production; bauxite has a significant share. Other ferrous and non-ferrous metals primarily meet domestic demand. As expected, Turkey's mining and smelting production capacities, and its resources, are often larger than those of the seven Western Balkan states together. Short in oil and natural gas, however, Europe's supply needs provide Turkey with a trump card: its function as a long-term energy bridge between Asian producers and European customers. This might influence Europe's enlargement decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current situation in the Western Balkans warrants the involvement of external actors in the region. Sometimes, the European Union lacks energy and commitment, while the United States seems to have lost interest completely. Turkey, on the other hand, is a power in its ascendancy, with a long (albeit not recent) history of involvement in the region. Its economic and cultural prowess are sometimes considered to provide the ruling AKP with the means necessary to achieve a so-called 'Neo-Ottoman' foreign policy agenda. Official Turkish rhetoric also occasionally provides ammunition to its critics in this regard. However, upon close examination, the facts - in terms of Turkish foreign policy actions, investments, and accomplishments, and its reception among the local population in the Western Balkans - do not back up the theory that some sort of master plan for dominating the region exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taxes represent one of the most essential component in contemporary business. Their importance is reflected through stability and predictability which are necessary to international capital inflows. Government should create simple tax system that minimizes the burden of business conditions. The topic is insufficiently researched and there is great space for detailed analysis and interpretation of observed indicator. Guided by this fact, the author's efforts were directed at dealing with this issue and the possibility to reflect efficiency and effectiveness of the tax system in different countries within the considered paying taxes indicator. The aim of paper is paying taxes indicator in the Western Balkans countries and Turkey in period from 2008 to 2015. World Bank calculates this indicator within Doing Business analysis. The paper consists three chapters with the first part deals with the methodology and structure of selected indicator, the second part is focused on tax reforms in selected countries while the third part deals with the results and conclusions which are presented by tables and figures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decentralized EU agencies have played an important role in the Union's institutional landscape over the last three decades. Various engagement logics and types of cooperation have previously been investigated for the European Economic Area and EU Eastern Partnership countries, but not for the five countries that received EU candidate status by 2021—Turkey and four Western Balkans countries—Montenegro, Serbia, Albania, and Northern Macedonia. Covering the period between 1999 and 2021 analysis found that 23 out of 34 agencies observed had some type of engagement with these candidates, while serving both EU's broader foreign policy interests and advancing the sector-specific alignment of candidates. This also suggests that it is possible to frame these engagements as a form of external EU differentiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Balkan Research Institute / Balkan Araştırma Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Trakya University, Balkan Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is about the main framework and the rationale of the special issue, which deals with Turkey's increasing ethno-religious, pragmatic and complicated involvement and activism in the Balkans since 2002, under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP). The main focus of the Issue is how the intersectionality between domestic and foreign policy has played an important role in Turkey's recent relations with the Balkan countries and how the Europeanization process influences this relationality. The overall claim is that religion, ethnicity and kin politics as indispensable components of identity politics, have the capacity to transform Turkey's foreign policy attitudes as well as the orientations of the Balkan countries and the impact of the processes of Europeanization and de-Europeanization on the relationship between Turkey and the Balkans needs to be included into the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The redefinition of Turkey's national identity under the rule of President Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) influenced its foreign policy. For many years, Turkey maintained an ambivalent position towards the EU, and as a NATO ally and only by the end of 2020 it disclosed an openly anti-Western position. In this context, there is a rich literature studying Turkey's actions to reassert its influence in the Western Balkans, but there is less scholarly attention on Turkey's relations with Romania – its Black Sea neighbour and NATO ally. Building on recent literature on Turkey's regional strategies and tendencies of 'De-Europeanisation', we scrutinized the country's bilateral relations with Romania between 2008 and 2020. The analysis relies on mainly qualitative data and offers a chronological account of the main diplomatic interactions between the two governments, placed in the context of significant regional events. The article concludes that, compared to the Balkans, there are the same ambivalent tendencies in Turkey-Romania relations. It shows that Turkey acted as a relevant economic partner and security ally for Romania at the Black Sea, while distancing more and more from the EU and asserting a more active role as a regional player in the Middle East and in the Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Aegean archipelago is among the largest on Earth with astonishing biodiversity within Europe. Its territory underwent a massive geotectonic transformation in Neogene that resulted in multitude of changes in land-sea configuration and disintegrated the formerly united Aegean land to a complicated mainland-archipelago system. Therefore, it represents an excellent laboratory for studying evolution of terrestrial fauna. In the present study, we use a model group of flightless bush crickets with annual reproduction cycle—Poecilimon jonicus species group—to trace correlation of lineage diversification with the known paleogeographic events in the Aegean area. The group belongs to the hyperdiverse genus Poecilimon and has a disjunct distribution along the Hellenic arc from southwestern Anatolia through Crete to the western Balkans and the Apennines. To test our hypothesis, we inferred phylogenetic relationships of the P. jonicus group sensu lato using a nuclear fragment covering two spacers of the ribosomal cistron (ITS1 + ITS2). To study intra-group phylogeny, we compared mitochondrial phylogenies based on two matrices—(1) a concatenated ND2 and COI dataset of 1656 bp and (2) a 16S rRNA + 12S rRNA dataset of 1835 bp. As a second step, we estimated divergence times applying Bayesian approach with BEAST and a relative rate framework with RelTime on the mitochondrial matrices. We compare trees calibrated based on evolutionary rates and tectonic events and discuss radiation scenarios in concordance with known paleogeographic events in the Aegean area. Our results revealed robust phylogeny of the Poecilimon jonicus group and confirmed a strong link between its evolution and the Aegean paleogeography. The phylogenetic relationships of the group supported reconsideration of its systematics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A comprehensive ethnobotanical study was carried out in the province of Kırsehir, in the Central Anatolia region. The result of that study is this publication containing information about the main traditional folk medicine, wild food plants, and other plant uses in the area. Our goal was to collect, identify, and provide information about plants traditionally used by the local population. This inquiry focused on the plant specimens obtained during field work. Data were gathered through open and semi-structured interviews conducted with local individuals, and use report (UR) values were computed. A total of 79 taxa of plants used in folk medicine, belonging to 33 families, were identified in this study. Of these, 67 taxa were wild and 12 were cultivated. The most common families were Asteraceae, Lamiaceae, and Rosaceae. Based on the results of this study, 77 taxa with ethnobotanical uses were recorded. The plants were used as folk medicine (45 taxa), as food (46 taxa), and for other purposes (34 taxa). This study determined that plants are still traditionally used in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Euroscepticism has shifted the structure of political conflict in the European Parliament (EP) towards an increasingly dominant pro-/anti-EU divide. Focusing on the hard case of EU enlargement, this article examines changes in MEPs' discursive and voting patterns over the past two EP mandates. It combines two original datasets containing MEP statements during plenary debates and subsequent roll-call votes to examine the polarisation, cohesion, and consistency of legislative behaviour across different European Political Groups. The findings show that soft Eurosceptics drive a deepening of the pro-/anti-EU divide by radicalising in both discourse and vote to join hard Eurosceptics in their firm rejection of further enlargement. Pro-European MEPs, in contrast, show discursive accommodation of Eurosceptic concerns, with a growing inconsistency between sceptical discourse and continued vote-based support for enlargement-related initiatives. A case study of Turkey illustrates these two mechanisms. The findings shed light on the changing dynamics of political competition in the EP and the impact of rising Euroscepticism upon MEPs' legislative behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the vital importance of infrastructure protection and risk management in the context of the devastating 2023 earthquake in Turkey, which resulted in over 50,000 deaths and left 1.5 million homeless. Highlighting the consequences of inadequate infrastructure and government failure to enforce building standards, the study stresses similar risks in countries like Kosovo and North Macedonia. It argues for enhanced government regulation, improved urban planning, and robust international collaboration in disaster response to better prepare for and mitigate future seismic events. Through a detailed analysis of the Turkey earthquake, the paper provides essential insights into creating more resilient and disaster-ready communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The banking industry, which is one of the most significant industries when taking into account both deposit sizes and employment statistics in Turkey, is one of the country's primary economic drivers. In this regard, it is highly important to evaluate banks as it is necessary to present to what extent they use their resources efficiently. The main purpose of the study is to analyze the efficiencies of Turkish banks by the two-stage data envelopment analysis (DEA) and Malmquist productivity index (MPI). Design/methodology/approach: The authors aim to analyze both the efficiency and productivity of Turkish banks by two-stage DEA and the MPI, which enable decomposing into sub-sections of production processes. Hence, more detailed insight into the Turkish banking system can be presented through two-stage efficiency and production approaches. Findings: DEA results indicate that two out of three state-owned banks achieved resource efficiency while none of the investigated banks performed profit efficiency throughout the investigated period. Besides, average resource efficiency is found higher than average profit efficiency in Turkish banks. MPI results reveal that both technological and technical improvement prospects exist for Turkish banks. Originality/value: The original contribution of this paper is to employ two-stage DEA and the MPI, which reflect both the static and dynamic performance of the Turkish banking sector. In this regard, this study aims to be a pioneer by both reflecting the static and dynamic performance analysis of Turkish banks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Kosovo and Turkey are unique because of the difference in their sizes, potential and influence of these two countries in international arena, and their shared history. Studies on Turkey–Kosovo relations often fail to focus on Turkish foreign policy, which this paper attempts to remedy by analysing the political factors that shape relations between Kosovo and Turkey. This paper assesses the disappearance of the bipolar world order and up to the present. It later discusses relations between the two countries since 1990, when the issue of Kosovo took centre stage in international politics. Further, we explore the evolution of Turkey's policy towards the Balkans, including Kosovo's perceptions of its relationship with Turkey. Finally, the analysis focuses on the triangular relations between Kosovo, Brussels and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between regime type and foreign policy through the observational lens of the Serbian – Turkish bilateral relationship starting from 2009 to 2018. The approach was chosen to analyse sources of authoritarian power at the points of convergence between domestic and foreign policy, in a realm free from EU conditionality and the push towards liberal democracy. The article argues that investigating foreign direct investment (FDI) in hybrid regimes dependant on foreign capital provides more granular insight into the wielding and consolidation of incumbent power. An empirical examination of the mutual economic relations and the trajectory of the Turkish factory in Serbia indicate that, while Turkish FDI are of smaller financial worth than investments of EU actors, they are highly valuable in qualitatively portraying the complexity of political power. The paper employs the concept of hybridity more holistically to incorporate the regime ambivalence across the entire trio of politics, economy, and society, thus providing simultaneous insight into the embeddedness of informal mechanisms throughout formal institutions, the fusion of economic and political authorities, and the personalization of political power in Serbia. Process-tracing was the primary method of analysis.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 2000 and 2010s, Turkey embarked on an activist policy in Southeast Europe reliant on personal diplomacy, economic outreach, and the projection of soft power. Coupled with the drift away from the West, such overtures have prompted observers to qualify Turkey as a revisionist power similar to Russia, China and other non-Western actors making inroads into the region. This article seeks to correct this view. It argues that Turkey is not an external player but very much part of the Balkans. Secondly, the article contends that Turkish foreign policy is not posing a frontal challenge to the EU and NATO, the two anchors of regional order. Rather, it benefits from its close relationship and membership in the two institutions. Though it has shifted from multilateralism to unilateralism, Ankara pursues a parallel, as opposed to an adversarial, strategy to that of the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, there has been a growing interest in Europeanization, both within and beyond the European Union (EU). The impact of Eastern enlargement in 2004 on candidate and neighbourhood countries has attracted scholarly attention, and a consensus currently exists on the success of the EU's transformative power through the employment of a conditionality mechanism. However, the limits of EU conditionality upon candidate countries and neighbourhood Europeanization, in addition to the problems experienced by the EU itself, have brought into question whether the end of Europeanization research is in sight. Considering this, we critically evaluate the issues discussed in the scholarship on Europeanization and review several points of interest in relation to EU candidate countries in the Western Balkans as well as Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research presents a methodology for assessing the landscape identity of rural settlements. The methodology evaluates landscape identity parameters as descriptive units and analyses landscape identity according to natural, built, socioeconomic, and sociocultural parameters at various scales. Turkey’s Aegean Region was selected as a case study for the research because of its rich rural pattern created by the combination of diverse geomorphology, a unique rural architectural character, climatic conditions, the rural economy, and sociocultural structures. The research presents several findings related to physical landscape identity. In addition, it shows important aspects of rural settlements through the lens of landscape identity and highlights the importance of identity-based approaches for sustainable rural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the development of public diplomacy policies and their implementation by the Turkish government through aggregate investment data and within the broader regional and global context in which the country’s policies evolved. Its main aim is to show how regime type is interrelated with foreign policy in general and public diplomacy as a branch of it. Turkey is a fruitful case because the country has experienced significant democratic backsliding since 2011, unlike the first period when the Justice and Development Party (henceforth AKP) came to power in 2002. The discussion over the data on budgets of various institutions responsible for adopting public diplomacy policies shows that cultural and educational public diplomacy received a major increase in investment, especially within the last six years, whereas the budgets for other institutions have fluctuated over the last ten years. Although the paper’s purpose was to provide a comprehensive picture of Turkey’s public diplomacy throughout the AKP rule since 2002, its main data source remains limited to the last decade. Thus, the availability and transparency of the data and its indication of the relationship between regime qualities and public diplomacy policies are also noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to its geographical proximity to Western countries, Turkey is becoming one of the critical points of a complex migration system that includes asylum seekers, refugees, regular, irregular and transit migrants. For this reason, Turkey, regarded as a "transition country", is a very important station on the way to European destinations. With this aspect, Turkey has become a key country in terms of the EU's border security, and this feature has become the focal point of EU-Turkey relations. Despite the importance and insufficient opportunities for irregular migration to the EU, Turkey's struggle with transit migration will be discussed in this study. Furthermore, the routes used by refugees to reach Europe through Turkey, as well as the statistics related with these routes, will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]