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The article highlights the recognition of the Armenian Genocide by Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, his condolence message to Armenian communities and positions taken by the legislatures of countries, the United States, Germany, and the Netherlands. Topics include that the message acknowledged the deaths of the Ottoman Armenians who were killed alongside people of all religions and ethnicities in the events of 1915; and the deteriorating relations between Israel and Turkey.

This article investigates the relationship between trade and politics, particularly the effect of improved or deteriorated political ties upon economic relations with particular reference to the bilateral trade and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Israel. The study attempts to identify under what conditions bilateral trade is affected by any significant change in political relations. It finds that economic relations were relatively bolstered at times of enhanced political relations whereas visible deterioration or decline was observed in the volume and state of trade relations at some critical points when diplomatic relations worsened. However, this does not refer to a constant and steady decline and is limited to some severe diplomatic crises experienced in bilateral relations. Some major premises of Realist and Liberal theories are employed to analyse the findings in this study. These findings are at least partially against the main arguments in the literature of the Liberal approach that trade determines politics. However, the course of trade relations between Israel and Turkey appears to be consistent with the tenets of the Realist theory which pays greater attention to security than it does to trade relations and argues that trade may not be relevant to improved bilateral political relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the role that natural gas development plays in Israel's relationships and alliances with countries of the Eastern Mediterranean region, including its relations with Greece and Cyprus. Turkey's relationship with Israel and Cyrus, including Turkey's improving relations with Israel, is discussed.

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The 1990s witnessed a growing rapprochement in relations between Turkey and Israel, which in a decade's time have become strained, reaching an all-time low with the Mavi Marmara incident in 2010. This article aims to analyze the developments in relations between the two countries mainly in the 2000s. The domestic, regional, and international levels are examined, with special attention to the factors that led to the current state of strained relations between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of recent developments in the Middle East, in particular, the Arab revolts in the first few months of 2011 and the AKP's June 2011 election victory, this article aims to define the changing parameters of Turkey's new “Middle Eastern policy” under the AKP government, which is based on a new civilizational discourse and a differentiated geopolitical approach. It also discusses the basic dynamics and ideological and doctrinal background of Turkey's new Middle Eastern policy in order to understand the opportunities and constraints of its potential “facilitator and conciliator” role in the changing political circumstances of the region following the recent Arab uprisings. Despite the limits of Ankara's new civilizational and geopolitical orientation in both discourse and policy, which have at times undermined Turkey's neutrality on intra-Arab or Iranian–Arab axes and its facilitation role between Israel and its regional adversaries, Turkey's new regional posture for the Middle East represents an awakening rather than an illusion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses Turkish foreign policy. It analyzes Turkey's allegedly burgeoning foreign relations with countries such as Iran, Syria, and Sudan in comparison with an alleged distancing from countries such as the U.S. and Israel, as well as European countries. The article examines whether Turkey's relationship with Western countries had ruptured despite its operation within European security infrastructures. The article discusses the claims of the Turkish Justice and Development Party, which won the 2011 elections and, according to the article, promised that by 2023, Turkey would be among the world's leading powers. The article also examines Turkey's associations with Islamic organizations such as Hamas and Fatah and the policies of Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Turkish foreign policy has recently undergone remarkable changes, and these changes have led to a considerable degree of foreign policy activism, most notably in the Middle East, which has never been seen throughout the history of the Turkish Republic. It is unquestionable that Turkey's activism in the Middle East increased the country's power in the Arab-Muslim political circles but also caused deterioration in Turkish-Israeli relations. Although there has been a consensus on relating the changes in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East with the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) leading echelons, to date only a few studies attempted to incorporate a particular theoretical approach to explain this agency based shift. This paper argues that role theory can be incorporated into the theory of securitization and it can be used as a conceptual tool for decoding Turkey's strained relations with Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish–Israeli relations, which had reached the level of strategic cooperation by the end of the 1990s, started to decline after 2000 and Turkey's approach to Israel has changed considerably as a result of huge transformations in international, regional, and Turkish domestic politics. The Israeli Operation Cast Lead in December 2008–January 2009 and the “One Minute” incident at Davos in January 2009, however, initiated a continuous crisis situation, which reached its peak in the May–June 2010 Mavi Marmara crisis. This article aims to analyze the causes of change in the Turkish perception of Israel by focusing on three key factors: Justice and Development Party ideology and actors, power vacuum in the Middle East, and Turkish foreign policy discourse of grandeur. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The questions about the direction of Turkish foreign policy have been voiced once more following the flotilla crisis between Turkey and Israel, which coincided with Turkey's vote in May against a UN Security Council resolution on Iran. Is Turkey turning its back on the West? In the unfolding debate, one can see that such questions are being asked in order to send a tacit message of intimidation to Turkey or to give it a warning, rather than to conduct an honest inquiry into Turkey's foreign policy direction. To explain the recent changes in Turkish foreign policy, this commentary, instead, proposes to look at the transformations in the US role in the Middle East. It argues that ignoring the fundamental change in the global order while treating Turkey's every attempt to adapt to the new conditions as a form of "axis shift" are efforts to analyze Turkish foreign policy with parameters of a bygone time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's bilateral relations with Israel has been steadily deteriorating due to problems stemming from the naval blockade on Gaza Strip imposed by Israel and Egypt after HAMAS gained the full control of the strip in June 2007. Exacerbated by the Operation Cast Lead launched by the IDF in late December 2008 to take the HAMAS regime down in the Strip, the tension reached to its climax with the Operation Sky Winds 7, the raid executed in international waters to stop Mavi Marmara, which resulted in casualties among the Turkish volunteers aboard. Having frustrated Ankara's good offices to promote Israeli-Syrian peace track, both crises were regarded in Ankara as clear indicators that mainstream political parties in Israel was neither interested in peace with its neighbors nor in seeing Ankara assuming a pivotal role in the Middle Eastern politics. By the same token, both events highlighted the determination of the JDP governments for playing a leading role in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the history of Israeli foreign policy, particularly with Turkey, and its reflections on the 21st century conditions and possibilities of international cooperation and coexistence in the Middle East. An overview of Israeli foreign relations to Muslim countries is provided, focusing on the developments of the early 21st century. The Israeli handling of national and international issues, such as counter-terrorism, Kurdish nationalist groups, and discussion of historical atrocities are commented upon, showing ways in which the nation could improve its standing.

This article is based on a paper presented at the June 8-9, 2009 conference entitled "Israel and the Arab States: Parallel Interests, Relations, and Strategies," jointly held in Jerusalem by the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. The article discusses Israeli-Iraqi relations in the post-Saddam era, arguing that Iraq has distanced itself from its traditional radicalism and adopted a more pragmatic and moderate posture. Still, close ties between Iran and Iraqi Shi'a groups in particular threaten the chances for normalization between Jerusalem and Baghdad, while the U.S. ability or willingness to challenge Iran on this matter is limited. Also discussed is the positive Kurdish-Israeli relationship and areas of potential cooperation. At the same time, however, there exist Kurdish fears of negative reactions from non- Kurdish Iraqis and the Arab world and Israeli fears of antagonizing Turkey and jeopardizing its strategic partnership with it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral relations between Turkey and Israel nosedived after the recent Israeli operation in Gaza, and both countries tested each other's red lines at the height of the crisis from January to mid-February 2009. The verbal spat between Israeli President Shimon Peres and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan at Davos and, later, an undiplomatic statement by the Israeli Ground Forces commander, Maj. Gen. Avi Mizrahi, led many observers to believe that the strategic relationship between Turkey and Israel had been dealt a fatal blow. However, diplomats and statesmen have already started mending diplomatic ties, while military cooperation between the two countries continued routinely. The latest crisis confirmed two oft-repeated conjectures regarding the pattern in bilateral ties: first, Turkey's partnership with Israel is fundamentally pegged to Israel's attitude toward the Palestinians, and, second, the profundity of the partnership has reached a level that makes a divorce quite complicated and difficult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the relationship between Turkey and Israel against the background of the AKP ascent to power in Turkey in 2002 and the invasion of Iraq in 2003. It argues that notwithstanding the sea changes that occurred in the region following the invasion, as well as the far-reaching changes in Turkey's foreign policy, both states still have vested interests in maintaining their close relationship, even at times of crisis. One of the most important explanations for their relations' longevity is that the two states have no serious problems on the bilateral level, while their strategic, economic and societal common interests have been strong enough to weather crises. The paper also explores the implications for the future of the Turkish-Israeli relationship of Turkey's policy during Israel's operations against Hamas in Gaza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the negative atmosphere it created for both sides, the Davos case should be seen as an opportunity to revisit the various aspects of Turkish-Israeli relations. Turkish-Israeli rapprochement is important for the regional order. However, both sides should realize that like all bilateral relations the Turkish-Israeli one is subject to social, political and psychological parameters. There is no ideal, correct model that is free of social effects. The fluctuations of a bilateral contact cannot be understood through simplistic analyses that prioritize personalities or other trivial issues. Every single event, including that at Davos, should be seen as one function of complex social phenomena. Even the most unexpected events in politics are the products of several major social machineries. This article will offer an alternative analysis of the Turkish-Israeli relationship in the light of a number of social structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts on international relations topics published within the issue which include perceptions of Turkish-Israeli relations in the academic community, the rivalry between Greece and Turkey, and the civilization of Jerusalem.

The article examines the relations of Turkey and Israel as of 2006. Both countries represent strong secular democracies that value the strategic relationship with the U.S. The countries face hostile neighborhood that views them with suspicion and hostility. The historical roots the countries' relations predate the Cold War and the formations of both the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and the State of Israel in 1947.

While Turkey's close ties with Israel during the 1990s were accepted and at times even praised by the country's secular political parties, there has been consistent criticism of Israeli government's policy towards the Palestinians since the collapse of the Oslo peace process in 2000. At the height of the post-Oslo crisis in Israeli–Palestinian relations Turkey, despite occasional outbursts, adopted a balanced approach to the conflict. Meanwhile, military cooperation between the two countries has continued to develop and will continue to do so for as long as Turkey sees the strategic benefits of ties with Israel [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article concludes that the relationship established between Turkey, Israel and American Jews both in and outside of government in the mid 1990s and the consolidation of the two countries' relationship right up to the U.S. war against Iraq on March 19, 2003, undoubtedly influenced intellectuals, newspaper editorialists, professors and the interested public that one of the two main causes for the U.S. war against Iraq was to secure the long term interests of Israel. It outlines the U.S. plans for the war against Iraq. It discusses the U.S. incentives to Turkey to join the war.

Focuses on the water trade between Israel and Turkey. Relationship between the Israeli and Turkish governments; Water supply problems facing Israel; Ways to deal with the water crisis in Israel; Concerns over the creation of water resources in Israel.

As a result of the February 28,1997, incident, Islamist parties have been ostracized and excluded from governmental politics. This has caused serious legitimacy, participation, and representation crises in the Turkish polity. This study examines whether the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - AKP) landslide victory in the November 2002 elections has put an end to the February 28 Process. It also suggest that further liberalization of the Turkish regime will be possible only if the religious and secular parties come together and agree on the rules for future engagement. Thus, with reference to President Inonu's July 12 Declaration and the Israeli status quo model of 1947, this essay attempts to sketch out these rules of engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the strategic alliance among Israel, India and Turkey. Role of the Cold War to the formation of the alliance; Support of the alliance to the national missile defense efforts of the U.S.; Counterterrorism plans of the alliance.

Provides information on the foreign relations between Turkey and Israel. Efforts of Israel to promote its ties with Iran, Ethiopia and Turkey; Shift in Israeli-Turkish ties; Role of the post-Cold War in the Middle East in2 the emergence of Israeli-Turkish relations.

The article focuses on Iranian responses to the Turkish-Israeli military agreements of 1996. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has positioned itself opposite to American and Israeli interests and policies in the Middle East region. This policy stemmed from the long and interventionist American policies in Iran during the Shah's reign. The revolutionaries of Iran, believing in a pan-Islamic framework, raised the illegitimacy of Arab governments, called for the elimination of the state of Israel, and strongly objected to Turkish anti-Islamic and secular nationalism. Unity of Muslims and the establishment of Islamic states became the driving force of Iranian foreign policy. The article firstly analyzes Iran's perceptions and belief structure of its regional security. It also substantiates Iran's interpretation of American, Israeli and Turkish motives and policies. Finally, Iranian perceptions and responses has been analyzed within the larger framework of Iran's domestic political experience and its elite cognitive structure in the post-revolutionary period.

Focuses on the limitations in the Turkish-Israeli alliance. Definition on the Turkish-Israeli alliance; Conflict in military agreement between the two countries; Expectations of the two countries to the alliance; Social limits of the alliance.

Examines Arab countries' perceptions of Turkey and its alliance with Israel. Relations between Arab countries and Turkey; Impact of the alliance on Arab-Israeli peace process; Turkey's proposal to sell water to Arab countries; Arab countries' objection to include Turkey in a regional system; Arab countries' plan to form a counter-alliance.

Examines the bilateral relations between Turkey and Israel. Events which led to the development of the bilateral relations; Situation in Turkey prior to the creation of the bilateral relations; Reasons for the potential appeal of Israel to new nations.

Presents a study on the media coverage by Turkey of Israel and vise versa. Importance of media to public opinion in the Middle East; Israel's images of Turkey; Conclusions.

Examines the relations among Turkey, Israel and Iran since the Gulf War in 1990. Impact of the relations on the Middle East; Details on the armament and human rights problems; Isolation of Iran from the international system; How regional and global policies have been affected.

Examines the Turkish-Israeli relations in the post-Cold War era in the context of Ankara's policy, the capital of Turkey. Account of the Turkish-Israeli relations; Reasons for the increasing ties between Turkey and Israel in 1990; Different aspects of the two countries' relationship; Prospects and limitations of the relations between the two countries.

The article looks into the relations between Turkey and its Middle Eastern neighboring countries since its establishment as a republic in 1923. It states that the speed and scale of the development of Turkey's military, intelligence, economic and civilian ties with Israel mark its decisive departure in its foreign policy. In addition, the Turkish government perceived that its sovereign unity was threatened by Islamist groups and this view got its root at an incident during the swearing-in ceremony of the newly elected female member of the Turkish Parliament, Merve Kavakci.

Assesses the relations between Turkey and Israel in regards to the polarization of Turkey's religious and elite society. Indepth look at the political aspects of Turkey-Israeli relations; Discussion on the internal problems which Turkey face.

The article offers information on Israel and its relation with Turkey and the Kurds. According to Mordechai Nissan of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, if Israel will be considered as an ally of Turkey, then one can say that Israel is part of the Kurd repression in Turkey. In addition, according to the logic of Nissan, if an active role is played by American Jews in its support of Turkey, then they too can be considered guilty. While people who monitor the affairs in the Middle East are not ignorant of this participation, but the public is fed with deft handling of the condition by purveyors of words.

The article discusses the importance of the relationship between Turkey and Israel. The friendship developed between both countries is part of the reformulation in the security environment of Turkey. Both have the same desire toward building a good relationship with European systems, as well as into the measure of integration and market economies. They signed a military agreement to employ the Secret Security Agreement and to become the head of the security axis. Israel also fills the need of Turkey in having as a reliable partner.