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Heightened attention is being paid to the Northwest Passage, the waters that flow among the islands of northern Canada and that, in the next decades, may be amenable to commercial navigation. Most debates regarding the Passage's legal status focus on Canada's contention that it is its internal waters and the United States’ contention that it is an international strait. This article proposes that a designation of the Passage as Canada's territorial sea would be as legally robust as the internal waters or international strait designations while satisfying both Canada's and the United States’ political objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asserts that proclaiming the death of socialism may be premature because many of its ideas are constantly being embraced by Third World nations still in development. Ideas are not fully gone from the collapsed former Soviet Union and the EasternBloc countries; History of three forms of socialism: Sovietism; Social democracies; Attraction of socialism to Western political and intellectual elites; Social democracy will score gains in Eastern Europe; Western attributes; More.

The paradox of rights in brief: The Scylla and Charybdis for rights-oriented identity politics involves gaining universal rights on the basis of being persons or contouring rights to the historically specific social powers constituting a group's subjection. I States of Injury i was composed in the late 1980s and early 1990s, a time featuring a markedly different political and intellectual landscape from our own. Fortunately, Jackson notes, in stark contrast with the 1990s, challenging capitalism in the name of both justice and futurity is exactly what Left mobilizations around the world are now doing.[30] Time, then, to return I States of Injury i to the shelf. Still, I wonder if Jackson clipped the wings of his critique of the treatment of rights in I States of Injury. i Might his appreciation of certain rights as permitting heretofore excluded groups to exercise collective power be extended to other social rights?. [Extracted from the article]

Eva Piirimäe's Herder and Enlightenment Politics deserves recognition as a landmark study in the scholarship of Johann Gottfried Herder, and of eighteenth-century political thought more broadly. Piirimäe shows us that Herder should be taken very seriously as a political thinker of the eighteenth century. Herder engaged in the central debates of his time and possessed a political programme concerned with the possibility for – and reformist potential of – a distinctive kind of patriotism. The review welcomes Piirimäe's contextualist, historicist approach to Herder's political thought, allowing us to understand Herder "in his own terms". Piirimäe thereby reveals that the coherence, scope and urgency of Herder's political programme, addressing the particular challenges of his European modernity, has hitherto been underappreciated. Piirimäe suggests that Herder's political objectives provided an important and underappreciated impetus to his cultural thought. Piirimäe also emphasises the significance of Herder's experiences in the distinctive commercial environment of Riga and draws attention to his engagement with the genre of Imperial Reichsgeschichte. These highlight a more modern outlook on history and politics than is often appreciated, particularly in Kantian scholarship, and which must be borne in mind as a qualification to his famous critiques in Another Philosophy of History (1774). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theologians from the Black communities in the USA, South Africa and other places, and Dalit groups in India have struggled with a dialectic between the retrieval of subjectivity within political spaces inflected by ‘race’ and ‘caste’ and the opposition to these essentialist categorisations. On the one hand, their politics of resistance has been predicated on their specific Black or Dalit identities, while, on the other hand, the postulation of such identities has often been criticised for being essentialist and homogenising. It would seem, therefore, that such patterns of ‘theologies of liberation’ have to steer clear of the Scylla of a postmodern-style dissolution of subjectivities in which the Black or Dalit identities are effaced in a ‘raceless’ or ‘casteless’ amorphousness, and the Charybdis of ‘ontologizing’ the experiences of Blackness or Dalitness in a manner that may re-entrench these binaries that arguably cannot be fitted into the Christian eschatological vision of the reconciliation of humanity. In our analysis of some Black and Dalit theologies, we shall seek to illuminate the distinctive ways in which they assert hitherto repressed subjectivities, while seeking at the same time to avoid ontological dualisms between sections of humanity, now fractured along the lines of race and caste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the field of mimetic studies, which focuses on the concept of imitation in human behavior. It argues that mimesis extends beyond realistic representations and familial desires, encompassing a wide range of imitative impulses. The article emphasizes the need to reframe our understanding of mimesis in the context of contemporary transformations, such as AI simulations and social media. It calls for a genealogical approach to track the evolution of mimesis and aims to bridge disciplinary divides to provide a theoretical framework for understanding human subjectivity. The text also explores the concept of mimetic desire and its expansion to include mimetic pathos, which refers to the contagious effects of others on individuals. It argues that humans are inherently influenced by others' emotions and proposes a mimetic turn to understand the affective dynamics that can lead to both rivalry and solidarity. The text discusses the role of mimesis in various disciplines, such as psychology, aesthetics, anthropology, and neurology. It also addresses the impact of digital simulations and artificial intelligence on human imitation and the need for a theoretical supplement to address these developments. The essays in this text contribute to the field of mimetic studies by offering new perspectives and engaging with influential thinkers in the past. The goal is to further our understanding of mimetic pathologies and promote life-affirming transformations in the future. [Extracted from the article]

This note seeks to steer a path between the scylla of dogmatic faith that rational choice models can explain all aspects of human behavior, borrowed from economists such as Gary Becker, and the charybdis of some recent political science work that argues the view that rational choice 'has no clothes' and is useless in explaining human behavior. I take what I, along with my colleague Bernard Grofman, identify as the 'reasonable choice' view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What could a political phenomenology look like? Recent attempts to address this question under the rubric "critical phenomenology" have centered primarily around important issues such as the lived experience of marginalization and oppression or the ways in which power asymmetries or structural biases are internalized, habitualized, and embodied. In this paper, I will take a different route and test the impact of Husserl's account of the state against the background of key classical and contemporary political theories. I aim to show that Husserl indeed provides some conceptual requisites for an original phenomenological social ontology of the state. By furnishing analyses of the social formation that constitutes the stately body politic, Husserl helps us see the limitations of the standard, broadly Weberian, conception of the state underlying much of contemporary political theorizing. Moreover, Husserl provides an interesting alternative to both naturalistic and social contract theories of the state. However, against more optimistic readings, I argue that Husserl's idealistic conception of the state, which is implicitly modelled on his notion of the "love community," ultimately fails as a political theory, particularly when it comes to accounting for the struggle of recognition and the agonistic nature of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "The Future of EU Constitutionalism," which examines the challenges and future prospects of constitutionalism within the European Union (EU). The book includes chapters written by leading scholars in EU law, addressing issues such as political schisms, financial crises, migration crises, the COVID-19 pandemic, and geopolitical events. The authors emphasize the need to reevaluate the EU's constitutional foundations, the importance of common values, and the role of dialogue in resolving constitutional conflicts. The article concludes that the future of EU constitutionalism is uncertain and subject to ongoing political and legal developments. [Extracted from the article]

Faced with the ecological crisis, it is necessary to elaborate a cosmopolitical stance. Such a cosmopolitics indicates the degree to which traditionally political categories are in fact products of the ecological landscape. Bruno Latour helps us theorize just such a cosmopolitics. I argue that Latour allows us privileged access to the diverse agencies composing our ecological condition. Latour is primarily an ecological thinker. I explore Latour's own formulations of a cosmopolitics and points of contact between Latour and the broader tradition of political ecology as exemplified by the American environmental theorist Aldo Leopold. I claim that Latour's cosmopolitical program benefits from being placed into dialogue with classic ecological formulations such as Leopold's conception of the land community and its various normative implications—his so-called "land ethic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of DOMES: Digest of Middle East Studies is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Within the latter trend, the notion of I islahat-e sakhtari i (structural reforms) has gained currency among the more resolute reformists, due in large part to the epistolary debate between two prominent reformist theoreticians - Sa'id Hajjarian and Mostafa Tajzadeh. The overwhelming defeat of the reformist faction in the 2021 presidential election resulted in their political isolation and entailed a general sense of impasse and identity crisis among the majority of the reformists. The Downfall of the Reformists The 2020 Majles Election In the previous political cycle, the reformists had joined forces with the centrists in the 2013 presidential election to support the candidacy of a moderate conservative Hassan Rouhani, who ultimately won the race. Within this framework, active measures are being taken to restore the centrist-reformist coalition on the part of the previous president Hassan Rouhani in cooperation with moderate conservatives such as Ali Larijani and Mohammad-Reza Bahonar, as well as reformists represented by Mohammad Khatami. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the role of practical political theory in the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. I argue that BLM represents a multifaceted engagement with the complicated politics of redemption that lies at the heart of American democracy. In one sense, BLM stands for the integration of black life into the framework of political value, and thus for a redemption of the promise of 'justice for all'. In another, it is a challenge to the principles themselves, viewing justice as a threat to be managed, rather than as a principle to be redeemed. Exploring the praxis of this movement, organized both against and within the possibility of redemption, will enable us to more effectively characterize the limitations of a politics grounded in the theorization of justice and generate a richer understanding of the possibility for practical political theory to simultaneously employ and critique the politics of redemption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reconstructs Shklar's thoughts on war. It argues that these thoughts constitute a crucial pillar of her political theory. Of particular significance is the interpretation of her book Legalism, where Shklar criticised efforts to streamline the complex issue of the causes of war into a simple theory of power and aggression, and her work on Montesquieu, which ultimately allowed her to link thoughts on war and extraordinary cruelty to her interest in cruelty as an ordinary vice. In this way, the article answers the question about the relationship between Shklar's explicit cosmopolitanism and her negative political theory. It demonstrates that her thoughts on war were politically cosmopolitan, while allowing her to eschew the type of global ethics that underwrites just war theorising, she was critical of. The article makes a case for considering Shklar's work as a contribution to Global Political Theory, calling for the latter to look beyond the just war tradition to pursue its interests in both theoretical prescription and political reality. This because Shklar's thoughts on war successfully combined empirical analysis of world affairs with normative dismissal of human actions that place others in situations of existential fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Key points: Junior journals occupy an intermediate space between student and senior journals and diversify academic publishing.Junior journals have the potential to help reduce two undesirable trends in academic publishing: predatory publishing and the absence of diversity.Some of the practices followed by Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science could be increasingly employed by senior journals.To increase the perceived value of involvement in them, junior journals should speak to the needs of academia in general.The challenges junior journals face with indexing may be alleviated by establishing networks between them or by gaining the support of professional publishers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with philosophers Liza Herzog and Enzo Rossi is presented. They talk about the extent that philosophers and economists refer to the reality differently and what this mean for their idea of how theorizing should reflect reality, extent that democracy might enhance the epistemic quality of politics in a way, and inverse relation between reality and democracy.

This article explores the relationship between economic and political realms by reference to the Marxist conception of the economy as the 'motor of history'. The discussion is framed through a recent debate around Cultural Political Economy (CPE) and its efforts to keep Marx's materialist premises without falling into economic reductionism, or 'bend the stick too far' into the opposite direction and fall into 'constructivism'. Despite the efforts to avoid said extremes, CPE have been criticised for being both reductionist and constructivist This piece will defend CPE against the above charges while also highlighting some unresolved tensions within the method. I will then propose ways to resolve said tensions as well as providing the means of extending the scope of CPE to deal with political issues going beyond the economic realm, without losing sights of their connections to regimes of accumulations and resulting material needs and grievances of various groups. I will argue that this further development is necessary to analyse an increasingly unpredictable political landscape where tribal enmities and xenophobic feelings are returning to mainstream politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contemporary political science takes bargaining to be the central mechanism of democratic decision making, though political theorists typically doubt that processes that permit the exercise of unequal power and the use of threats can yield legitimate outcomes. In this review, we trace the development of theories of institutional bargaining from the standpoint of pluralism and positive political theory before turning to the treatment of bargaining in the influential work of John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas. Their ambivalence about bargaining gave rise to a new focus on the value of negotiation and compromise but this literature constitutes an unstable midpoint between the justificatory ambitions of deliberative democracy and the desire to provide plausible models of political decision making. Instead of advocating changes in mindset or motivation, we argue that a fair bargaining process requires institutional reform, as well as a justificatory framework centered on the preservation of egalitarian decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Triple Helix is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "Letter from a Birmingham Jail" has been canonized as an essential statement of the political theory of civil disobedience. This article examines the early reception of King's essay and the development of the liberal idea of civil disobedience it has become synonymous with to argue that its canonization coincided with, and displaced, the radicalization of King's developing thinking about disobedience. It examines published and archival writings from 1965 through 1968 to reconstruct King's power-oriented theory of "mass" civil disobedience as it developed in response to the dual challenges of white backlash and Black Power. The basic challenge of mass civil disobedience is how to mobilize liberating acts of taking power without undercutting the possibility of transformative integration through sharing power. To articulate this dilemma, this article draws on an undertheorized category from John Rawls's A Theory of Justice to conceptualize disobedience as a practice of militant love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Taking Boaventura de Sousa Santos' argument that there is no global social justice without global cognitive justice as its starting point, this article suggests that there is no global climate justice without global cognitive justice (implying both ontological justice and epistemological justice). If we take "the ontological turn" in anthropology and other disciplines and its focus on indigenous ontologies seriously, however, we seem to end up in a situation that is difficult to maneuver in relation to conventional understandings of climate justice. When discussing climate change in relation to multiple ontologies, there are two risks: 1) reproducing what I call "the coloniality of reality", arguing that indigenous ontologies are actually nothing but a cultural (mis-) representation of the world; 2) reproducing a conservative relativism that leads to nothing but the maintenance of status quo and that bears a resemblance to climate change denial. A thorough ethnographic understanding of what I would call "the moral meteorology" of the Andes and a broadened understanding of climate change, however, make it possible to navigate between the Scylla of coloniality and the Charybdis of relativism and to articulate a radical critique of fossil-fueled capitalism from a relational ontology, demanding climate justice while denouncing coloniality, and discussing the political ontology of climate change without ignoring its political ecology - and vice versa. Key words: Coloniality; climate justice; cognitive justice; political ontology; political ecology; Aymara

While contingency and negation are relatively well-established notions in the theoretical analysis of international relations, their practical implications remain under-conceptualised. In order to discuss the question of how to act under conditions of contingency and negation, this article, in a first step, triangulates both with Aristotelian noesis. Such triangulation suggests that the consequences of political action cannot be predicted and always have inadvertent consequences due to the contingent and historically and intellectually negated and refutable (even self-refutable) character of politics. It therefore appears as irresponsible to enact policies with interminable consequences. Rather, responsible political action — which is responsible precisely as, and only if, it accounts for contingency and negation — must hence act only in such a way that its consequences are reversible. In a second step, policy theory is critically reviewed in light of reversibility and its underlying philosophical principles, trying to bridge political philosophy and policy studies for a mutually enriched analysis of politics. Such a bridging exercise not only brings enhanced normative reflection into policy studies, but also, in reverse, hints at the crucial aspect of the non-linear unfolding of action consequences, which is, in addition to questions for a future research agenda, discussed in the concluding section. These discussions are understood as a twofold, yet interlinked, contribution: first, to develop a concept of reversibility as a practical response to the philosophical notions of contingency and negation; and, second, to bridge two different paradigms, encouraging the synergy of scholarly expertise for the management of contemporary international and global problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interdisciplinary movement to "bring the state back in," advanced during the 1980s by the Committee on States and Social Structures. Drawing on the Committee's archives at the Social Science Research Council, I show that its influential neo-Weberian conception of the state was developed in dialogue with earlier neo-Marxist debates about the capitalist state. However, its interpretation of neo-Marxism as a class reductive and functionalist variant of "grand theory" also created a narrative that marginalized the latter's contributions to the literature on the state. This displacement had lasting consequences, for while neo-Marxist approaches had provided a critical perspective on the relationship between the social sciences and the state, the Committee's narrative had a depoliticizing effect on this subject matter. Reconstructing this moment both recovers the forgotten influence of the New Left and neo-Marxist scholarship on postwar political science and sociology, and elaborates on the contested history of the state as a political concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on Günther Anders's engagement with (political) poetry. I draw on published material and unpublished source texts from the Anders Nachlass to track how Anders arrives at his own writing style and mode of address through his sustained engagement with poetry. Anders's philosophical prose and exoteric use of language is shaped by multifaceted reflections on (political) poetry and by the tension between 'political poetry' and 'lyrical action'. I first elaborate on Anders's reading of Brecht in the early 1930s, and then turn to the poetry and reflections on poetics that were written during his long exile in the US (1936–50). It is from this basis that I consider Anders's categorical and programmatic turn away from poetry from the mid-1940s onwards. What emerges from my discussion is that engagements with literature, and with poetry in particular, were not a marginal activity for Anders but reflect a broad, life-long interest in (predominantly) classical and contemporary poetry, resulting in reflections on poetics and his own extensive poetic praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Richard Rorty's status in academic political theory in the decades after his conscious departure from disciplinary philosophy. Rorty found a receptive audience in this pluralistic field, and he became a point of orientation in a number of ongoing, research-agenda driving conversations, if often as an extreme example against which interlocutors could define themselves. In like fashion, Rorty refined his own self-conception as a patriotic liberal ironist in the course of his political theoretical engagements. I offer a sketch of political theory's landscape as a contrast to the reductivism and esotericism Rorty criticized in disciplinary philosophy, and survey his presence in the field over the years substantively, qualitatively, and quantitatively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review considers the concept of the person employed by Peter Lawler, and the difficulties that a purely relational concept of the person faces against a more realist understanding of the person as a partaker of the common good. I suggest how such conceptual problems in Lawler's view of the person also introduce ambiguities that burden his political analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the Ghanaian-American philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah, perhaps the foremost proponent of the new "cosmopolitanism," has a great deal to say about globalization, but surprisingly little of substance to say about global capitalism. It mentions that developing cosmopolitans are to be educated in perpetual economic adaptation and flexibility.

The article presents an essay which reconstitutes the perspectives of a single participant-observer from the immediately ensuing decades. It mentions that Mirza Salih Shirazi, one of a group of six young Iranians who came to study in London, England in 1815, was charged by his Iranian royal sponsors with acquiring skills suited for service as a diplomat, his studies largely focused on Great Britain's history, political system, and economy.

The article offers the information on the famous Christmas dinner scene in James Joyce's A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man represents an especially polarized moment in the politics of metro colonial Ireland. The article mentions the fall of Charles Stewart Parnell divided the populace as to whether politically strong or morally pristine leadership was of paramount importance.

The article argues that an exclusive focus on power inequalities is mistaken. Topics discussed include the theory of republicanism and analysis of different forms of control, the idea of mutual domination, what makes mutual domination so problematic and why relational egalitarianism fails to capture those concerns.