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There is a growing consensus in political science research that higher education systems are classifiable into stable distinct types that reflect dominant trends in government partisanship. There is also a large body of higher education research that argues that higher education systems are changing and converging upon a neoliberal type, which is not yet reflected in the political science literature. This paper seeks to reconcile these two positions by looking at both the development of higher education systems in the post-war period and subsequent systemic reforms that have been identified as neoliberal. There have been two main targets of reform: (a) the role the state plays in funding and targeting research, and (b) student finance regimes consisting of tuition fees and the system of financial aid. This paper provides an in-depth look at the cases of Japan and the United Kingdom, which developed into very different systems in the post-war period but have since shown slight convergence on the back of neoliberal reforms.

The Prevent counter terrorism strategy ('Prevent') -- specifically the duty to report those deemed vulnerable to, or causing suspicions of, radicalisation -- has been intensely criticised within UK higher education for its racialised and colonial agenda; its potential to curb academic freedom; and its reframing of the pedagogical dynamic as one of surveillance. A specific concern is that Prevent limits possibilities for critical teaching and learning which is predicated on notions of openness and mutual exchange. This paper responds to the claim that Prevent and the statuary duty it implies, "prevents" critical thinking using empirical data collection with 14 academic faculty teaching Politics across 4 English universities. These data reveal how Prevent's effects are neither uniform nor straightforward but that its bureaucratic and legalistic framing produces significant and detrimental 'critical closures' with an urgent need for higher education institutions to approach future guises of Prevent both critically and pedagogically.

This paper posits that the foundations of the teaching of political theory at Makerere University College obtain from British and American hegemony. The hegemonic tendencies are exemplified by the content of what was taught as political theory, the nature of the teaching staff in the Department of Political Science -- the country of origin, the institution where they trained, and their research focus. It concludes that streamlining the teaching of political theory at Makerere University will require an understanding of its hegemonic past and its present context to which it is supposed to be aligned.

The content of 'O' and 'A' level papers on modern British and European History set by two GCE Examination Boards was analysed to find out what particular aspects of the past were emphasised and thus to throw light on the experience of history as a subject which was gained by the candidates. These papers, which are taken by the great majority of the candidates, were found to be dominated by political history, up to 77% of the questions being devoted to the affairs of governments and political leaders. Foreign politics was especially important in papers on European history reaching as high as 44% of the questions set and domestic politics was central to papers on British history attaining means in different groups of papers between 40 and 50%. At the end of the article the wisdom of the approach to school history evident in these papers is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of educational simulations at the secondary level has typically centered on programs that are competitive, shorter in duration, and characterized by their low fidelity, or a lack of realism. The resources required to hold longer, more immersive, and nuanced programs are often prohibitive for teachers of political science programs. As such, their effects on student learning outcomes have remained relatively unknown. In this paper, we explore the impact of a Model G20 (MG20) curriculum for high school and early college-aged students on students' sense of self-efficacy and 21st century skills. MG20 is a weeklong, immersive international conference modeled after the real G20 summit. In it, students learn about global governance and roleplay as heads of state and government ministers to negotiate for their collective interests. Using a mixed methods approach, we examine student learning outcomes from two MG20 summits, held in the United States and in the UK. Results show that internationally diverse, immersive, collaborative role-playing simulations significantly improve students' self-ascribed cross-cultural communication and public speaking skills, as well as students' sense self-efficacy. This research suggests future study into new and emerging formats of educational simulations may reveal greater potential for such programs to enhance student learning.

Student evaluations of quantitative methods courses in political science often reveal they are characterised by aversion, alienation and anxiety. As a solution to this problem, this paper describes a pedagogic research project with the aim of embedding quantitative methods by stealth into the first-year undergraduate curriculum. This paper describes the development and evaluation of new teaching and learning materials using active learning pedagogies. The learning activities were designed to develop introductory-level quantitative skills and create a positive first impression of quantitative methods by clearly communicating their value and relevance. The paper demonstrates how the study of psephology--electoral and polling data--can be used to embed quantitative methods within the substantive political science curriculum. This involved devising effective ways of not only teaching psephology but also recreating the experiences of 'being a psephologist' as a learning experience in a way that develops quantitative skills and embeds quantitative methods. This study illustrates how quantitative methods can be successfully embedded into the substantive curriculum and explores a range of relevant debates for pedagogical practice and curriculum design.

This paper responds to the occasionally stated imperative in some contexts to be neutral as part of being an academic development unit (ADU). For over a decade at separate professional meetings of developers, two of the authors have heard the refrain that they need to be--or at least be perceived to be--"the Switzerland" of their campuses. Anecdotally, this squares with some of the conversations had by colleagues in the UK and North America, though the experience seems less relevant to peers in Australasian contexts. The neutrality referred to in this manner involves impartiality, non-partisanship, and confidentiality, which are important in certain aspects of academic development work. From historical and political science perspectives, the authors examine "middle powers" as one possibility; from anthropology and cultural studies, they build on prior work on tribes, territories, trading zones, and contact zones to think about their place in relation to their own "Others."

The contribution of the discipline of geography to the field of education is complex since they have both been dependent upon the contributions of other social science disciplines, particularly those in the mainstream of social sciences (economics, sociology and political science). Indeed, the number of researchers who would consider themselves as working within the sub-discipline of the geography of education is small, but apparently growing. While the paper suggests that to date there has been relatively little debate at the intersection of these two fields of enquiry it goes on to propose that the potential contribution this would have for both fields remains significant. The pivotal contribution of geography to all the social sciences, that of space (and place), has been central to UK education research since the early origins of a national education system and the roles education and curricular developments have played in nation building. The role of space has also featured heavily in analyses of territorial justice and governance at the level of local authorities and further down in scale to spatial analyses of the classroom. But in order to fully appreciate its contribution the paper utilises the related concept of "scale" to systematically explore the relationship between space and education, in terms of its analytical, theoretical and methodological uses. The paper also considers the recent "spatial turn" in education (and the social sciences more generally) and the equivalent focus on education matters within the field of human geography. In developing this approach it becomes apparent where interdisciplinary research across and between the disciplines of geography and education remains limited and what further contributions from geography would be beneficial to the field of education. (Contains 2 notes and 5 figures.)

A unifying setup for opinion models originating in statistical physics and stochastic opinion dynamics are developed and used to analyze election data. The results are interpreted in the light of political theory. We investigate the connection between Potts (Curie–Weiss) models and stochastic opinion models in the view of the Boltzmann distribution and stochastic Glauber dynamics. We particularly find that the q-voter model can be considered as a natural extension of the Zealot model, which is adapted by Lagrangian parameters. We also discuss weak and strong effects (also called extensive and nonextensive) continuum limits for the models. The results are used to compare the Curie–Weiss model, two q-voter models (weak and strong effects), and a reinforcement model (weak effects) in explaining electoral outcomes in four western democracies (United States, Great Britain, France, and Germany). We find that particularly the weak effects models are able to fit the data (Kolmogorov–Smirnov test) where the weak effects reinforcement model performs best (AIC). Additionally, we show how the institutional structure shapes the process of opinion formation. By focusing on the dynamics of opinion formation preceding the act of voting, the models discussed in this paper give insights both into the empirical explanation of elections as such, as well as important aspects of the theory of democracy. Therefore, this paper shows the usefulness of an interdisciplinary approach in studying real world political outcomes by using mathematical models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We, the Editors and Publisher of West European Politics, have retracted the following article: Ric Neo (2023) 'Analysing the political effects of 'fake news' deflections in the UK', West European Politics, DOI: , published online on 21 June 2023. Since publication, significant concerns have been raised about overlaps in concept, theory and design with work made available as a conference panel paper by Kaylyn Jackson Schiff, Daniel Schiff and Natália Bueno in 2020, a precursor to their paper recently published in the American Political Science Review. Schiff, Kaylyn Jackson, Daniel Schiff, and Natália S. Bueno. 2020. 'The Liar's Dividend: How Deepfakes and Fake News Affect Politician Support and Trust in Media'. Presented at APPAM in November 2020. Schiff, Kaylyn Jackson, Daniel S. Schiff, and Natália S. Bueno. 2024. 'The Liar's Dividend: Can Politicians Claim Misinformation to Evade Accountability?' American Political Science Review. Published online 2024:1–20. doi: . Upon query, the author has not been able to provide a satisfactory explanation for this significant level of overlap and the inadequacy of accreditation. As this is a serious breach of our Editorial Policies, we are retracting the article from the journal. The author has agreed to retract the article. We have been informed in our decision-making by our policy on publishing ethics and integrity and the COPE guidelines on retractions. The retracted article will remain online to maintain the scholarly record, but it will be digitally watermarked on each page as 'Retracted'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reconstruction of past trends in party membership can be fraught, especially when parties themselves kept no aggregate records. This was the case with the British Conservative party prior to 1946. The aggregate figures never existed, and the data that would be required to construct no longer exist to the required extent. Nonetheless, this article argues that it is methodologically possible to offer more detailed analysis than hitherto, by analysing local as well as national-level Conservative sources, triangulating with the national-level Labour party statistics and taking insights from more explicitly political science literature. This paper's substantive argument is that although Conservative membership fell after 1939, it did not collapse; that it recovered somewhat from early 1943 onwards and that recovery then afforded the party a base from which it was able to build, with spectacular success after 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces three new scales to measure left- and right-wing radical as well as general extremist attitudes that can be applied across Western European countries. We therefore propose a thorough conceptualization of extremist attitudes that consists of two dimensions: general extremism, by which we understand attitudes that oppose the constitutional democratic state, and another dimension that differentiates between right- and left-wing radicalism by which we understand people who take far-reaching but often one-sided positions on political issues (e.g., on nationalism or anti-imperialism) by advocating fundamental socio-political change. Based on data from Germany, Great Britain, and the Netherlands (n = 6,201) we created short indices for general extremism and left- and right-wing radicalism. We check for convergence validity by assessing the psychometric properties of the extracted indices, i.e. their internal coherence and the degree to which a scale is able to distinguish strongly extremist and non-extremist individuals. Finally, we correlate the scales with various constructs that are likely related to extremist attitudes in order to assure external or construct validity. The results indicate that the three scales are highly valid and applicable across three Western European countries. Overall, we find that about two to four percent of citizens in each country hold left-wing or right-wing extremist attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the interpretation on the concept of "The White Paper on the Nationalized Industries." The Paper declares the governmental policy of the nationalized industries following the investigation into the role of the nationalized industries and the corresponding relationship with government undertaken at the Government's bid. The Paper also provides the Government's response to the recommendation in the report published on November 18, 1976. The discussion includes the drawing of attention towards the important aspects in the Paper, to remark major departures from the last White Paper and to comment upon the probable effectiveness of the new proposal.

In this introduction, we review the previous literature, present mostly in political science, on how Brexit has been perceived, discussed and instrumentalized outside of the UK. We provide an overview of the papers that make up this special issue, pointing out the various media (e.g. news websites, online discussion fora, TV programmes) and discourse domains (politics, banking) that the contributors address, along with the discourse aspects covered by the articles, such as narrative, humour, emotion, blame allocation, framing, and reference and predication. We conclude by highlighting possible future research, especially beyond the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years there has been a re-appraisal within political science of the characteristics of various kinds of public policy failure. At the same time, the political significance of education has grown in most liberal democracies. The present paper examines public policy in British education since the mid-1970s and asks: What goes wrong in policy-making and when does manageable failure slide into full-scale crisis? Various episodes of policy are explored and set against the theoretical framework developed by Mark Bovens and Paul t'Hart in an attempt to distinguish those policies in recent British education that have been controversial, those that have been manageable failures and those that turned into disabling fiascos. (Contains 1 note.)

In recent years one of the most significant changes in UK Universities has been the increased use of virtual learning environments (VLE) as a method of supporting learning and teaching. This has in part been influenced by research which suggests that student learning experiences can be enhanced by the judicious use of new technologies and partly by the possibilities that the technologies help academics and students operate effectively within a system of mass higher education, such as has developed in the United Kingdom. Despite the fact that Politics is a discipline that has traditionally been slow to embrace new technologies (in comparison with the physical sciences), there has nevertheless been considerable interest as to the manner in which Politics is taught, including the use of VLEs. Significantly, however, this interest has been based on case studies of developments within a particular university (Lee 2003; Lightfoot 2004) and there is therefore an absence of a national picture. The present paper aims to remedy this situation by reporting on the results of a questionnaire that was undertaken in September 2004 on the use of VLEs in the teaching of Politics across the UK higher education sector.

Political science asks how women navigate gender on the campaign trail – do they run "as women" or do they exhibit more "masculine" behaviours to increase credibility. The role of masculinity in men's campaigns has received less attention. Yet, men "play the gender card" too. This paper analyses the use of gender in the campaign imagery of the two male party leaders in the 2019 UK General Election campaign via an examination of their campaign tweets. It finds that the male leaders did, indeed, "play the man card". Both leaders overwhelmingly used masculine visuals on Twitter during the campaign. Johnson demonstrated elements of "hypermasculinity" exaggerating his strength and dominance in images of traditional, working-class masculinity. Despite calls for more compassionate, read feminine, politics, Corbyn's campaign remained located in masculine imagery through consistent displays of agency. This paper makes three main contributions to current understandings of gender and election campaigning. Firstly, it offers the beginnings of a framework of types of masculinity in campaigning. Secondly, it adds support to the thesis that men play the gender card, and that it can take different forms. Thirdly, it raises questions about the use of binary frameworks in studying gender's role in campaigning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a general consensus that austerity is variegated in nature, but that a generic feature is the construction of discursive institutions framing the necessity for austerity and guiding actors. However, what is missing from accounts within political science and related disciplines is an appreciation of how these work through heterogeneous geographical relations. This paper examines how austerity has been discursively framed, justified and articulated through 'semantic' spatial austerity institutions. Utilizing a 'pragmatic sociology of critique' approach, it examines the UK Government's austerity program. The paper finds that austerity works through spatially configured semantic institutions, and where there has been resistance this has not developed into a substantive social movement. More broadly, the paper argues that political science and public administration need to move beyond analysis of 'singular' geographical relations, to understanding the role of heterogeneous geographical relations characterizing state practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the mutual disruption and support of economic growth and health improvement in the last 500 years in the UK.Design/methodology/approach The paper is a general review and it compares institutional development, public policy, technological advances and scientific discoveries in economic growth with those in health improvement.Findings The paper finds the co-existence of slower economic growth and less increasing life expectancy from 1541 to 1871 and that of faster economic growth and rising life expectancy from 1871 to 2001. It is organized health improvement that effectively propelled economic growth in the time span of 1871-2001.Research limitations/implications The findings may contribute to the literature on mutual enhancement between economic growth and health improvement.Practical implications The findings may also provide implications to the policy makers how important organized health improvement is to economic growth.Social implications The findings show that when UK Government was leading in organized health improvement for the population, economic grown got propelled into a faster lane.Originality/value This paper is among the first to unveil that a socially responsible government has permanent impact on the paths of both economic and social growth. It has value to other researchers attempting to understand the mutual disruption and support of economic growth and health improvement in the historical UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the significance of the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland. The Act of Union between the two countries which come into force on January 1, 1800 was the outcome of immediate military necessity. It was also the outcome of decades of spasmodic thought by politicians on both sides of the Irish Sea concerning the relationship between the two islands. But while the overall intention was undoubtedly an integrative one, a failure to understand the nature of Irish politics and society together with the pressing imperatives of war with France generated a casual and shallow attitude towards administrative detail and undermined those master plans.

The article focuses on a paper about the interrelation between the status and work of surgeons, limitation of resources and the impact of the introduction of general management in the British National Health Service (NHS). The author mentions that it is illusory to expect the separation of the NHS from the elements of politics.

This article examines the role, significance and consequences of decisions in the United Kingdom about the definition of public expenditure for planning and control purposes. Three major definitional issues are examined: the narrowing in 1977 of the UK public expenditure definition from a public-sector-wide definition to something much closer to the OECD's ‘general government’ definition; the treatment of the proceeds of asset sales as negative expenditure: and the introduction in the 1990 white paper of a planning total excluding local government expenditure. Three sets of consequences are examined: the eroding commitment to comprehensive coverage; the resulting policy distortions; and the erosion of conventions traditionally governing the relationships between central and local government. Grounds for unease with present developments are identified, notably the fragmentation of public expenditure documentation and the loss of information, the consequences of which will unfold as public expenditure faces a difficult period because of problems of macro-economic imbalance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of the political settlement has risen to occupy a central place in British policy toward conflict-affected and fragile states. Yet, at around the turn of the millennium, the term was barely mentioned in official circles and the so-called ‘good governance’ approach held sway as the dominant operational mode. So, how had this transformation in policy approach come about and what was the role of research? In this article, we demonstrate that research played a central role in influencing the rhetoric of policymakers through a process we term ‘cumulative influence’. Indeed, the subject of political settlements represents an excellent case study for understanding the dynamics of research utilisation. It allows us to build on existing models and suggest useful ways forward in this important area of public policy analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Increasing demand for sand and gravel globally is leading to social, environmental, and political issues that are becoming more widely recognised. Lack of data and poor accessibility of the few available data contribute to exacerbating these issues and impair evidence-based management efforts. This paper presents a database to store stocks and flows data for sand and gravel from different sources. The classification system underlying within it builds on the Universal Materials Information System (UMIS) nomenclature, which is used to construct hierarchical order in the data and in the same manner as the Yale Stocks and Flow Database (YSTAFDB), a common data format. To illustrate how the database is built and used, a case study using UK data is presented. The UK is chosen owing to relatively better access to data compared to other locations. Quantitative analyses of the data show the supply chain of these materials to be currently stable for the UK as indigenous extraction contributes 95.6% to UK sand and gravel production, with imports accounting for the rest of the inputs, of which 50% is reliant on only one nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This research reveals how a virtual exchange (VE) can foster transnational collaboration in higher education, assist students acquire key learning outcomes and raise awareness regarding the complexities affecting development policy and sustainability. The purpose of this paper is to address these issues. Design/methodology/approach: Overall 50 students from two universities in Spain and the United Kingdom, enrolled on two different degree courses (Global Studies and Marketing), cooperated in multidisciplinary teams to analyze real development policies and initiatives. The authors collected quantitative and qualitative data to assess the students' perceptions of the methodology. Findings: The students perceived the VE to be of great value, enriching their educational experience by having a positive effect on their overall learning and fostering internationalization. A high number of participants declared the teaching and learning methodology was useful to assist them in reaching crucial cognitive, skill-based and affective educational objectives, and to help them understand how development policy works while also raising awareness regarding real-world complexity. Practical implications: This methodology proved valuable in helping students acquire the set of skills expected from today's graduates in economics, political science and marketing. This active learning and pedagogical innovation component provides some interesting conclusions contributing toward widening the adoption of VEs in higher education contexts. Originality/value: The increasing complexity of the globalized world makes it challenging for higher education institutions to develop multidisciplinary approaches to education to foster sustainable development. The experience provided offered the students an online international experience at their home institutions. Consequently, the research elaborates on how VE can be applied in economics, business, management and political science courses to enrich learning experience by applying theory in a practical way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper offers a defence of ambivalence as a response to the political polarisation of our era using multiple languages to present its case from psychology to sociology, political science, philosophy and critical theory. It suggests that the Brexit story can be told in a different key, whereby the politics that have led to entrenching 'leave' and 'remain' identities overlay a harder to assess ambivalence about the EU both in the UK and in the EU, a dynamic referred to as the 'Machiavelli Trap.' Accordingly, we ought to ground the future relationship in the recognition of the 'Brexit paradox' (you can leave and therefore you shouldn't), and its implications for the core principles that have shaped the Brexit debate and negotiations. In the end, the paper offers a plea for a politics that allows citizens to tune into their constructive ambivalence about the fundamental tension between control and cooperation which pervades both Brexit, EU and global politics at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years, research studies and opinion pieces have tried to account for the new polarisation and dealignment of US politics after Trump and the post-Brexit UK politics. It is now well-established both by academic research and by Facebook's own research that Facebook leads to more polarisation in its users' political views, but rhetorical analysis has not yet accounted for the role played by algorithms in political communication and persuasion. What does social media do to rhetoric? The situation of speech in social media is often treated like in a public sphere when it should not be. This misconception prevents rhetorical studies to take into consideration the question of technology. By using the recent literature in critical algorithm studies, I develop a new approach in rhetorical criticism. I argue here that the increasing agency that algorithms have acquired in delivering and mediating rhetoric means that we must consider the role played by intermediaries when examining rhetorical situations. This paper sheds light on what I call the four conditionalities of algorithms on rhetoric: (1) programmed speech content, (2) the verticalisation of political communication, (3) the new biases produced by digital media, and (4) the rhetorical machine learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summarizes public opinion on perceived threats to peace, the means considered most effective to preserve and strengthen peace, and attitudes toward military resistance, nuclear weapons, and defense spending. The data presented span several years and are often reported for individual West European nations. (JDH)

Presents a perspective on the local government finance and its correlation to national political agenda in Great Britain. Percentage of the personal income taken for domestic tax rate; Attempts of the government to raise the tax rates to compensate losses; Proposal of Conservative party head Margaret Thatcher to abolish domestic rates.

Political lobbying by business has grown considerably in recent years. This paper considers its relationship with marketing communication and marketing. Niccolo Machiavelli, in "The Prince", gives a practical treatise on how to use power and the influences upon the ruler. It is argued that the role of the political lobbyist and corporate campaigner is a modern reflection of Machiavelli's ideas. The literature on lobbying and corporate campaigning in the UK is reviewed and there is an assessment of the insights which marketing can bring to this growing area. The paper presents a working definition of corporate lobbying and campaigning, and an indication of the scale of activity in the UK. A practical research programme for marketing researchers in this significant area is outlined. Some recent cases from current research are given with an outline of some of the core reasons for the growth of "Machiavellian Marketing". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a view of a changing landscape of both society and politics. First of all it will briefly situate current practices and methods of political engagement and representation within a recent historical framework. It will describe factors that are at work in relation to politics, the media and civil society and then situate these within a broader societal shift from citizen to consumer. Following this the paper will identify some key shifts in this modus operandi that hint at a return to more civic-focused responsibility, the emergence of issues-based politics and the role that digital media have played in this. Finally, the paper will describe how citizen-driven, issues-based politics might connect with the systems of power in a more effective and democratic way by harnessing digital media and by building on local skills, knowledge and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Governance of Britain Green Paper continues the programme of constitutional reform begun in 1997, and appears to reinforce the juridification of the UK's constitution. Nevertheless, several key reforms will be implemented not by legislation, but by creating new conventions. This article argues that such ‘declared’ conventions are best understood as a form of constitutional ‘soft law’, which attempt to influence constitutional behaviour rather than generating binding norms. Applying a regulatory analysis, it then argues that the case for a soft, rather than hard law approach to constitutional reform is weaker than its widespread use in the UK suggests. Finally, the article challenges the thesis that the political constitution is being replaced by a legal constitution, arguing that the government's attitude to constitutional reform still exhibits basic characteristics of political constitutionalism. Moreover, there is more to contemporary constitutional developments than a bipolar contest between political and legal constitutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the thesis of the agenda setting function, both the media and the political parties influence what people think about, if not what they think. Newspaper and television editors make judgements of news priorities, the judgements of one editor influence the views of another, and the result is a media consensus that affects the public's sense of the importance of various issues. Parties' formulation of preferences and priorities through their manifestos aims at promoting each party's proprietary issues and downgrading other issues; this clearly turns the electorate's attention to specific topics. This paper explores the extent to which voters, political parties, and media in Britain share the same issue concerns and reveals which of the two--parties or media--is better at influencing what the public is talking about. Content analyses of party manifestos and press coverage of the 2001 election campaign identify the issues most strongly emphasized by the parties and the press, respectively. Analysis of survey data from the British Election Study 2001/2002 identifies the issues voters are mostly concerned with and enables public opinion's issue concerns to be related to both party manifestos and the press coverage of the campaign. The paper also tests whether the political priorities of British parties are adopted by their own supporters, it explores the extent to which voters are concerned with issues that are not emphasized by the party they vote for, and finally, it explores which party's issues dominated the public agenda in 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the effects of intersecting social divisions on constructions of multi-layered citizenships and the politics of belonging in contemporary Britain. It starts with conceptual clarifications of the notions of citizenship, belonging and intersectionality and then turns to examine contemporary politics of belonging in contemporary Britain, focusing on the current debate on the 'death of multiculturalism' and on 'social cohesion'. It illustrates how the use of civic and democratic values as signifiers of belonging can end up as exclusionary, rather than inclusionary in that discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom (UK) is at the vanguard of European Union (EU) states pursuing strategies for sustainable development (SD). It has a long history of environmental policy coordination dating from the early 1990s, and in 1994 it became the first EU member to publish a SD strategy. This paper charts the development of the UK's successive SD strategies. It demonstrates that the pursuit of SD has been increasingly supported by apparent high-level political backing and an expansive array of administrative processes, mechanisms and tools. However, despite this favourable environment, the analysis in this paper shows that SD, to date, has not significantly influenced UK policy making. Progress has been particularly hampered by: inconsistency in the government's definition of SD; questions over whether political backing is sustained and committed; and poor integration between the different administrative mechanisms, tools and processes to pursue SD. Consequently, SD is struggling to make headway against the dominance of traditional economic concerns in UK decision making. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconstructs the academic figure of Sraffa at the University of Cambridge as it emerges from his papers, his correspondence with the economists with whom he had special relations, and the official documents of the University, in particular in connection with his role in the Faculty of Economics and Politics, to which he belonged from 1927 to 1965. It presents a detailed examination of the various posts held by Sraffa at the University as Lecturer, Assistant Director of Research, Member of the Degree Committee, Examiner, Member of the Faculty Board, as co-founder of The Department of Applied Economics, Elector to the Chairs of Political Economy, Industrial Relations and Economics, Member of King's College and finally as Fellow of Trinity College. Moreover, the relationship with his fellow economists in Cambridge, in particular Keynes, Kahn, Kaldor and Joan Robinson is also examined and assessed. The broad conclusion of the paper is that Sraffa's relationship with Cambridge University was complex, contradictory and intense, and should be seen within the broader context of the ambiguous relations Sraffa had with academia in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When it comes to gender and voting behaviour Britain had become something of an outlier. Whilst more countries shifted along Inglehart and Norris' "rising tide" continuum from traditional gender gaps, to realignment, into modern gender gaps (Inglehart and Norris 2000, "The Developmental Theory of the Gender gap: Women and Men's Voting Behaviour in Global Perspective." International Political Science Review 21 (4): 441–462, 2003, Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), Britain remained at the realignment stage. But in 2017 a modern gender gap emerged with a greater proportion of women than men voting for Labour, and a greater proportion of men than women voting Conservative. In this paper we examine the 2019 European Parliament and General elections to assess whether the modern gender gap persists in Britain. We show that whilst in the 2019 General election we again observed a modern gender gap, it nevertheless is rooted in the specifics of the political context in Britain, specifically post-EU referendum cleavages. Moreover, the gender gaps in the European Parliament election reveal a more nuanced picture, and demonstrate how the electoral context shapes the gender vote gaps we see. Our results indicate that the presence of the modern gender gap in Britain is contingent, rather than the result of long-term realignment, as well as provide evidence for key processes that may cause gender gaps to vary across time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2002 has seen plenty of constitutional developments and proposals for reform, notably a white paper on elected regional assemblies and a white paper on House of Lords reform, followed by the establishment of a Joint Parliamentary Committee to consider options on the composition of the upper house. There has also been considerable innovation in the pilots of electronic and all-postal voting in the local elections. However, as so often since 1997, many have been disappointed with the content of reform proposals and the piecemeal approach the government has continued to take. Although this article is retrospective, much of the last year has been spent looking forwards. Freedom of Information is moving up the agenda of public bodies as the full commencement date of 2005 approaches, while the devolved institutions are looking towards their second elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents findings from a national survey of 'potential' time voters at the 2001 British general election, it investigates these young people's awareness of the advertising used by the main political parties during this election. Overall what emerges is a young electorate aware of the advertising, who were interested in the election itself and nearly half of whom say they voted in it. Consequently the findings reject the notion that young people are generically unaware of and disinterested in party political messages. In addition the findings indicate that the political parties' print advertisements -- to some degree -- are penetrating, the first layer of young people's message processing, suggesting they are a useful aid in capturing the youth vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper's first part. The founders' aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways. The chair of political science set up at LSE in 1914 was held, until 1950, by two reform-minded Fabians, Graham Wallas and Harold Laski. DHfP, which did not win academic recognition during the 1920s, split into nationalist, "functionalist", and democratic "schools". Against this backdrop, the paper's second part discusses Harold Laski's magnum opus (1925) A Grammar of Politics as an attempt at offering a vision of the "good society", and Theodor Heuss' 1932 study Hitler's Course as an example of the divided Hochschule's inability to provide adequate analytical assessments of the Nazi movement and of the gradual infringement, by established elites, of the Weimar constitution. Laski's work and intellectual legacy reinforced the tendency towards the predominance, in British political science, of normative political theory. West German political science, initially pursued "from a Weimar perspective", was also conceived as a highly normative enterprise emphasising classical political theory, the institutions and processes of representative government, and the problematic ideological and institutional predispositions peculiar to German political history. Against this background, the paper's third part looks, on the one hand, at the contribution to "New Left" thinking (1961 ff.) by Ralph Miliband, who studied under Laski and taught at LSE until 1972, and at Paul Hirst's 1990s theory of associative democracy, which builds on Laski's pluralism. On the other hand, the paper considers Karl Dietrich Bracher's seminal work The Failure of the Weimar Republic (1955) and Ernst Fraenkel's 1964 collection Germany and the Western Democracies, which originated, respectively, from the (Research) Institute for Political Science - added to Berlin's Free University in 1950 - and DHfP, re-launched in the same year. In a brief concluding fourth part, the paper touches on the reception, both in Great Britain and West Germany, of the approaches of "modern" American political science since the mid-1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]