Search

The correlation between parenting style and child cognitive development has been widely documented in Western societies. There has been far less research, however, in non-Western societies and none at all in rural China. This study aimed to investigate the association between parenting style and child cognitive development in rural China. Participants were 1272 preschool-aged children and their primary caregivers. Children were 49 to 65 months old (51% male), and all were ethnically Han. Primary caregivers reported their parenting style, and children were assessed on their cognitive skills. Two alternative approaches (two dimensions and four categories) were used to examine the correlation between parenting style and child cognitive development. The results show a positive correlation between an authoritative parenting style and child cognitive development and show a negative correlation between an authoritarian parenting style and development. When the mother is the primary caregiver, more educated, or from a wealthier family, she is more likely to use an authoritative parenting style and less likely to use an authoritarian one. In addition, the authoritative style has a stronger correlation with the cognitive developmental outcomes of girls than of boys. The findings encourage researchers to conduct future work on how to implement parenting training interventions that are able to ascertain whether parents in rural China can be taught to adopt an authoritative parenting style. Future research should also seek to identify whether an authoritative parenting style produces (in a causal manner) any significant long-term benefits to the cognitive development of children in rural China., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

This paper examines the impact of parental beliefs on child development outcomes (for both cognitive and social−emotional skills) based on a three-wave longitudinal survey in rural China. The survey waves were conducted when the sample children were 18−30 months, 22−36 months, and 49−65 months, respectively. A total of 815 children and their primary caregivers who participated in all three wave surveys were enrolled in this study. Using difference-in-differences and propensity score matching approaches, the results indicate that strengthened parental beliefs have a positive and significant impact on child social−emotional development. Specifically, between the periods of the Wave 1 survey (when children were 18−30 months old) and the Wave 3 survey (when children were 49−65 months old), and between the Wave 2 survey (when children were 22−36 months old) and the Wave 3 survey, strengthened parental beliefs were causally associated with more favorable child social−emotional scores by 0.44 SD (p < 0.01) and 0.49 SD (p < 0.01), respectively. No significant impact, however, was found between the period of the Wave 1 survey and the Wave 2 survey. In contrast, weakened parental beliefs had a negative and significant impact on child social−emotional development. Specifically, weakened parental beliefs were causally associated with worse child social−emotional abilities by 0.35 SD (p < 0.01), 0.30 SD (p < 0.01), and 0.22 (p < 0.05) for the time period of the Wave 1 to Wave 2, Wave 1 to Wave 3, and Wave 2 to Wave 3, respectively. No significant impact of parental beliefs, however, was found on child cognitive development. In addition, the findings of the mediation analysis show that only a marginal impact of parental beliefs on child social−emotional development can be indirectly explained by parental beliefs through parenting practices. This study calls on policy makers to improve parental beliefs and parenting practices in the hope that it will lead to better child development in rural China.

Despite rapid economic growth in China since 1978, rural-urban inequality has widened. High levels of socioeconomic inequality can have profound implications for child development and lifelong educational equity. Using a dataset containing early childhood development (ECD) outcomes of 0- to 3-year-olds (N = 9,053) from study sites in Eastern, Central, and Western China, the study finds that the risks of cognitive, language, and motor delay are, respectively, 43.2, 18.3, and 20.7 percentage points higher in rural study sites than in urban Shanghai (ps <.01). Impact evaluation of cluster-randomized experiments shows that parental training (focusing on child psychosocial stimulation and caregiver-child interaction) can improve parenting beliefs and practices (or investments) and ECD outcomes of disadvantaged rural children (p<.01). Such programs can play an important role in advancing progress toward more social equality and economic equity, the stated goals of China's "Common Prosperity" policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Home-visiting interventions have positive effects on child cognitive development, parenting beliefs and parenting practices of caregivers in rural China. • Home-visiting interventions have null effects on child social-emotional development in rural China. • Three mechanisms are identified through which interventions are able to raise child cognitive development. • Shifting parenting beliefs; increasing parenting practices; and shifting parenting beliefs thus fostering better parenting practices of primary caregivers are the three mechanisms that are driving our overall results of the impact of home-visiting interventions on early child development. To better understand the impacts of parenting interventions (e.g., parental training of psychosocial stimulating activities) on child developmental outcomes and design effective policies to benefit young children, it is essential to identify the mechanisms through which the interventions work. To this end, this paper presents the results of two randomized controlled trials that offered home visitation, parenting trainings to 435 households (with 527 households as the control group) in 174 villages across three provinces in China. The findings from the randomized controlled trials showed that the interventions significantly improved child cognitive development and had a positive effect on the primary caregivers' parenting practices and their parenting beliefs. The analysis suggests three possible mechanisms through which the parenting interventions affected child cognitive development: changing the parenting beliefs of the primary caregivers, shifting the parenting practices of the primary caregivers, and improving the primary caregivers' parenting beliefs, thus fostering better parenting practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We use five-wave panel datasets to examine the effects of maternal migration on children's cognition. • The cognition developments were measured by BSID-I and WPPSI-VI. • Maternal migration has negative effects on the cognition of preschool-aged children. • Possible mechanisms include a generational shift in parenting and feeding practices. Preschool-aged children account for over 38 per cent of those left behind. Previous research suggests that maternal migration during early childhood may create a greater negative impact, however, the literature on the effect of maternal migration on cognitive development of preschool aged children is rare. This study uses a unique panel dataset following children from infancy to 63 months and their caregivers to estimate the causal effects of maternal migration on the critical cognitive development of children left behind. We find that maternal migration increases the probability of cognitive delay by six percentage points. Possible mechanisms include a generational shift in parenting and feeding practices leading to reduced engagement in stimulating activities and dietary diversity. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the causal effects of maternal migration on cognition during the first six years of life in rural China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]