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The article discusses the association between the evolution of environmental protection in British Columbia and the economic relations of the state and examines the implications for regulatory efforts. It states that Canada is one of the largest pulp and paper producers in the world. The development of pulp pollution regulation is discussed. Criticisms on the development of the state's regulatory powers and the regulatory process are also offered.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Presents information on several policy papers which describes the divergence of agricultural policies in Canada and the U.S. Emphasis of 'The Divergence in U.S.-Canada Grain and Oilseed Policies,' by Andrew Schmitz and Richard Gray; Dairy policy differences in the two countries; Reason policies diverge between Canada and the U.S.

This paper studies the possible role of US trade liberalization in explaining Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. In order to address this issue, time series techniques were used. The results of the Granger Causality Test suggest that the imports made by the US from Mexico, Canada, Ireland, and Costa Rica do not explain Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. Therefore, no causal relationship was found between the imports made by the US from its NAFTA partners and the countries where the corporations that benefited from Section 936 relocated with the deindustrialization of Puerto Rico. Besides, the impulse response exercise suggests that in the first period, deindustrialization explains its variability by 100%, and in the final period, it explains 95.47%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Brazil can only be classified as a middle power by engaging in what Sartori criticized as the process of conceptual stretching. Moreover, it is argued that Brazil neither sees itself as a middle power, nor conducts itself as one despite superficial appearances. After the context is set with a survey of thinking on middle power theory, attention is turned to explaining how Brazil might be mistaken for a middle power before explaining in more detail why the country is not one. Evidence is drawn from Brazil's multilateral engagement in institutions such as the WTO, the inter-American system, the NPT, and the wider context of global development. Ultimately the paper advises policy-makers and academics against using the concept of middle power as a conceptual guide or shortcut to understanding Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Setting the stage for a special section dedicated to interrogating the Canada–South Africa relationship, the paper finds the current South Africa–Canada relationship to be disconnected, fraught and uneasy. This comes as a surprise given the close ties forged during South Africa's democratic transition. In line with a history of support and shared membership of the Commonwealth, G20, Cairns Group and involvement in the Kimberley Process, it is assumed that both countries are natural allies on the international stage. Instead, South Africa and Canada have consistently been on opposite sides of big international problems. The paper considers whether apparent differences between traditional and emerging middle powers create challenges in fostering meaningful cooperation and advances a number of conceptual conditions important in understanding when and how middle power cooperation occurs. The authors examine an important condition for emerging middle powers in prioritising cooperative endeavours, aid and trade, and draw conclusions from the South Africa–Canada case. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The world's first anti-dumping measure was introduced by Canada as a‘special duty’ that could be levied administratively rather than being enacted. This paper describes the features of this first measure in light of subsequent evolution of anti-dumping practice and sets it in its historical context– an era that was a high season of globalisation but also an era marked by an awakening of economic nationalism in newly industrialising countries, and by growing angst over the power of large corporations that were emerging to exploit the economies of scale allowed by mass production, as evidenced by the concurrent evolution of anti-combines legislation. Anti-dumping's early integration into economic theory as an international counterpart of domestic competition policy has received some official ratification in international treaties, and governments see it as a legitimate policy, albeit one in need of international disciplines. However, analysis of the pattern of its use reveals it to be an instrument of political economy, as a convenient alternative to the WTO safeguard option. The paper explores contextual reasons why today, in another high season of globalisation, marked by concerns over corporate globalism that evoke those of the earlier era, anti-dumping actions are proliferating where they did not then. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically analyses the stability of the aggregate import demand function for G7 countries. The standard cointegration test and a test developed by Gregory and Hansen are performed. The results of standard cointegration tests suggest that there is no stable cointegrating relation between real import, real GDP and relative import price for all G7 countries. The cointegrating relation is empirically supported for France and Germany if structural change for cointegrating vector is explicitly taken into consideration. The cointegrating relation is empirically rejected for Canada, Italy, Japan, the UK and the USA. Thus, the stimulation of domestic business conditions will not necessarily link the quantity of imports for these five countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effect of public capital on private sector productivity has received much attention in the literature. The impact of an adjacent country's public capital on domestic productivity has, however, not been previously examined. This paper attempts to fill this gap by examining the possibility of such spillovers from the USA to Canada. Due to close proximity of both countries, the hypothesis of the paper is that these spillovers are important. A production function model introduces US public capital as an exogenous variable and tests for its significance. The results indicate positive spillovers from the USA public capital to Canadian productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the political economy of procurement and purchasing policies, specifically at the sub-national level. It frames these policies historically and philosophically as struggling to articulate an alternative to capitalism while working within capitalist contexts. It then examines the proposed trade agreement between Canada and the European Union, the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), as an exemplar of this struggle, concluding with three policy suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of transnational class formation has figured centrally in recent debates on globalization. These debates revolve around the question of whether or not new patterns of cross-border trade and investment have established global circuits of capital out of which a transnational capitalist class has emerged. This paper takes up the notion of transnational class formation at the point of corporate directorship interlocks. Using Canada as a case study, it maps the changing network of directorship interlocks between leading firms in Canada and the world economy. In particular, the paper examines the role of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the Canadian corporate network; the resilience of a national corporate community; and new patterns of cross-border interlocking amongst transnational firms. Through this empirical mapping, the paper finds a definite link between investment and interlocking shaping the social space of the global corporate elite. Corporations with a transnational base of accumulation tend to participate in transnational interlocking. While national corporate communities have not been transcended, transnational firms increasingly predominate within them, articulating national with transnational elite segments. This new network of firms reconstitutes the corporate power bloc and forms a nascent transnational capitalist class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we focus on the evolution of the optimum currency area (OCA) properties between Canada and the United States. To this end, we specifically investigate the relationship between the intra-industry trade dynamics of Canadian provinces with the United States and the increasing level of integration between the two countries from 1980 to 1998. Our findings lead us to support the view that integration (real and monetary) improves the conditions under which a monetary union can yield net gains in the long run for the integrating countries. We also find that exchange rate developments exert asymmetric effects on the Canadian provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The statistics measuring China's merchandise trade balances with other countries, especially with the United States, have become extremely controversial in recent years, as protectionism has collided with mercantilism. This paper examines the case of the trade balance between Canada and China, focusing on the technical issues that make it difficult to measure trade flows accurately. Two obvious but nonetheless important sources of data ambiguity are processing error and problems of valuation and timing. An even greater problem is that of omission and/or double counting, especially for trade flows that move through intermediate jurisdictions such as Hong Kong. Most difficult of all is the problem of correctly measuring value added, which requires internal corporate data, not just customs records, to resolve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While auto labor in North America remains fragmented and local, the auto companies have been reorganizing on a continental basis, building a modern, exportoriented production base in Mexico. This paper addresses the question of whether and how the diverse labor movements of Mexico, the U.S. and Canada can overcome the competitive dynamic of free trade and establish a regional union movement based on cross-border solidarity. A review of the salient events of the last 30 years indicates that, despite the widespread assumption that Mexican autoworkers must be benefiting from globalization to the same degree that U.S. and Canadian workers are losing, the actual outcomes are mixed on both sides of the border. Jobs are up in most years, but real wages are stagnant or falling, bargaining leverage is weakened, and de-unionization is growing across the continent. At the same time, the North American integration of production has established a common "occupational idiom" (and accompanying grievances) centered on lean production, outsourcing, and competitive "whipsawing" of plants making the same product. On this basis alone, proponents of cross-border solidarity can find potential allies from Puebla to Oshawa. Mobilizing that potential is diycult, however, when there are so few links between the labor movements of North America. Historical divisions rooted in the Mexican revolution and the Cold War are now diminished, but barriers of language and culture remain. A further barrier is the heightened job insecurity felt in many corners of the auto industry. Shifting market shares, global mergers, and periodic downsizing all contribute to this anxious state, which continental whipsawing makes all the more intense, continuous, and potentially divisive for any cross-border union movement. The paper ends with an assessment of current initiatives that point towards a possible North American movement of autoworkers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper outlines some arguments shout the role of transportation costs in determining the welfare consequences of trade restrictions. The analysis uses a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model and presents the relevant features for trade analysis. The model has two alternative spatial formulations. In the first, all production and trade occur at one point, while in the second the regions are separated by distance. The calculated effects of a unilateral tariff increase are compared using the CGE model with the "point" and "distance" formulation. While the presence of transportation costs is crucial to some sectoral trade and production results, most welfare results are relatively insensitive to the spatial structure of the model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Policy is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This note presents a summary of the academic evidence on the evolution of economic inequalities at the national level in Canada, Mexico, and the Uunited Sstates, especially during the twenty years since the coming into force of NAFTA. The paper compares estimates for market, gross household, and disposable incomes from a wide range of studies and sources, including the Eestimated Household Income Inequality (EHII) series of the Uuniversity of Texas Inequality Project (UTIP). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1926, the Empire Marketing Board (EMB) was established to foster empire trade without the use of tariffs. It was to simulate imperial preference by redirecting consumer choice away from ‘foreign’ goods and towards the produce of ‘home and empire’. Using newspapers, pamphlets, film, exhibitions and poster displays, the EMB aimed to ‘bring the empire alive’ to British consumers. This paper analyses the presentation of three settler dominions—Australia, New Zealand and Canada—in the EMB's advertising campaigns. The EMB's large visual archive has been the subject of only limited study, most of which has focused on a homogeneous reading of empire. This article argues that the work of the EMB reveals the presence of a separate discourse of empire—a ‘dominion discourse’—that has not been recognised in cultural histories of empire, which, with the recent exception of ‘British world’ studies, have been more interested in mapping and conceptualising the formation of identities in other colonial settings. The ‘dominion discourse’ emphasised the familiar, white and ‘British’ nature of the former colonies of settlement, attributes that are clearly displayed in the campaigns of the EMB, but can also be found in settler culture much more widely. In doing so, the white dominions stressed not only their difference from the dependent colonies, but their similarity to Britain. Though the inter-war period is often associated with the rise of distinctive national identities and the loosening of imperial bonds, the production of these attributes in an imperial and metropolitan context draws attention to both the transnational nature of identity formation and the continuing importance of Britain and empire in the construction of settler culture in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Public Policy is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Canada has more often than not portrayed a moral image in its relations with South Africa. However, many would agree that Canada has a mixed record in South Africa and that the pursuit of human rights and racial equality in Canada's foreign policy is accompanied by the pursuit of economic interests. Canada–South Africa relations received a major boost under the Chrétien government when the two countries forged closer ties and used multilateral institutions such as the Commonwealth to promote human rights, rule of law, and democracy particularly in African states. At the bilateral level, Canada signed a Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement with South Africa. Moreover, the launching of the New Partnership for Africa's Development in 2001 helped to further deepen Canada–South Africa economic relations. However, recent changes in the geographic focus of Canada's policy, especially the ‘look to the Americas policy’, raises the question as to where South Africa sits on the foreign policy agenda of Canada. This paper looks at Canada's economic relations with South Africa in the post-apartheid era through the lens of moral identity and asks, what are the impacts of the Harper government's ‘look to the Americas’ policy on Canada–South Africa economic relations? And does the promotion of human rights inform Canada's economic policy towards South Africa after apartheid? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Public Policy is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of culture on international trade. Design/methodology/approach – A measure of the cultural distance is incorporated into the Gravity model to test the marginal effects of cultural variables on bilateral trade between Canada and 53 other countries. In addition to the cultural distance and economic factors, other control variables such as religion and language commonalities are included. Findings – After controlling for the size of GDP and linguistic commonality, the effects of culture on international trade are found to be insignificant. The empirical analysis shows that while the linguistic commonality has positive implications for international trade, the cultural distance and religion commonality do not seem important. Research limitations/implications – What is true for the Canadian international trade may not be true for other countries, especially for developing nations. Moreover, this study is limited to the Schwartz's cultural dimensions. Practical implications – Managers should not stay away from culturally dissimilar partners as long as trade is economically beneficial. Instead, they should pay attention to training bilingual agents and standardizing trade procedures in order to streamline the negative effects of linguistic dissimilarity. Originality/value – This study refutes the generally accepted idea that culture is subversive to any cross-border business activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to identify the issues in the US-Canada trade dispute over lumber trade, to analyze the US and Canada's claims and positions in this dispute, and make projections of future possibilities regarding this dispute. Design/methodology/approach -- The research method is to review published studies dealing with this dispute and gather public and private data pertaining to issues involved in this dispute. Findings -- The paper finds that the US lumber industry's claims of unfair trade by Canada's lumber industry are not supported. Canada is in compliance with World Trade Organization policies and North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)'s agreement. US antidumping and countervailing tariffs on imported Canadian lumber violate NAFTA's rules. Past and current resolutions to this dispute are temporary. Originality/value -- This paper explores the real reasons behind the dispute and evaluates the merits of the interim solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada’s book trade is fascinating not only because it really consists of two book trades—the Anglophone and the Francophone—but also because it is a site of intense and sustained policy interventions designed to foster greater domestic control. Examining the country’s book policies, Statistics Canada data, trade association membership rosters and trade directories, this paper reveals that Canada’s contemporary book trade is characterized by three features: circa 40 years of government interventions in response to foreign dominance; the central role of foreign firms despite these interventions; and the dominance of Toronto and Montreal as domestic sites of book production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Forest Research is the property of Canadian Science Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reports the results of a 5-year study of eight information and communication technology clusters across Canada. It summarizes the key findings from the individual cases and poses several questions: What are the critical factors that contributed to the emergence and development of the individual clusters in their specific locations? What is the relative importance of local versus non-local factors in supporting the overall dynamism of the clusters? And what are the most important factors that contribute to the ongoing competitiveness of the clusters? In conclusion, it summarizes the import of our findings for the cluster literature in general and sets out the main policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies in the literature have tried to assess the impact of real depreciation of the Canadian dollar on the Canadian trade balance. They have either relied on the trade data between Canada and the rest of the world or between Canada and her major trading partners. In this paper we consider the trade between Canada and her major trading partner, the U.S. However, unlike previous research, we disaggregate the trade data between the two countries by commodity. We use export and import data over the period 1962–2004 from 152 commodities and the bounds testing approach to cointegration and error-correction modeling and show that real depreciation of the Canadian dollar has short-run effects on the trade balance of two-thirds of the industries. However, only in 50% of the industries, the short-run effects translate into the long-run favorable effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the negotiation, implementation and impact of the four-year contract for delivery of Canadian wheat to Britain (July 1946). The notion of such an agreement was controversial within government and industry, not only in Canada and the United Kingdom but also in the United States. This assessment concludes that, in spite of its negative reputation, especially in Canada, the wheat contract met the principal aims of both sides. For the Canadian government especially this episode interwove many of its anxieties and ambitions in an uncertain financial, commercial and political situation after the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the challenges posed by China in the trade relationship between Canada and U.S. Accordingly, the paper discusses the importance of understanding the challenges brought by China in the context of Canada's relationship with the U.S. The paper also analyzes the best possible ways in addressing those challenges which includes the use of the bilateral trends and developments, the need to change mindsets, and the consideration of China as a business opportunity.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Examines the economic relations and technical standard between the U.S. and Canada. Importance of technical standards for economic relationship; Degree of economic integration between the two countries; Implications for tariff and investment policies.

Academic and political debates about international sanctions tend to focus on the instrumental purposes of these measures—their ability to hurt a target state sufficiently to cause it to change its behaviour. By contrast, the symbolic purposes of sanctions are commonly assumed not to be as important. Such assumptions are appropriate for states which have the capabilities necessary to achieve these ends—great powers or regional powers targetting very weak neighbours, for example. But are these assumptions useful in explaining the sanctions policies of non-great powers, particularly those which impose sanctions against great powers? This paper explores the case of Australian and Canadian sanctions against the USSR after the invasion of Afghanistan and demonstrates the fallacy of such assumptions, and argues that symbolic purposes were much more important than the instrumental utilities normally associated with sanctions theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Policy is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is a review of the Final Report and supporting monographs that are the published product of the Royal Commission on Canada's Economic Prospects. The task of the Commission, in the language of the relevant Privy Council order of June 1955, was to inquire into and report upon the long-term prospects of the Canadian economy, that is to say, upon the probable economic development of Canada and the problems to which such development appears likely to give rise. The order then lists without limiting the generality of the foregoing, specific topics, to wit: first, developments in the supply of raw materials and energy sources; second, the growth to be expected in the population of Canada and the changes in its distribution; third, prospects for growth and change in domestic and external markets for Canadian productions; fourth, trends in productivity and standards of living; and fifth, prospective requirements for industrial and social capital.