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There are ample national, transnational, and international geopolitical conflicts around the world, the two most prominent likely being the current ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, and the conflict between Taiwan (the Republic of China) and China (the People's Republic of China). To avoid criticism or the label of political bias, academics might refrain from using the term Taiwan or might not refer to it as a country. Similarly, they might not know whether they should refer to Crimea or the Donbas as being Ukrainian or Russian. Authors currently have little guidance and are somewhat left to their own devices when it comes to referring to these and other locations and territories, uncertain of the names that should be used to indicate them. They might also observe disclaimers on publishers' websites, in the footer of editorial board pages, or even as a small notice in their own manuscripts placed there by the publisher that distance the publisher from geopolitical conflicts and/or territorial claims, claiming neutrality, independent of whether those papers mention those conflicts, or not. Such disclaimers might be perceived as self-serving, placing the onus of responsibility of the choice of territorial term on authors' shoulders, so publishers should offer clearer advice to authors and editors on how to better handle this issue, that is, how to accurately name locations in geopolitically sensitive areas. There is a risk that papers that are insufficiently sensitive to such issues may be labelled as erroneous, and subjected to correction or retraction, or the authors may be subjected to public criticism or humiliation, so resolving this issue falls within the realm of academic publishing ethics. Currently, very little advice exists for geopolitical issues in the Committee on Publication Ethics and International Committee of Medical Journal Ethics ethics-related publishing guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile River has become a focal point in the fields of water diplomacy, economics, and environmental considerations in the Nile Basin. Announced during the Arab Spring in 2011, the GERD aims to address Ethiopia's significant energy shortfall and foster regional economic growth by potentially doubling the country's electricity output. However, this ambition has heightened tensions with downstream countries, especially Egypt and Sudan, which rely heavily on the Nile for their water needs. This paper examines the ongoing conflict surrounding the GERD, focusing on the deadlock situation despite considerable scholarly attention to its economic, political, and environmental dimensions. The analysis presented in this paper reveals the roots of contention by analyzing past treaties and the present negotiation status, illustrating the complex interplay between development goals, environmental sustainability, and regional water security. The paper advocates for a revised legal framework that moves beyond past agreements towards a more inclusive, cooperative management strategy for the Nile's waters. It proposes the development of a new treaty between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan, grounded in their 2015 Declaration of Principles agreement and inspired by successful international dispute resolutions. It also discusses the potential of neutral third-party interventions to facilitate unbiased negotiations grounded in the Graph Model for Conflict Resolution, emphasizing the importance of equitable and sustainable water governance. In essence, this research calls for a collaborative approach to resolve the GERD conflict, emphasizing the need for agreements that harmonize developmental ambitions with the water security of the Nile Basin nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the dispute between Argentina and Uruguay at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2006. Argentina questioned Uruguay's decision in constructing a polluting paper mill at the Uruguay River without consultations since it may cause environmental damage. The ICJ ruled the the plant will continue to operate despite Uruguay's violation of a treaty that permitted them to construct but it informed Uruguay of its failure to inform Argentina of its plan to build the mill.

AFTER THE SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 ATTACK ON THE WORLD TRADE CENTER AND THE PENTAGON, THE U.S. DEFENSE FOCUS TURNED TO FIGHTING TERRORISM THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. The U.S. entered into a conflict with Afghanistan to remove the Taliban government which supported Osama Bin Laden and insurgent training camps. In 2003, the U.S. expanded the "Global War on Terror" to include Iraq and the removal of Saddam Hussein and purge the country of Al Qaeda insurgents. In both situations, government functions were devastated and needed to be rebuilt. This paper discusses applying a strategic to tactical, multi-dimensional approach to project management to a Ministerial Security Development mission laying a foundational framework with developmental processes. Although this paper focuses on the Ministry of Defense (MoD), the same approach applies to other Security Ministries such as Ministry of Interior and National Department of Security. This paper does not cover the "fight" element of contingency operations. The project management approach utilizes business models adopted by the Pentagon to establish organization operations. The U.S's ability to establish effective MoD organizations in these regions is essential to a decreasing Department of Defense (DoD) budget particularly with Sequestration. Self-sufficiency means less manpower by the Coalition Security Assistance Force (CSAF). The lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan have shown that establishing Ministerial Security functional capability cannot be approached as a campaign plan. A project management approach provides the tools for business operations planning and allows for identifying and managing risks in a very uncertain environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most nuclear dyads are characterized by some degree of nuclear and conventional asymmetry. This paper argues that these asymmetries create an environment in which deliberate nuclear first use (DNFU) can be rational. This possibility has been discarded in the formal literature on nuclear escalation because of the common reliance on the assumption of mutually assured destruction (MAD). This paper develops a formal model that traces how and under what circumstances two types of DNFU are rational. First, nuclear imbalances and advancements in counterforce technologies create a damage limitation incentive for a strong actor. Second, conventional asymmetry creates an incentive for the coercive use of nuclear weapons by the weaker player. Moreover, this paper illustrates that these asymmetric conditions are a relevant characteristic in important and very different nuclear dyads: DPRK–US, Pakistan–India, and Russia–US. Thus, the model demonstrates the potential core drivers of DNFU in today's nuclear landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as a significant global focal point due to the increasing influence exerted by China and the United States. In light of the dynamic nature of the global geopolitical landscape, Malaysia and Indonesia, as two prominent Southeast Asian states, find themselves at the nexus of this competition. China and the United States are two regional superpowers which have strategically positioned themselves in the Indo-Pacific. A systematic literature review was conducted to examine the crucial role of Indonesia and Malaysia in the context of the escalating Sino-US strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. By focusing on research articles, books and reports, this work explored the policy and strategic outlook, methodological approaches and methods underpinning Indo-Pacific discourse in Indonesia and Malaysia. The methodology adopted for this review was systematic by following the seven stages suggested by Petticrew and Roberts (2008). This review's findings indicated the diverse range of theories, methodologies, practical strategies, and approaches that scholars have employed in examining the roles of Indonesia and Malaysia in the Indo-Pacific region. Consequently, this paper broadens the scope for scholars by expounding upon the strategic outlook of Indonesia and Malaysia within the Indo-Pacific discourse, along with the various methodological and theoretical frameworks and conceptual models that may inform future research endeavours. This study was however, limited to gathering input from journal articles, books, book chapters, and reports, and excluding other sources such as conference papers and op-eds. Furthermore, the scope of studies accessed was limited to data available from 2013 to September 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous studies of natural resources and territorial conflict have explored the role that specific resources play in conflict, few have examined the topic of natural resources more broadly and in great depth. This paper generates hypotheses regarding natural resource type, theorizing that the particular characteristic of resource renewability impacts conflict behavior over associated territory. Further, the role of economic development is considered. Utilizing the latest version of the Issue Correlates of War and Correlates of War datasets, these hypotheses are empirically tested. The results demonstrate the importance of renewability and the consistency of findings regarding resources and low-level conflict. Natural resources are found to, in general, discourage more severe forms of conflict, with important caveats. Less developed states are found to play an important role in driving more severe forms of conflict, as are disputes over sea related and oil resources. The paper concludes by outlining the implications for policymakers and scholars studying the topic of territorial conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of this study is determined by the current instability of the global political climate in the world and the outbreak of a number of military conflicts, which necessitates the study of the mechanisms of activity of structures that protect the interests of the population and the state. Thus, the purpose of the paper is to analyse the algorithm for the activities of civil defence authorities, particularly in wartime conditions. Among the methods used are the methods of logical analysis, deduction, synthesis, induction, functional analysis, analogy. This study provides a detailed analysis of the importance and key role played by civil protection agencies in addressing the challenges of protecting, ensuring security and developing society. The importance of their function lies in the effective implementation of strategies aimed at protecting the population and the state in times of threat and danger. The analysis in this paper takes into account the various components necessary for the successful management of various types of warfare. This includes the study of effective strategies for interaction and coordination between civil protection authorities and military command and control. Particular attention is paid to the key factors that determine the effectiveness of the organisation of interaction between military authorities and protection commissioners. Similarly, significant was the analysis of the demand for the resolution of qualitative foresight implementation tasks. Accordingly, an algorithm that will provide a more detailed and relevant examination of the wartime operational algorithm of the governing bodies has been developed. The practical value of the obtained results is that it will increase the appropriate level of combat alertness, the guarantor of the protection of the national interests of the state and its population, its territorial integrity and will generally raise the level of effectiveness of the relevant bodies considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Values such as peace, mutual understanding, and solidarity have long been subsidiary to the aim of pursuing competition and revenue through the internationalization of higher education (HE). With the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, higher education institutions demonstrated strong support for peace and solidarity. Yet, the extent to which we are witnessing a return to an international politics rationale driving HE internationalization remains unclear. Using Canada and Germany as case studies, this paper compares how international conflict impacts HE internationalization practices from a host institution perspective. The developed theoretical framework connects HE crisis literature with novel approaches to HE institutions in global geopolitics. Data were analyzed through critical policy analysis, focusing on university presidents' statements and institutional press releases. The key finding suggests the dominance of the logic of appropriateness whereby a geopolitical rationale governs institutional responses in a context where widely shared democratic values are under attack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In geopolitics, the term 'shatter belt' refers to a region that is highly vulnerable to conflicts and is often an arena for great power competition through proxy wars. For more than a decade, Syria has been engaged in a similar unprecedented state of conflict involving domestic and foreign actors - a conflict that has exacerbated the dilapidated political, economic, and social security. As per the Fragile States Index 2021, Syria is one of the world's top three most fragile states, indicating its vulnerability and unsustainability. Using qualitative data through secondary sources, this paper highlights how Syria serves as a shatter belt for major powers, explicating interests of the US, Russia, Iran and Saudi Arabia. In order to understand the dynamics of conflict, the paper applies Amos Tversky's Prospect theory which highlights stakeholders' loss aversion and risk-acceptant behaviour. In addition, the paper highlights that conflict resolution strategies applied to resolve the conflict have failed so far. In this regard, John Burton's Human Needs theory is applied to the case study to emphasize what can be done to resolve this protracted conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies designed to control greenhouse gases imply domestic tradeoffs and international externalities, which lead to both domestic and international conflicts, influencing their feasibility and implementations. Our paper investigates two quantitative aspects within this debate. We intend to quantify the impact of: (a) the internalization of international externalities; and (b) the damage associated with a short-term view of climate policies. In this respect, we adopt the innovative (in this field) idea of model predictive control to formalize moving-horizon policy strategies and, thus, to build counterfactuals characterized by a different horizon for all policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Pakistan and India have been through many ups and downs since 1947. Amidst tensions and conflicts, there were moments of peace and parleys. The Agra Summit of 2001 was an important event in the history of the two countries, as it was a concerted effort to resolve some of the key issues through peaceful means. The meeting created a lot of hope and media frenzy. This paper is based on the coverage of the summit in the mainstream media of two countries. Through careful sampling, The Hindu from India and Dawn from Pakistan were selected to study the coverage. The newspapers were scanned for three-day coverage from July 15-17. The research shows that it was saturation coverage. The Hindu led the drive with 55 stories in three days. Dawn was not far behind it with 33 news pieces. The two papers published total 88 stories in three days, which means that around 30 stories were published per day. It also comes to average 15 news items in each newspaper in a day. The political stories were maximum in number, followed by the news related to culture, travel and food. There were also several stories about Kashmir, terrorism and security issues. The coverage was initially balanced but it slightly became partisan by the end of the summit. The attitude of media changed as it became clear that no breakthrough was possible during the two-day summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Armed conflict is a perennial problem that has plagued Africa for decades, resulting in flagrant human rights abuse. The central problem this paper seeks to address is identifying the laws establishing institutions and agencies for protecting human rights in Africa and examining how well-adapted these institutions are to protect human rights in times of armed conflict in Africa. This research employs the doctrinal research method, which entails an examination of the relevant primary sources of the law as laid down in the statutes and treaties and interpreted by the courts as well as secondary source materials, including journal articles, reports, and other relevant sources materials. It is contended that though human rights institutions were not established with the goal of interventions in times of armed conflict to protect human rights, they can be adapted to meet this challenge to stem the tide of gross human rights violations during armed conflicts. The paper concludes by recommending the expansion in the practice of the mandate of these human rights institutions to accommodate mechanisms for the protection of human rights in times of armed conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that existing quantitative studies mistakenly assume that all nuclear states can impose nuclear destruction on opponents by simply distinguishing nuclear states from non-nuclear states. This practice, however, does not capture variation in 1) nuclear states' possession of delivery capabilities, 2) the range of deployed nuclear delivery systems, and 3) the geographic distance between nuclear states and their dyadic counterparts. Instead of this monadic nuclear statehood approach, I propose the dyadic nuclear reach approach, which uses a new dyad-specific measure of states' strategic nuclear delivery capabilities. It codes whether a nuclear state can launch a nuclear strike against a given opponent by using the information about the estimated range of each nuclear state's strategic nuclear delivery platforms, nuclear operation bases, and states' capital cities. An empirical application shows that using an appropriate measure of nuclear capabilities does significantly alter existing empirical knowledge of nuclear weapons and international conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzed the Syrian conflict using New Wars Theory by Mary Kaldor. The central argument of New Wars Theory is that modern warfare are completely different from traditional warfare. The Syrian conflict which started with local protests and has engulfed the whole country with its regional and global impacts. This study tries to examine the complexities and dynamics of the conflict in Syria, which was particularly affected by the Arab Spring. This is mainly done to examine how this conflict has been shaped through Role of State and Non-State actors, identity politics, war economies and blurring of combatant and non-combatants distinctions. Therefore, a comprehensive analysis utilizing peerreviewed journals, academic books and reliable sources has been done to understand the complexity of modern warfare as demonstrated by the Syrian war. The results demonstrate that how the Syrian conflict fits well with New Wars theory, challenging the traditional notions of warfare. The analysis helps us to understand the contemporary conflicts, and also gives an insight on how to resolve these conflicts and offers pathways for conflict management and peace building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

England, often seen as the cradle of public liberties, has in 18th and 19th century engendered a series of cultural models which have later crossed the Atlantic and Pacific seas at the expense of some adaptations. This session is concerned with two of these models: the diffusion of friendly societies and of the illustrated newspapers in some Western societies. In both cases, we would like to argue that those who appropriated these patterns pregnant with unifying effects had to diversify it from a ‘voluntarist’ attitude in order to preserve the conditions necessary for competing or to adapt the model to nationalisms hostile to one another. Paper 1. The Construction of Diversity: The Friendly and Benefit Societies, Class, Gender and Imaginaries. Paper 2. Political Diversification against Technical Standardization: Forcing Nationalist Editorial Strategies into 19th Century Illustrated Press. It is the tension created by contradictory forces which I intend to analyse in my paper. I will particularly examine the result coming out of this tension at a crucial moment: that of the Franco-Prussian war and of the periods preceding and following this conflict, in 14 illustrated periodicals coming from four countries: France, Germany, England and Canada. This moment is important for two reasons: first it corresponds to a time where the illustrated press was a major means of construction of collective memories as it was distributed massively; and second this conflict not only resulted into a change of national boundaries between two important European countries, but also allowed the unification of Germany and the proclamation of King Wilhelm as the emperor of the new country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to examine the events taking place in Ukraine, in particular in light of the recent developments, and classify them in legal terms. The main research questions are as follows: Are there any justifications for remedial secession in the case of Donetsk and Luhansk republics? Are Russia's actions legally justified? How can such actions be classified? Answers to these questions will help to outline and, in fact, discard Russia's arguments. The main source of information about Russia's justifications will be President Putin's speech of 24 February 2022. The paper examines such issues as self-determination and secession in general, remedial secession and Russian arguments in this regard, some of the Russian justifications for the use of force against Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to provide empirical analyses of the global armed conflicts between the nation and the state in the post-WWII era from 1946 to 2020. The empirical data comes from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) and the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo (PRIO). Other comparable data on global armed conflicts also exists, including the Correlates of War (WCO) information; the Militarized Interstate Dispute (MID) dataset, which is an outgrowth of WCO; the Minority at Risk (MAR) datasets from the Center for International Development and Conflict Management (CIDCM) at the University of Maryland; and the Konflict-Simulations-Modell (COSIMO) datasets from the Study Group for the Causes of War (AKUF), among others. The present analysis relies on the UCDP/PRIO dataset because it provides the most updated and regionally-detailed empirical information on armed conflicts, military confrontations, and violent battles that have taken place throughout the world. Specifically, the UCDP contains information on all contested battles situated in the "government and/or territory over the use of armed force between the military forces of two parties," and the violent confrontations that have "resulted in at least 25 battle-related deaths each year." Empirical examination reveals that most post-WWII military conflicts around the world have been fought between the state, on one side, and Fourth World peoples and nations (89.9%), on the other. Most of these conflicts in Asia and the Middle East (or West Asia) have also involved territorial and land disputes, while most of the intra-state armed struggles in Africa and the Americas have been fought over geo-political control of the government and its bureaucratic authority. The paper concludes by summarizing the past conflicts between the state and the nation, considering the devastating consequences of the state and state-assisted corporate projects that have facilitated the continuous destruction of biodiversity and the evisceration of the environment, thereby ultimately threatening the future survivability of both human and nonhuman life on our planet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the latest statistical evidence for the nuclear emboldenment thesis—nuclear-armed states are more likely to initiate military aggression than non-nuclear states—from (Bell and Miller 2015). If correct, their findings have important theoretical and policy implications regarding the effect of nuclear proliferation on international conflict. This paper shows, however, that Bell and Miller's findings heavily rely on two important components of their statistical analysis: (1) using all state dyad observations, and (2) employing pooled regression models to analyze time-series-cross-sectional (TSCS) data. I argue that those components are based on questionable assumptions on heterogeneity in their dataset. Based on alternative strategies dealing with heterogeneity in dyadic data, my reanalysis shows that the emboldening effect of nuclear weapons is not as robust as originally claimed. Instead, I find the robust deterrent effect of nuclear weapons: nuclear-armed states are less likely to be targeted in military disputes. These findings highlight the need for careful application of quantitative methods to produce a more robust understanding of nuclear issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate credit reporting (CCR), which aims at increasing trust in corporates, constitutes an intriguing, yet understudied set of regulatory institutions as it is both a regulatory object and subject at the same time. Differences in national CCR systems pose challenges for multinational companies and have increasingly become a subject of international conflicts on regulatory standards. In this context, the case of China deserves special attention since the country pursues both institutional divergence and convergence with international examples. Hence, the characterization of China's regulatory regime remains difficult. By comparing the institutional context of CCR in China to those in the United States and Germany, this paper sheds light on a specific aspect of China's complex regulatory regime. At the same time, it provides insights into the Chinese manifestation of CCR, which are important for the international business community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact the war in Ukraine has had on Russia's great power status. Post-Soviet Russia has been one of the most active status-seekers and sought to re-establish its rank among the existing great power status community. In its claim to high status, Russia has historically relied on traditional status markers, including its permanent seat at the UN Security Council, diplomatic prominence at the summits with other great powers, and the strength of its military. However, as this paper shows, Moscow's fateful choice to launch a war against Ukraine has led to considerable slippage of its status. Russia now struggles to get things done at international fora and has also faced increased diplomatic isolation. Moreover, the war – especially the struggles of the Russian armed forces – challenged Russia's claim of great military power and an exclusive security provider in the former Soviet space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper clarifies how human rights and refugee rights are protected by international human rights legislation. It explains the background of human rights principles and refugee legislation. Human rights breaches continue to be a threat to refugees' safe return, having historically played a significant factor in their departure. The essay demonstrates how human rights and refugee law are both protected by international human rights law. Publications on human rights and refugee law as well as relevant resources can be located on numerous academic websites using the secondary data collecting method. Between 2019 and 2024, PubMed, Google Scholar, and Science Direct have been used to conduct literature searches. Selected secondary data make clear that refugee protection must drastically change to focus more on problem solving. The study's findings clarify that, in contrast to international human law, which is only relevant in times of armed conflict, human rights law is always applicable, regardless of whether there is a state of peace or war. Based on the findings of this study, it is concluded that a human-rights based interpretation of refugee law implies that it is time to make a concerted effort to balance receiving states' legitimate interests with the ongoing need of refugees to be guaranteed access to safety and a dignified existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "rally 'round the flag" effect—a short-term boost in a political leader's popularity during an interstate political dispute—was first proposed by Mueller (1970) more than half a century ago. However, there is no scholarly consensus on its empirical validity and the circumstances under which the effect becomes most prominent. In this paper, based on a natural experimental design, we analyze large-scale worldwide surveys of 34,118 responses and causally identify the effects of 46 militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) on the approval ratings of political leaders in 27 countries. We find that MIDs, on average, decrease public support for national leaders. However, the public backlash could be attenuated depending on theoretically relevant contexts. Our finding implies that political leaders cannot rely on MIDs for public support increases, as they are generally penalized for such decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A purported advantage of secrecy in international politics is its ability to reduce pressures for conflict escalation by obscuring responsibility for hostile actions. Delegating these actions to proxies is one strategy states use to retain plausible deniability and limit escalation risks. Yet, proxies often have strong ties to sponsoring states, raising questions about their ability to influence blame and demands for retaliation. This paper tests these effects by analyzing American responses to hypothetical attacks by Chinese, Russian, and Iranian actors through experiments administered on three surveys. The results show that using proxies for these attacks modestly reduced how much Americans blamed the respective foreign governments, while also limiting demands that their senior leadership be sanctioned. However, the use of proxies did not affect Americans' attitudes toward more forceful responses by the US government. These findings contribute to understanding of how proxies shape plausible deniability and escalation risks in international conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Conventional wisdom tells us that mediation without ripeness is a fool's errand (Zartman and Touval, 1985). What, then, is Türkiye's motivation for mediating the war in Ukraine in lieu of ripeness – and what can its behavior as a mediator tell us about that motivation? In pursuit of this question, this paper inductively analyzes Turkish mediation in the Ukraine war to unpack the relationship between a contextual (ripeness) and actor-level (motivation) variable. Of particular interest is the decision-making and behavior of third parties (like Türkiye in Ukraine) who elect to mediate highly complex conflicts in which ripeness is indiscernible. The purpose of this research is not to propose or test a causal relationship between obscured ripeness and mediation, but rather to examine mediation behavior in situations where ripeness is obscured. Design/methodology/approach: The impact of weaponized information on ripeness and third-party mediation is evaluated through an original, systematic and inductive case study analysis of Turkish mediation in the Russia–Ukraine war. As an intense theater of operations for information warfare for well over a decade, the war in Ukraine serves as an especially apt choice for an analysis of "obscured ripeness." Likewise, Türkiye's anomalous position as the only substantive source of mediation in the conflict lends significance to an empirical examination of its motivation and behavior as a mediator. Findings: This research reveals that the pervasive use of weaponized information in the Russia–Ukraine war has distorted and disordered the information environment, thereby obscuring the ability of third parties to determine if the conflict is or could be ripe for mediation. However, the condition of obscured ripeness that prevails in the conflict has not proven a deterrent for mediation by Türkiye, which, as the only mediator in the conflict, has used a transactional approach to mediation motivated by self-regarding interests and animated by a manipulative mediation strategy. In sum, this inductive analysis of Turkish mediation in Ukraine reveals that the use of weaponized information in a conflict indirectly selects on transactional mediation (and mediators). The significance of this finding is magnified by the widespread use of weaponized information in contemporary conflicts as well as the declining frequency of third-party mediation. Originality/value: There have been few, if any, systematic assessments in Turkish mediation of the Russia–Ukraine war, and none specifically concerned with the effects of weaponized information. Additionally, the paper proposes a typology of mediator motivation that is used to structure that assessment, while also introducing a new concept ("obscured ripeness") and linking that concept both to the existing literature on ripeness and to the use of weaponized information in contemporary armed conflicts. As such, this manuscript represents an important contribution both to the empirical and theoretical landscape with respect to the study of mediation and international conflict management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to seek to and understand how civil conflict and international claims inform one another. Does the existence of ongoing civil and international conflicts affect how a government addresses an international claim? The paper builds on existing literature that link international and domestic conflict. However, it suggests that the logic behind civil conflicts may be different from that for international ones as states decide how to deal with any one claim. Design/methodology/approach: The paper posits that states faced with domestic conflicts and additional international claims are more likely to seek to resolve an international claim than those without similar conflicts. It develops a series of hypotheses about the likelihood of claim escalation and peaceful settlement attempts and proceed to test them quantitatively using the Issue Correlates of War data combined with the uppsala conflict data program/peace research institute oslo Armed Conflict Data. Findings: On the one hand, the paper finds support for the argument regarding the difficulty states are faced with when seeking to resolve multiple international claims. On the other hand, it finds that the presence of civil conflicts incentivizes states to resolve international claims either by force or peacefully, suggesting internal violence can both lead to diversionary behavior and attempts at conflict resolution. Research limitations/implications: The findings have important implications for work considering the complexity of domestic and international conflict linkages. Originality/value: While many studies of claim militarization and peaceful attempts focus on dyadic and international characteristics, this paper creates a more nuanced understanding of the complexities of this foreign policy decision process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper maps the factors that States consider when deciding whether to raise inter-State disputes to an international dispute resolution body. It focuses particularly on these factors in the context of human rights disputes, including whether such disputes will be brought before the mechanisms provided for under the universal human rights treaties, and notably conciliation commissions. While traditionally negotiation has been seen as the most appropriate way to resolve inter-State disputes, there are times that human rights disputes may benefit from a different approach. It discusses (i) the general trend to negotiate or mediate disputes; (ii) the importance of taking a contextual perspective; (iii) the patchwork of international norms; (iv) key legal and factual considerations; (v) choice of mechanism/process; and (vi) palatability of the potential dispute resolution options. The paper concludes by providing a roadmap for States deciding whether to commence an international dispute and which forum to choose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-1947 period, political landscape in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was shaped by its moderate socio-cultural milieu. However, internal bickering, factionalism between key political parties, geo-strategic vulnerability to regional and international conflicts such as the emergence of jihadi elements and Russian involvement in Afghanistan, Afghan civil war and International Counter Terrorism policies radicalized Khyber Pakhtunkhwa politics and its social structure to a great extent. The present study aims to examine the existing confusion among all the political parties on the issue of how to challenge the menace of rising militancy. The failure of the Awami National Party (ANP), Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Jamiat-i-Ulmai Islam (Fazal ur Rehman) JUI (F) in providing tangible policy choices on major issues such as terrorism, energy crisis and economic down-flow have provided a golden opportunity to Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) to dominate the provincial politics. Also the paper has dealt with the current challenges and its impacts on moderates and the Islamists in the wake of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf emergence which out-mastered all the parties in the three successive elections of 2013, 2018 and 2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have Israel and the Palestinians failed to implement a 'land for peace' solution, along the lines of the Oslo Accords? This paper studies the application of strategic behavior models, in the form of games, to this question. I show that existing models of the conflict largely rely on unrealistic assumptions about what the main actors are trying to achieve. Specifically, they assume that Israel is strategically interested in withdrawing from the occupied territories pending resolvable security concerns but that it is obstructed from doing so by violent Palestinians with other objectives. I use historical analysis along with bargaining theory to shed doubt on this assumption and to argue that the persistence of conflict has been aligned with, not contrary to, the interests of the militarily powerful party, Israel. The analysis helps explain, from a strategic behavior perspective, why resolutions like the Oslo Accords, which rely on the land for peace paradigm and on self-enforcement, have failed to create peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special feature “Leaders, Crisis Behavior, and International Conflict.” Individual leaders play a central role in world politics. Yet, for the last several decades, international relations scholarship has downplayed or ignored leaders, focusing instead on system-wide variables and domestic political institutions. A new wave of research, however, has helped to reintroduce the leader-level back into models of international politics. The papers that constitute this special feature represent some of the cutting-edge work in this area. This introductory paper traces the evolution of research on leaders in international relations and provides a conceptual framework that highlights different approaches to the study of leaders. It also distills several key themes that emerge from the papers, in addition to offering directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data form an increasingly essential element of contemporary politics, as both public and private actors extend claims of their legitimate control in diverse areas including health, security, and trade. This paper investigates data governance as a site of fundamental normative and political ordering processes that unfold in light of ever-increasing inter- and transnational linkages. Drawing on the concept of jurisdictional conflicts, the paper traces the evolution of data governance in three cases of transatlantic conflicts as diverging definitional claims over data. The paper argues that these conflicts reveal varying conceptualizations of data linked to four distinct visions of the social world. First, a conceptualization of data as an individual rights issue links human rights with the promotion of sovereignty to a vision of data governance as local liberalism. Second, proponents of a security partnership promote global security cooperation based on the conceptualization of data as a neutral instrument. Third, a conceptualization of data as an economic resource is linked to a vision of the digital economy that endorses progress and innovation with limited regulation. Fourth, a conceptualization of data as a collective resource links the values of universal rights and global rules to a vision of global protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the question of what drives proxy alignment in war and argues that current proxy war scholarship needs further thinking to go beyond focusing on the principal–agent theory and individual actors' motivation analysis. Rather, there is a need to look at the generative mechanisms of proxy alignment as a process that constitutes patterns of friend–enemy relations. The paper argues securitization patterns from domestic to regional and international levels drive actors to re-evaluate their positions and define their enemies and friends. This is a process of securitization alignment and confluence, which serves as a generative mechanism for proxy alignment in a conflict. Securitization alignment is based on a convergence of securitizations by different actors that create a friend–enemy dynamic and convergence of security interests between actors. The confluence of securitizations from the domestic level to regional and beyond also connects actors across different levels to be in alignment and impact the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how Pakistani print news media framed two armed conflict that occurred between India and Pakistan post-Pulwama attack in 2019 using five framing categories; conflict, morality, responsibility human interest, and solution. Using census approach subset of data; 282 opinions and editorials were collected from a population of 1,321 published number of items. Results from content analysis showed that media published a significant amount of content in editorials and opinions regarding armed conflicts. Content analysis disclosed that Pakistani print media placed emphasis on the use of conflict frame, and the use of human-interest frame was seen slightly low in numbers across all the newspapers during framing of Balakot airstrike and Pakistani retaliation after the Pulwama attack. However, there was no significant difference found between framing categories used by print news media. Findings are discussed in the context of journalistic priorities in selecting specific frames during framing of armed conflicts that holds national and international prominence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent essay on the war in Ukraine in The Journal of Genocide Research, Maria Mälksoo argues that the ongoing war in Ukraine has become a 'decolonising moment of sorts' as Central and Eastern European states have started taking the 'moral and practical lead' in supporting Ukraine and thus asserting their own agency. Following this line of argumentation, this paper will explore the Baltic states' vicarious identification with Ukraine, identifying multiple ways in which these actors have initiated policies to support Ukraine internationally and the ways in which solidarity with Ukraine have been received by various domestic constituencies, including ethnic minorities. By vicariously identifying with Ukraine, the Baltic states have continued their transformation from 'policy -takers' to 'policy -makers' in the European security landscape. This transformation can be traced back to 2004, when they joined the transatlantic community and the European Union. At the same time, similarly to the 2013-2014 crisis in Ukraine, the trauma of the war has become an engine of new discourses and new divisions within the Baltic states, prompting societal debates about the legacy of the Soviet Union associated with Russia (including the fate of monuments to Soviet soldiers) and the relationship with Russian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article conducts a corpus study of official reports and papers from the Strategic Studies Institutes of the United States, NATO, the European Union, Ukraine, and Russia up to and including 2014 to determine how Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine was represented and how postponed it proved to be. The US, EU, and NATO were very cautious and slow in establishing relations with Ukraine, either because they considered its integration with Russia very likely or because they did not want to destroy lucrative economic relations with Russia given the unstable and inconsistent foreign policy. The US, EU, and NATO were well aware of Ukraine's vulnerabilities and had been documenting various forms of Russian pressure on Ukraine since the 1990s (the preparatory phase of hybrid war) as well as the high likelihood of Russian military aggression since that time. The attack phase was expected to begin as early as 1994. Therefore, based on the institutes' predictions, the Russia's war against Ukraine was unavoidable, yet has been postponed for at least 20 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the incidence of the Colombian armed conflict on the academic performance of secondary students at the municipal level for the years 2003 and 2017. By using a General Nesting Spatial model, results suggest the conflict negatively affects academic performance. In 2003, a period of high conflict intensity, terrorist population attacks showed both direct and indirect negative effects on the test scores. In 2017, a period of low intensity, only direct negative effects were reported for the variables of forced displaced people, homicides, and victims of threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]