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In this response to Luger and Schwarze I concur that the meaning and application of the "post-industrial" is imprecise. In particular, I argue that current manifestations of the concept background the role of racism at generating the landscapes often solely attributed to deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent contributions to the literature on industrialization and development have confirmed that manufacturing continues to play a key role as a driver of economic development. As a corollary, these contributions highlight the importance of premature industrialization as a barrier to economic development and as one of the main sources of the middle-income trap. In this paper, we analyze the factors that may have hindered industrial development in the past four decades. In particular, we focus on the role of (non-Foreign Direct Investment) net capital inflows as a potential source of premature deindustrialization. We consider a sample of 36 developed and developing countries from 1980 to 2017, with major emphasis on the case of emerging and developing economies (EDEs) in the context of increasing financial integration. We show that periods of abundant capital inflows may have caused a significant contraction of manufacturing share to employment and GDP, as well as the decrease of the economic complexity index. We also show that the phenomena of "perverse" structural changes are significantly more relevant in EDE countries than in advanced ones and that they may similarly occur across EDE countries, regardless of structural differences in the way manufacturing contributed to their development. Based on such evidence, we conclude with some policy suggestions highlighting capital controls and external macroprudential measures taming international capital mobility as useful policy tools for promoting long-run productive development on top of strengthening (short-term) financial and macroeconomic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through historical and anthropological inquiry, this paper addresses the issue of memory antagonisms involving cultural landscapes in the context of a former mining region: the Belgian Black Country. This region, which became increasingly industrialized in the 19th century through the massive development of coal mining and steel industry, subsequently experienced deindustrialization, and now finds itself mobilized in a process of 'post-industrial' mutation. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, it examines how the landscapes inherited from industry, and in particular the slag heaps of the coalfield, have over time become repositories of a working-class memory, through the living and working practices of the communities surrounding the mines. It also documents the various representations attached to these landscape objects, whose contradictions echo the oppositions between capital and labor that have marked the development of industrial capitalism. The second part of the paper, which focuses on the present situation, examines how these representations are remobilized in the valorization processes that are initiated by different actors, in the context of a 'post-industrial' urban transition strategy that seeks to produce a unified and pacified historical narrative. We'll be looking at how historical conflicts still permeate the representations of these landscapes, the question of their conservation, and their possible future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrialization experiences differ substantially across countries. We use a benchmark model of structural change to shed light on the sources of this heterogeneity and, in particular, the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization. Our analysis leads to three key findings. First, benchmark models of structural change robustly generate hump-shaped patterns for the evolution of the industrial sector. Second, heterogeneous patterns of catch-up in sectoral productivities across countries can generate variation in industrialization experiences similar to those found in the data, including premature deindustrialization. Third, differences in the rate of agricultural productivity growth across economies can account for the majority of the variation in peak industrial employment shares. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integration into the global economy can cause shifts in industries and decrease the industrial sector's share. Deindustrialization, which refers to declining industry share, is commonly observed in developed countries. However, many developing countries have also experienced deindustrialization without attaining a high economic level in the era of globalization. Since transitioning to a market economy and integrating with the European Union (EU), deindustrialization has become a significant issue for Western Balkan countries. Thus, our paper analyzes the impact of economic globalization on the deindustrialization process in five Western Balkan countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia by using panel data spanning 2000-2019. Our study involved the creation of two models utilizing the augmented mean group (AMG) estimation method to ensure precise results. Our research shows that in model I, the economic globalization index, economic growth, capital investment, and the rule of law positively impact industry employment share. In model II, trade openness and economic growth positively affect manufacturing value-added; however, capital investment and the rule of law have a negative impact. Our findings indicate that economic globalization promotes industrialization in the Western Balkans instead of leading to deindustrialization. The panel causality results from Dumitrescu--Hurlin indicate that in model I, there is a oneway causal relationship going from economic globalization and capital investment to the share of industry employment. In model II, the causal relationship goes from economic growth and the rule of law to manufacturing value-added, from manufacturing value-added to trade openness and capital investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether latecomer provinces in China have experienced premature deindustrialization or reindustrialization by examining the positions of the provincial industry-income nexus using the latecomer index. The latecomer index facilitates the identification of the downward (premature deindustrialization) and upward (reindustrialization) positions of the nexus for latecomer provinces. The empirical analysis reveals that, for the nationwide level, the premature deindustrialization effect remains during the total sample period of 1992–2020 reflecting the initial regime prioritizing eastern coastal industrialization, whereas the pace of the premature deindustrialization is slowed down in the periods of 2002–2020 and 2009–2020 due to a series of industrial policies under the subsequent regime. At the regional level, the reindustrialization impact dominates the premature deindustrialization effect in the eastern and central regions, whereas this effect dominates the reindustrialization impact in the western region. The study identifies the existence of reindustrialization in China in the regional analysis, whereas extant literature on reindustrialization focuses only on European cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several decades of deindustrialisation in the so-called advanced economies, we are seeing a renewed enthusiasm for urban manufacturing in cities, and the integration of production into the city fabric. Yet, small-scale industrial accommodation has long been susceptible to displacement by higher-value land uses--particularly residential and prime office--which directly undermines such aspirations. This article focuses on the case of London and, through a review of planning policy and planning documents, market data, and participant observation in both public and private sector networks, provides evidence for and explores the impacts of a hyper-competitive industrial market that has emerged as an outcome of ongoing limited supply and growing demand in the sector. Although it signals a reversal of displacement dynamics between industrial and residential uses, potentially slowing the loss of industrial land supply, it is also leading to a narrowing of demand and competition within the industrial market that leads to intra-industrial gentrification and threatens smaller manufacturers. The article reveals tensions and limitations in planning approaches that seek to manage industrial land supply and create a diversity of workspace accommodation, as well as a gap between popular policy narratives of industrious cities and manufacturing renaissance, and the coherence of policies to support them. The article concludes with a discussion of future research that could advance policy and other interventions to support manufacturing in cities, to further sustainability and social inclusion agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Exports of knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS) depend on industrialization. • Premature deindustrialization harms capacity building at KIBS. • A KIBS export-led development strategy is not an alternative to industrialization. • Productive specialization in the service economy is path-dependent. • National Innovation Systems (NIS) need to be shaped by industrialization to foster KIBS. The transformation of the services sector and the deindustrialization of most economies have increased support for a KIBS export-led growth strategy for premature countries. However, the literature on deindustrialization argues that premature countries develop non-dynamic services mostly, which casts doubt on the viability of that strategy. This article theoretically and empirically analyzes this hypothesis. Using evolutionary and neo-Schumpeterian arguments, we point out the relevance of the path dependency of the productive structure throughout the complex transition from an industrial economy to a service economy. The empirical section analyzes the importance of the previous industrialization of a country to be a successful KIBS exporter. It finds that countries that achieved a high level of industrialization before deindustrializing are more likely to export KIBS than those countries that did not achieve advanced industrialization. Science-based and specialized suppliers manufacturing are of key importance for the development of KIBS capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates that deindustrialization increases ethnonational mobilization. We maintain that levels of mobilization of ethnonational movements are to an important extent a residual to the class cleavage, that is, to the degree the class conflict dominates political competition. Since in the context of Western Europe industrialism is the main force behind the class cleavage, deindustrialization weakens this cleavage and allows instead for mobilization along ethnonational divisions. In order to empirically test our argument, we analyze levels of electoral mobilization of ethnonational party blocs among 15 Western European minorities between 1918 and 2018. Our analysis clearly reveals that levels of industrialization are negatively related to ethnonational mobilization. However, this is only true for regions with historically high levels of industrialization and if the ethnonational movement is unified. The article contributes to the comparative literature on the electoral performance of ethnonational parties and the literature on deindustrialization and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil and elsewhere in the world, diagnoses of deindustrialization are concentrated in aggregate manufacturing, so policies can be ineffective if deindustrialization has a sector-specific component. This study quantifies and analyses deindustrialization for the individualised manufacturing sub-sectors. To do this, unpublished series of the manufacturing sub-sectors' share in the Brazilian GDP from 1970 to 2016 were created, based on official IBGE data. The results show that the manufacturing sub-sectors have deindustrialised at different intensities and periods of aggregate manufacturing, and a subsectoral approach reveals traces ignored by the literature on the quality of deindustrialization. We conclude that the Brazilian deindustrialization is normal (and expected) for the labourintensive manufacturing sub-sectors, but premature (and undesirable) for the technologyintensive sub-sectors. Therefore, Brazilian deindustrialization has negative consequences for the country's future scientific and technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nova Scotians understand economic hardships at both the personal and community levels. This is especially true for the residents of Pictou County. With the eclipse of coal, steel, and heavy manufacturing, successive governments looked to tourism to augment an eroding economic base and to commemorate the working lives of Nova Scotians. This article offers an analysis of the initial decision to construct and maintain the Museum of Industry in a region of the province subjected to sequential phases of deindustrialization. The venture, officially opened to regular attendance in 1995, is the largest facility in the province's impressive system of 28 regional museums. The creation of the museum, however, was fraught with uncertainty and narrowly avoided financial collapse and plans to disperse the collection of artifacts. The project was subsequently left straddling an uneasy divide between celebrating industrial heritage and tempering controversies of economic and environmental development. Despite Nova Scotia's proud heritage of worker resistance and union activism, visitors may exit the museum with the ambiguous message that while working lives are often harsh and riven with uncertainty, optimism for the future must prevail. The implication is that the appropriate response is selective anodyne forms of nostalgia, even resignation, but not resentment of the human and environmental costs of deindustrialization. Les Néo-Écossais comprennent les difficultés économiques tant au niveau personnel que communautaire. Cela est particulièrement vrai pour les résidents du comté de Pictou. Avec l'éclipse du charbon, de l'acier et de la fabrication lourde, les gouvernements successifs se sont tournés vers le tourisme pour augmenter une base économique en érosion et pour commémorer la vie active des Néo-Écossais. Cet article propose une analyse de la décision initiale de construire et d'entretenir le Musée de l'Industrie dans une région de la province soumise à des phases successives de désindustrialisation. L'entreprise, officiellement ouverte à la fréquentation régulière en 1995, est la plus grande installation de l'impressionnant réseau de 28 musées régionaux de la province. La création du musée, cependant, était semée d'incertitudes et a évité de justesse l'effondrement financier et les plans de dispersion de la collection d'artefacts. Le projet a ensuite été laissé à cheval sur un fossé difficile entre la célébration du patrimoine industriel et la modération des controverses sur le développement économique et environnemental. Malgré le fier héritage de la Nouvelle-Écosse en matière de résistance des travailleurs et d'activisme syndical, les visiteurs peuvent quitter le musée avec le message ambigu que même si les vies professionnelles sont souvent dures et déchirées par l'incertitude, l'optimisme pour l'avenir doit prévaloir. L'implication est que la réponse appropriée est des formes anodines sélectives de nostalgie, voire de résignation, mais pas le ressentiment des coûts humains et environnementaux de la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the article is to analyze the relation between the innovative capacity and the deindustrialization process. We use data from 80 countries from 1995 to 2016. In addition, we use a new dependent variable to measure the deindustrialization process, related to the quality of exports and industrial competitiveness. The results suggest that there is a direct relationship between the innovative capacity and the share of industry in GDP, the relative share of industrial employment, and the quality of industrial exports. In the estimates considering the income level, we found that the impact of the innovative process on the dependent variables decreases as the income level rises. Although the effects of innovative capacity on industrial muscle remain positive. The results suggest that low innovative capacity may affect the deindustrialization process of a given country. The estimated result for the dependent variable related to the quality of exports presented the same behavior as the variables reported in the literature. As a public policy implication, the results suggest that policymakers should adopt incentive policies to build innovative capacity according to their income level, so that industrial development can provide special and favorable conditions for sustained growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. One dimension of the industrialization trend is regional deindustrialization in a country. • Analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the U.S. by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). • Determines the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization in the U.S. and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization. • Conducts both time-series and panel data methodology. • Results show that the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization, which is historically observed in developing countries at a very lower GDP per capita income levels than developed countries, might exist at the regional level even in a developed country. The phenomenon of deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. Besides deindustrialization is observable in different regions of a country. This study analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the United States (the U.S.) from 1977 to 2017 by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). Instead of specifying the factors, we determine the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization by applying both time-series and panel data methodology. The results suggest that the deindustrialization hypothesis is valid in 38 out of 50 states, DC, and the U.S. at the country level. Furthermore, our results show that deindustrialization curves in lower-income states reach a turning point at lower per capita income levels and at an earlier time-span compared to higher-income state groups. Our findings indicate that premature/early deindustrialization, which is commonly stated for developing countries in the literature is also valid for different regions in a developed country, the U.S. in our case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the scale, causes and timing of significant episodes of industrialization and deindustrialization in Sub-Saharan Africa. Recent studies have argued that the turning point of manufacturing output and employment shares tends to occur "prematurely" in this region (Rodrik, 2016). We perform our analysis using panel data methods for fractional responses and data from a variety of sources for a panel of 45 African countries. Our results overwhelmingly do not support the common finding that Sub-Saharan Africa countries have begun to deindustrialize prematurely. Moreover, we document meaningful heterogeneity across subregions of Sub-Saharan Africa with the Southern region being the only subregion that witnessed limited deindustrialization. However, this deindustrialization of the southern subregion does not appear to be occurring prematurely. The study also explores the potential role of Dutch disease and resource-curse hypotheses in understanding Sub-Saharan Africa's manufacturing experience in resource rich countries. We conclude that manufacturing remains a viable and reliable path towards structural transformation in Sub-Saharan Africa. • The scale, causes and timing of industrialization and deindustrialization in Sub-Saharan Africa are investigated with a panel of 45 countries. • The share of manufacturing in economy-wide employment is rising, while the manufacturing value added share seems to be more or less stagnating. • Using manufacturing value added share as a measure of industrialization, we find no evidence of deindustrialization in sub-Saharan Africa. • Industrialization through manufacturing remains a leading and reliable path towards structural transformation in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most pressing development challenges confronting African nations is the phenomenon of premature deindustrialisation. Countries are shifting out of labour-absorptive manufacturing sooner (historically) and at lower levels of per capita income than their industrialised counterparts. The downside risk to a fast-growing youth population in this context is the likely lack of available future economic opportunity. While African countries have all attained independence from their former colonisers, the economic freedom and opportunity expected to accompany this political freedom has manifestly not materialised. This paper argues that the poor quality of institutions is largely to blame for the malaise, and problems like premature deindustrialisation are unlikely to be solved unless institutions can be built that enhance states' capacity to govern effectively. Incentives for better governance are simultaneously undermined by coterminous phenomena such as the resource curse. Building the right institutions, however, requires a shared conceptual understanding of how institutions are forged, and how to work with the elite bargains or political settlements that generate and sustain them. The paper concludes that some of the recent divergence between New Institutional Economics (NIE) and Political Settlements scholars may inadvertently defeat this end, and thus makes the case instead for convergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from a traditional, constant returns technology to modern, increasing returns methods of production in manufacturing not only widens the scale of production but more crucially, it enhances product quality. Such a quality improvement consists mainly in a much higher level of transportability. The fact that products become "lighter" and easier to carry opens foreign markets to manufacturers thereby supporting larger scales of production. We model this situation through a one-stage game where firms distributed across two countries select technologies and fob mill prices. Contrasting with the Big Push approach, such a game is never a coordination game. In addition to cases where all firms adopt either modern or traditional technologies, the standard outcome is an asymmetric situation, where the modern firms in a country eliminate traditional units in the other country. Starting from a situation where all productive activity is traditional, deindustrialization can be viewed as a situation where firms in a country switch to more modern technologies while industrial units in the other country are unable to participate in this movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: climate change; deindustrialization; green economy; industrialization; labor; neoliberalism EN climate change deindustrialization green economy industrialization labor neoliberalism 14 20 7 06/05/21 20210401 NES 210401 Despite 2020's record fall in carbon dioxide emissions - largely due to extensive and repeated "lockdowns" of cities, plus dramatic decreases in air travel and the use of motor vehicles[4] - the world is far from making the changes necessary to avert climate catastrophe. The report also found that 135 Eskom officials are linked to Eskom vendors, which have conducted business with Eskom worth at least R6 billion ($412 million) - an average of around R45 million ($3 million) each. A clearer look at the roots of Eskom's fiscal crisis and international energy trends indicates that Eskom's unbundling and the related expansion of the REIPPPP will potentially exacerbate South Africa's energy crisis rather than help to resolve it, and deepen the country's already dire unemployment rate. I B ... South Africa's state-owned power utility, Eskom - which generates over 90 percent of energy consumed in the country - is in deep crisis. b i It is in this context that some are promoting the "unbundling" of Eskom, a measure initially imposed by the World Bank as a condition of debt relief. [Extracted from the article]

The redevelopment of the Bankside area in central London was proposed in 1943, yet substantive regeneration was only achieved toward the end of the century. This article analyzes the processes whereby a postwar industrial, then deindustrial, locality evolved into a popular leisure and residential quarter. It argues that strategic plans for the area engendered only incremental and piecemeal redevelopment. Change was principally driven by industrial decline, government building policies, and the availability of finance, and, since the 1990s, by private-sector investment and culture-driven regeneration. Tensions and conflicts arose over the direction of, sometimes controversial, redevelopment. The locality's principal building, Bankside power station, inhibited the realization of early redevelopment plans, but, as Tate Modern, was instrumental in the cultural and social transformation of the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Hazard-based duration model is used to investigate the association of the occurrence of the turning point of environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) with the process of differ types of (de)industrialization. • The speed to reach the turning point for the deindustrializers is 1.96 times faster than for the industrializers. • The countries experiencing nonpremature and positive deindustrialization are around three times faster than the industrializers to leave the state of environmental deterioration. Given the inverted U-shaped relationship between environmental quality and economic development, there exists a turning point which implies a transition from the state of environmental deterioration to the state of environmental improvement. We provide an investigation on the association of the occurrence of the turning point of environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) with the process of (de)industrialization. Hazard-based duration model is employed to study whether and when the turning point occurs from different perspectives of the (de)industrialization process. The results show that the speed to reach the turning point for deindustrializing countries is 1.96 times faster than that for industrializers. With regard to different types of deindustrialization, the speed to reach the turning point for countries experiencing nonpremature deindustrialization and positive deindustrialization increase by 3.57 times and 2.60 times respectively compared to the industrializers. Moreover, technological progress is positively related with the speed to reach the turning point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this modern era, environmental pollution is the biggest problem attached to industrialization. This study tries to ensure the relationship between industrialization and CO2 emissions in Pakistan for the time period 1980–2018 by using nonlinear ARDL model while controlling for urbanization, GDP, and human capital variables as a likely factor of CO2 emissions. Our foremost study objective is to examine whether or not the outcome of industrialization on CO2 emissions is symmetric or asymmetric for Pakistan that is one of the core suppliers to CO2 in South Asia, as the emissions were 0.82 million tons in 2018. Our result approves the presence of an asymmetric effect of industrialization shocks on CO2 emissions both in the short run and long run. The results reveal that industrialization increases emissions and deindustrialization decrease emissions, in short as well as long run, in Pakistan. Moreover, our finding also advises that urbanization and GDP variables have exerted a positive impact on CO2 emissions. Based on the findings, some policy suggestions are proposed for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that rising food staple prices can pose a significant barrier to the growth of labour‐intensive manufacturing by raising real wage rates. This is important because an expanding manufacturing sector has both comparative static and dynamic effects on labour productivity growth. The experience of Indonesia is used to illustrate these ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article focuses on era of deindustrialization was itself something of a shorter phase in the larger history of the U.S. economic development. It mentions Jefferson Cowie and Joseph Heathcott's analysis by exploring the experience of industrialization and deindustrialization in Lima and shaped regional subculture and inheritances from its past. It also mentions secured railroad lines to important sources of industrial raw materials and skyrocketing rates of economic and demographic growth.

The effect of premature deindustrialization on the distribution of gains from growth has thus far been understudied. Using census data from eleven countries spanning five decades and shift-share analysis, I find evidence of persistent gaps in multidimensional well-being in household categories defined by employment type and urban/rural location, and a cross-country pattern of less improvement due to expansion of industrial employment over time, without adequate replacement. Taken together, these results provide evidence for a negative relationship between improvements in household well-being and premature deindustrialization on both an individual country case and in a cross-country sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent history of western Massachusetts was shaped by a set of processes familiar in post-Columbian North America, including colonization, revolutionary repositioning in the Atlantic and world system, industrialization and deindustrialization, struggles for racial emancipation and gender and sexual equality, and the emergence of cultural reproduction to supplement, and increasingly to replace, the loss of industrial work. The particular political, economic, social, ideological, and ecological contexts of western Massachusetts are presented to provide background for the finer-grained studies in the articles that follow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores deindustrialization as the main development problem in Serbia and examines the possibilities for a new industrial policy and its implementation. The aim of the paper is to re-examine the process of deindustrialization in Serbia (its causes and consequences), and to give useful suggestions related to Serbia's existing strategy of long-term industrial development until 2020 and to new industrial policies. Addressing the deindustrialization process is an issue of developmental and economic policy. A reindustrialization strategy or a new industrial policy could be one answer, and this has to be addressed if the share of industry in the GDP is to increase. Both qualitative and data-given approaches have been applied to the analysis of deindustrialization and to the question of how to improve the conceptual framework for reindustrialization in Serbia. Also, some recommendations to the on-going national re-industrialization strategy, or the "smart specialization strategies" are made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this paper is to provide an integrated survey of the literature devoted to identifying the drivers of structural change, broadly defined as the process of reallocation of economic activity across the three broad sectors agriculture, manufacturing and services. Using the GGDC 10‐Sector Database, this paper first presents the empirical facts associated with structural change in different regions of the world – that is Europe and the USA, Asia, Latin America, and Africa – then reviews four determinants of structural change: (i) changes in income, (ii) changes in relative (sectoral) prices, (iii) changes in input–output linkages and (iv) changes in comparative advantage(s) via globalization and trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural change is a vital element of successful development. Between 1985 and 2015, however, falling barriers to trade and transfer of technology shifted sectoral structures in different directions in different countries by intensifying endowment-related specialization. In skill-abundant developed countries, manufacturing became more skill-intensive and employed fewer workers. In land-scarce developing East Asia, labor-intensive manufacturing expanded, especially and hugely in China. In land-abundant Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East, by contrast, manufacturing shares fell, while in land-scarce South Asia labor-intensive manufacturing was constrained by low literacy and inadequate infrastructure. This pattern of structural change contributed to higher average growth rates during this period in land-scarce than in land-abundant developing countries. Future changes in sectoral structures and growth rates will continue to be shaped by differences among countries in land abundance and skill supplies that matter for development policy choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The configuration of industrial enterprises in Romania, in terms of numbers and structure, in relation to their characteristics, mirrors the Romanian economy and society at large, in their chronological development. Marked by the changes in the technological and economic paradigm, by the legal-institutional framework and changes in the ownership regime, by the commercial policy guidelines on the background of the dominant economic doctrine, but also by the characteristics of the communities in which they were operating, in turn the "architecture" of the industrial enterprises put a special footprint on the economic and social development. Our analyses are focusing on three major historical periods: a) the inter-war period, the arms industry, and the post-war reconstruction period of 1918-1947; b) the period of centralised economy (with nationalisation, collective farming, and planned economy as its corollary), 1948-1989; c) the period of transition to a market economy and the European Union integration, 1990-2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tertiarisation, or perhaps more accurately, the deindustrialisation of the economy has left deep scars on cities. It is evident not only in the industrial wastelands and empty factory buildings, but also in the income and social structures of cities. Industrialisation, collective wage setting, and the welfare state led to a stark reduction in income differences over the course of the 20th century. Conversely, deindustrialisation and the shift to tertiary sectors could result in increasing wage differentiation. Moreover, numerous studies on global cities, the dual city, and divided cities have also identified income polarisation as a central phenomenon in the development of major cities. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), we find an increasing polarisation of household income structures since the mid-1990s. In urban agglomerations, this income polarisation is even more pronounced than in the more rural regions. The income polarisation in Germany is likely to have multiple causes, some of which are directly linked to policies such as the deregulation of the labour market. But extensive deindustrialisation is probably also one of the drivers of this process, and it has directly weakened Germany’s middle-income groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with the 20th century, in Romania, an industry that was to perform, especially during the communist regime, became increasingly strong. The role of industrialization was to turn Romania from a rather agrarian country into a country with an industrial profile. We can say that the communist period was marked by a forced industrialization, which even created an industrial tradition that characterized the centralized economy of the country. Twenty-six years ago, the entire industry was wiped out, and only now our country is considered a Western competitor. Otherwise, we could not export Romanian products to Western countries. Only now people try to recreate the phrase "Made In Romania", a shadow of what was once. Today, after the period of the communist regime characterized by strong industrialization, Romania has become a powerful trade center. This research aims to highlight the evolution of trade activity in Romania, starting with the issue of deindustrialization of Romania and subsequently with the transformation of Romanian economy into a tertiary one, accompanied by the simultaneous development of the economy based on consumption. This article aims to analyse the dynamic evolution of Romania from an industrial perspective, to go through all the stages of evolution for a better understanding of the country's special industrial environment, but at the same time it aims to analyse Romania's dynamic attempt to become a functional body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Equality has long been a unifying rallying cry for the Left. But a series of important shifts in our economy, culture and society since 1945 demand new political strategies. In particular, deindustrialisation and the decline of deference are shifts that the left must take into account when developing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As developed economies have substituted away from manufacturing towards services, so too have developing countries--to an even greater extent. Such sectoral change may be premature for economies that never fully industrialised in the first place. This article presents evidence that countries with smaller manufacturing sectors substitute away from manufacturing to a larger extent, suggesting a trade channel through which falling international relative prices of manufacturing lead price-taking developing economies to substitute accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialisation is one of the most complex and dynamic processes that have shaped the global economy over the past half century. This article aims to highlight the factors behind this process and their implications in the national state industry. In Romania, deindustrialization has profoundly marked recent history, after 1990, through the closure of hundreds of factories and the loss of over 2.5 million jobs. The process resulted in the rising of unemployment and of the crime rate and generated the phenomenon of poverty. The research results were obtained by studying the economic policies adopted by eight governments between 1990 and 2006. The study underlines that deindustrialization in Romania was a consequence of an accumulation of internal and external factors whose impact was amplified by the failure of government policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is aiming to discuss the role of deindustrialization in generating socio-economic dislocation at regional level. The change of industry along the way from the centrallyplanned to market oriented economy, while redefining the spatial patterns of growth and decline, has combined with emergent forms of social and economic inequality. The specific aims of the paper are twofold. First, having the privilege of a two and a half-decade long perspective, the paper looks back at the period of deindustrialization, pinpointing the successive waves of employment decline in the wider context of the extensive process of economic restructuring. Second, using methods of spatial analysis, the paper examines the new distribution pattern of industrial change in the Danube region, specifying in empirical terms the relation with evolutionary trends and regional specialization. The findings pinpoint at the consequences of the far-reaching deindustrialization process on the regional economic base of the Danube towns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O texto analisa a desindustrialização em marcha no Brasil e alguns dos impasses da política macroeconômica. A industrialização atingida nas décadas anteriores deteriorou-se face à ausência de políticas industriais e de desenvolvimento e da conjugação de juros elevados, falta de investimento, câmbio sobrevalorizado e exagerada abertura comercial. Nesse contexto, ocorre uma desindustrialização nociva que fragiliza o país e compromete sua economia. Na ausência de uma política macroeconômica consentânea com a política industrial, o desenvolvimento fica comprometido. Por sua vez, cabe lembrar que o subdesenvolvimento não representa uma etapa ou acidente de percurso, mas um processo que se inicia com a inserção no mercado internacional capitalista no século XIX e, desse processo, o Brasil ainda não se libertou.The text analyzes the contemporary deindustrialization of Brazil and some of its impasses in terms of macroeconomic policies. The level of industrialization that was reached in previous decades has deteriorated because of the lack of policies on industry and development and the combination of high interest rates, lack of investment, overvalued exchange rates and exaggerated trade openness. In this context, harmful deindustrialization occurs. It weakens and undermines the country's economy. In the absence of a macroeconomic policy in line with industrial policy, development is compromised. In these terms, underdevelopment is not a phase or a bump in the road, but a process that began with Brazil's involvement in the international capitalist market in the nineteenth century - a process which Brazil has yet to complete.

¿La intensificación de relaciones comerciales asimétricas entre China y Brasil puede explicar la desindustrialización precoz en Brasil? En este trabajo se mostrará que no es la apertura la que conduce a la desindustrialización, a la baja productividad o a la reducción del valor agregado, sino la manera en la que se implementa. La desindustrialización en Brasil se explica porque la apertura no se acompañó de una política cambiaria e industrial adecuadas.Est-ce que l'intensification des relations commerciales asymétriques entre la Chine et le Brésil peut-elle expliquer le début de la désindustrialisation précoce au Brésil? Dans cet article, on montre que ce ne sont pas : ni la liberté de commerce, ni la faible productivité ou ni la réduction de la valeur ajoutée en soit qui conduisent à la désindustrialisation mais la façon dont elles sont mises en oeuvre. On peut expliquer la désindustrialisation au Brésil parce que l'ouverture au commerce international n'est pas accompagnée ni d'une politique de taux de change ni d'une politique industrielle.Can the intensification of the asymmetric commercial relationships between China and Brazil explain the early deindustrialization in Brazil? In this paper it will be shown that it is not economic openness what leads towards deindustrialization, low productivity, or reduced added value, but the way in which it is implemented. The deindustrialization in Brazil is explained because the economic opening was not accompanied by an adequate exchange and industrial policy.

The collapse of socialist economic system in Croatia was followed by a period of economic transition during which the industry sector was affected by major changes. This study, on an example of Central Croatia, analyzes the spatial aspect of these changes between 1990 and 2011. The used data were taken from the National Bureau of Statistics and studies in which the transition period industry is researched from economic and geographical point of view. Calculations of most indicators referred to a county level while some indicators were calculated at the level of administrative cities and municipalities. It was found that, in Central Croatia, there had come to a process of deindustrialization, and in some rare cases a process of reindustrialization, an increase in importance of tertiary and quaternary activities, and calculation of some indicators such as degree of industrialization, location quotient, regional factor and index of specialization indicated on the existence of significant differences between individual parts of Central Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of automation on the working class in the U.S. It notes that the working class fears to be replaced by robots due to technological advances. It provides a background on the rapid automation of manufacturing in 1970s and how the Black workers were affected by the pressure of automation. It notes that the technological advances bring slow productivity growth instead of an increase in economic productivity.

I document a significant deindustrialization trend in recent decades that goes considerably beyond the advanced, post-industrial economies. The hump-shaped relationship between industrialization (measured by employment or output shares) and incomes has shifted downwards and moved closer to the origin. This means countries are running out of industrialization opportunities sooner and at much lower levels of income compared to the experience of early industrializers. Asian countries and manufactures exporters have been largely insulated from those trends, while Latin American countries have been especially hard hit. Advanced economies have lost considerable employment (especially of the low-skill type), but they have done surprisingly well in terms of manufacturing output shares at constant prices. While these trends are not very recent, the evidence suggests both globalization and labor-saving technological progress in manufacturing have been behind these developments. The paper briefly considers some of the economic and political implications of these trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Detroit's deindustrialization is intimately connected to the long dislocation in the auto industry. This article highlights how the spatial fixes endemic to capital determined the parameters of that deindustrialization through several key moments. In particular, the role of black autoworkers and Detroit residents contending with such spatial fixes will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the case of Lugoj Municipality in Romania to reveal the major characteristics of the post-socialist industrial restructuring. During the last two decades of post-socialism, industry in Romanian cities has undergone an important transformation in terms of industrial restructuring. This is an outcome of the neo-liberal policies that reached the Eastern European countries (EECs) with the collapse of the former state socialism. The paper examines the post-socialist industrial restructuring at the local level based on quantitative and qualitative methods. In-depth empirical analysis unveils the main transformations in the industry of Lugoj Municipality, emphasizing how industrial restructuring works at the local scale, altering the spatial structure of the town and generating new different spatial patterns. Postulating a simultaneous de-/reindustrialization accompanied with tertiarization, the paper provides a critical reflective and generalizable account in the post-socialist transformations of Romanian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil’s political-economic structure has rapidly evolved over the past decade, shedding its shallow policy alignment with neoliberalism of the 1990s. Brazil’s large, diversified industrial base was painfully constructed over the course of the twentieth century. A major and sustained political realignment, which began in 2003, has resulted in two essential thrusts in development policy: (i) a “growth with equity” strategy that has dramatically reduced poverty and inequality; and (ii) a state-led “industrial policy” designed to upgrade manufacturing and direct the accumulation process toward specific sectors, highlighting and consolidating the National Innovation System (NIS). Nonetheless, as a result of the commodity boom that swept through Latin America, Brazil’s natural resource sector achieved outsized growth from 2002 to 2012. One result has been a shift toward resource intensive activities and a broad opening to low-cost Chinese manufactures. Utilizing an institutionalist framework and method, this article analyzes the cohesion of the NIS and the emergence of the “deindustrialization” debate. Also, it assesses the instrumental nature of the “growth with equity” strategy. The article hypothesizes the viability of an endogenous “neo-developmentalist” strategy, while acknowledging the emergence of fundamental exogenous forces and structural ceremonial/institutional factors that have impeded the consolidation of a Brazilian social structure of accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]