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There are several theories that elucidate the current condition of environmental enforcement and laws in Nigeria, as well as the subsequent deterioration of the Niger Delta ecosystem by oil multinational corporations. These theories are not exclusive as they relate with other theories to advance a holistic view. This study examines three theories in connection to the continuous and unresolved environmental challenges confronting the Niger Delta area in Nigeria. These are the dependency theory, the rentier state theory, and the regulatory capture theory. Anchored on historical research design and the use of secondary data, the findings indicated that Nigeria's enforcement programmes had been seriously affected by its total reliance on oil proceeds and the subsequent capture of its regulatory agencies by oil multinationals. The paper discovered that Nigeria's oil dependency, rent-seeking behavior, and corruption had been the greatest obstacle to the enforcement regime in the country. This situation led to a condition where though the laws exist to address environmental injustice, the various governments, especially at the centre, have made sure that they are not applied stringently as it would mean a reduced income on a resource that has been defining the country's economy trajectory for over 60 years. The paper, therefore, recommended holistic approaches that are measurable and achievable to resolving the problem and dilemma of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditions within development thought sceptical of market-led development and which emphasise the unevenness and instabilities of global capitalism are experiencing some renewed interest. One such tradition is dependency studies: a school of thought once prominent in the field of development. We critically review the dependency tradition alongside a more recent branch of critical inquiry into development, namely decoloniality. One of our core contributions is to clarify what makes the decolonial tradition substantially distinct from dependency and other traditions in development thought. We locate decoloniality in the context of the "cultural turn" that swept through social theory from the 1970s. Our paper problematises decoloniality's critique of Modernity as inherently colonial and oppressive and finds that its core features are idealism and the strong risk of cultural relativism. We assert that the substantive commitments of the dependency tradition are its strength and reject the equivalence drawn by decolonial theorists between "Eurocentrism" and belief in Enlightenment values and methodologies. Drawing on the work of Samir Amin, we emphasise the need for development theory to retain an analytic focus on a materialist analysis of global capitalism; we echo Amin's critique of culturalism and endorse his defence of universalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary global capitalism's development system appears to be similar to the historical patterns and processes of global capitalism characterised by excessive exploitation of natural resources, depredation of peripheral economic development policies, and capital accumulation at the expense of peripheral security. Furthermore, through an increase in the interconnectedness of the world, global capitalist development has reinforced the exploitative dependence that leaves development a mountain too high to climb for peripheral nations. Thus, dependency theory is often skewed in analyses that juxtapose it with modernisation theory in explaining the Third World dilemmas. The aim of this paper was to review the literature to analyse the contesting and harmonious views on dependency theory to determine its relevance in the modern world. Using extant literature, this paper argued that dependency theory is relevant in explaining today's world. This is because it extensively describes how the current international trade system supports the territorial invasion of Third World countries by the core to repatriate resources to their motherland, impeding Africa's socio-economic progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is to explore the impact of globalization processes on higher education institutions, with a particular focus on Colleges of Technology (CsoT) in Oman. To achieve this aim, this paper first defines and illustrates the concept of globalization and then draws upon the World Systems Theory and Dependency Theory to contextualize Oman in terms of its global position. Through the lens of these theories, the paper explores the consequences of implementing English as a medium of instruction (EMI) policy at CsoT. The findings reveal that English language is still considered a foreign language, yet EMI is implemented at higher education. Moreover, despite the challenges faced by students, some exhibited a positive attitude towards the implementation of the EMI policy. For instance, many students perceived learning and using English as a means of endowing them with high international status, referencing its utility in relation to global communication, development, and employment. Such an impact is arguably linked to semi-colonialization. A link is then made to the concept of memorization, which is historically associated with the Islamic culture of Oman. The paper explains how the memorization strategy could be misunderstood. The paper contends that memorization is the first step in learning and understanding, not a substitute. A link is also made to the EMI policy, in which the low levels of achievement among students at these colleges have driven them to memorize and does not reflect a lack of critical thinking skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many international relations (IR) theory and international political economy textbooks consistently reference dependency theory, it is commonly considered a passé , outdated, or defunct theoretical approach. This paper challenges conventional wisdom, stressing the continued relevance of dependency as an analytical approach. Overall, it argues that Dependency theory represents a successful effort at decentering IR. To do so, it first discusses decentering as an effort to challenge and engage core concepts in IR to transform the "universal" understandings of global politics. In this sense, Dependency theory decentered IR by introducing an understanding of the world in which Western and non-Western spaces are mutually constitutive, highlighting the role of non-core contexts in creating and maintaining the status quo of the universal. Second, the paper analyzes the influence of Dependency theory in modern discourses of political economy like the resource curse, globalization, Post-Colonialism, and Post-Developmentalism. These parallelisms show Dependency's effectiveness at decentering IR and transforming the way the discipline studies non-core spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is without any doubt that the debate on decolonisation in the past decade(s) has been predominant throughout the African region because African countries, except for Ethiopia, were subjected to brutal colonialism. Hence, colonialism did not only harm the political, social, and economic aspects of the region but its education as well. Apart from the fact that the late 19th century marked an important event in the history of the continent as most countries obtained independence, the footprints and ideas of colonialism are still in play. Consequently, as a part of catalysing the decolonisation agenda, higher education institutes have opted to take matters in their own hands to debate and chart a way forward. However, the main challenge is that higher education institutes appear to be Janus-faced. Firstly, because higher education, on the one hand, has adopted internationalisation as an indispensable response to the global university community. Secondly, higher education should uphold their independence and choose their path driven by societal needs. Therefore, the primary purpose of this paper is to champion the dependency theory to provide an analysis of the impact of globalisation and internationalisation on the decolonisation agenda in higher education. Thus, the article adopted a secondary research approach where the data collection process relied on desktop research. The paper concluded by arguing that internationalisation and globalisation can be the elephant in the room for decolonisation in higher education if not clearly defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over time, China has emerged as one of the leading economic partners in Central Asia. After the disintegration of the USSR, China spread its influence and replenished the power vacuum left. The five Central Asian states embraced a partnership with the Belt and Road Initiative. Economic and connectivity opportunities were prioritized. However, these states faced socio-economic and political challenges during the pandemic due to weak internal structures. In the post-Covid era, China's presence in the region has once again spurred due to their dependence on Beijing. The paper will examine the Chinese footprint in Central Asia through border and trade relations, Xinjiang politics, and BRI policy. Second, implications of the economic, geopolitical, and social order after the pandemic. Third, how Central Asia is rebuilding itself from the domestic crisis, dependency theory will be used to investigate the multifaceted relations. The attempt is to answer if the Chinese presence brings sustainable development or increases dependence. The study shall conclude that Chinese presence requires a redefinition of the 'status quo, sovereignty, and development? beyond economic interaction and cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the numerous advantages of the internet over the years, its usage among students since the recent past had attracted public outcry regarding its propensity for use towards social engagement and the fulfilment of social needs; rather than for attainment of academic excellence in schools. This paper examined internet usage among students of Federal Polytechnic Bida, Nigeria, to determine the veracity or otherwise of the said public outcry. Anchored on Rational Choice Theory with additional support from Dependency Theory; the study used the Survey Research Method of inquiry, and administered questionnaire through Simple Random Sampling, to examine internet usage among students of federal polytechnic Bida. The findings showed that internet usage among majority of the students was mainly for fulfilment of social needs rather than for attainment of academic excellence. Recommendations made included the need to promote the use of internet for academic excellence such as projects supervision, giving of lecture notes and tutorials; to encourage internet-based assignments and tests; and to structure programs that will help achieve positive behavioural change of students already addicted to using the internet mainly for social engagement and fulfilment of social needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relation between climate change and the globalization of food systems. Although the corporate food regime made possible by the logistics revolution has been deemed highly intensive in its use of fossil fuels, the political economy of its energy foundations is yet to be deciphered. Based on EDGAR-FOOD, a global database that measures carbon emissions in the food system, we built a sample of nine South American economies to assess the extent to which capital mobility triggers emissions across different sectors. Findings from our study reveal that although food distribution was the most dynamic sector during the period in assessment, land-based emissions remained overwhelmingly larger in absolute terms. This, the paper concludes, highlights the definitive role that landed property – and the structural heterogeneity of agrarian capitalism more broadly – performs in the politics of carbon emissions. Accordingly, our findings lay bare a hidden abode of heterogeneous relations of production – chief of which are unpaid work, petty commodity production, and rent – that lies at the basis of a polarizing, hierarchically-structured international division of labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on the economic conditions for joining the EEC aiming at outlining the adaptation of Greece to common market doctrinal principles and pervasive precepts. It argues that there was a comprehensive neoliberal consensus to a fairly large extent among Greece's ruling class and European establishment that Greece's integration should be based on a strongly unequal supply-chain relationship. It further provides historical and archival evidence about the formation of transnational ideational structures taking place over time and explain how intra-EU dependency became an implicit guiding precept of enlargement governance toward the South. In this perspective, the Greek case gives interesting elements about the historical and intellectual development of the integration in the South revealing how dependency and differentiation are strongly interrelated. It shows that differences in production structures and export composition between the core and the Southern country fed asymmetric relations that once ensured by law allowed particular forms of political differentiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we present the Eastern European (EE) region as part of the Global South with all its disadvantages, and we will argue that “Sovietization” of the region is, in many respects, similar to the colonization of different world regions. We also show that the disadvantages of the region still exist after the transition, and EE has an especially low contribution to communication and media studies (CMS). With a brief bibliometric analysis in CMS, the paper demonstrates that a strong bias holds against EE authors and editorial board members in leading periodicals in CMS, and at least 95% of EE research remains unnoticed by international scholars. We further argue that this phenomenon is obviously harmful to the field of CMS. This paper not only points out the general difficulties Eastern European communication scholars might face when trying to make their research internationally visible, but it also snatches at the chance to introduce a novel, a respected but internationally yet unnoticed Easter European (Hungarian) communication theory, namely, the Participation Theory of Communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During his term in office, Donald Trump was consistently hostile toward Latin America and its people. Regardless of what they felt about him, Latin American leaders had no choice but to adapt to an era of confrontation and unpredictability. This paper uses the concept of autonomy to make a twofold argument. First, Trump accelerated an already existing trend whereby Latin American leaders increasingly looked to expand opportunities of all kinds with governments outside the hemisphere. Second, ideological and nationalist obstacles within Latin America slowed or even blocked autonomous action. Trump held open the autonomy door, so to speak, but many were hesitant to walk through it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America is once again passing through a crisis. The so-called 'pink tide' of progressive governments gave place to a brown wave of peripheral-fascism. Short-range explanations for the 'ebbing' of the pink tide abound in the literature. They focus on the shortcomings of moderate-left administrations, failing to account for the cyclical nature of capitalist crises and for the authoritarian character of the administrations now coming to power. In search of a comprehensive, long-range explanation, this paper goes back to the core question posed by dependency theory half a century ago: is capitalist development even possible in Latin America? The key to answer this question – a concept of development that captures non-converging transformation – was not available to seminal dependency writers such as Frank, Marini, Bambirra and Dos Santos. In this paper, I suggest that the concept of uneven and combined development (UCD) allows for a renewed engagement with dependency's core problem. Conversely, the dependency literature can enrich the analysis of UCD with valuable mid-range concepts, such as 'super-exploitation', 'dominated-dominant' classes and 'peripheral fascism'. After establishing the theoretical basis for a political economy of UCD, the paper illustrates the potentialities of this comprehensive theoretical perspective by providing and alternative narrative of the end of the pink tide and the rise of the brown wave in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate the impact of China’s aid, trade and investments on the development trajectories in postcolonial Africa, focussed on Rwanda. The analytical framework of this study is informed by Helen Milner’s observation that ‘International political economy is a growth industry’. Furthermore, the study deploys dependency theory and world systems theory to examine how the global economic configuration operates though the hierarchy of core, semi-periphery and periphery among the states. Our focus on Rwanda is based on our observation that this small, landlocked, natural resources-deficient, aid-dependent country is an atypical destination for Chinese patronage and investments. We argue that as a non-resource rich country, Rwanda presents an anomaly, thus, underlining the gap in the existing knowledge on China–Africa engagements. We discuss the inherent dependency in the neoliberal economic structure and present a case for using dependency theory to understand and explain the contemporary globalised economy and emerging South–South cooperation. We conclude with a call for more in-depth cross-comparative research on China–Africa relations to grasp the magnitude of dependencies and economic transformations within postcolonial African states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reconsiders an influential controversy within the Latin American development school and the possibilities of extrapolating it to Eastern Europe. It examines the relevance of Ernesto Laclau's critique of Andre Gunder Frank's theory of underdevelopment for the politics of development in Eastern Europe. The main controversy is about the processes through which capitalism generates underdevelopment in Latin America. The reframing of Laclau-Frank debate in a different historical and geographical context facilitates a different understanding of the political economy, economic history and development in the European periphery, but also throws a new light on the debate itself. This exercise of re-contextualisation helps reviving discussions about dependent and uneven development in Eastern Europe and provides important suggestions for enriching the research agenda on post-socialism. At the same time, it reveals the heuristic value of Laclau's early work and of Frank's theory of underdevelopment, but also their blind spots and un-reflected theoretical commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of Aid remains a relevant concept in deciding the direction and content of development assistance. This paper argues that while there is a continuing strategic interest in aid, there has been growing anxiety with the performance of aid for trade as a development resource. The study employs ARDL cointegration technique to examine the extent to which China's Aid-for Trade impact on Ghana's Per Capita growth during the transition period "Ghana beyond Aid" using data ranging from 1961 to 2019. Based on the data, it is found that China's Aid-for-Trade in Ghana has a positive and statistically significant impact on its Per Capita Growth as well as other controlling variables such as trade openness and business regulatory policy in both the short-run and the long-run. Furthermore, the Granger Causality test showed a unidirectional causal relationship that goes from Aid-for-Trade to Per Capita growth and also, a positive significant causal relationship between Per Capita Growth and other controlling variables. From a policy-oriented point of view, the study concludes by citing appropriate measures to help streamline the roadmap towards a Ghana beyond Aid policy in sustaining a stronger national development towards a workforce of industrial expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Hirschman wrote of himself in an essay of 1984, he was a dissenter. The paper focuses on three dimensions of this dissent. Dissent from orthodoxy, in the first place, even if his stance rarely assumed the feature of a frontal opposition. His distance from mainstream economics clearly emerges in the contrast between growth and development, here exemplified through a comparison of Solow's and Hirschman's conceptions. Second, dissent from heterodoxy: from Nurkse, Rosenstein Rodan and the balanced growth theory, but also a distance from the kind of economic theorizing recently exemplified by Krugman's critical appraisal of Hirschman's contribution. Third, a dissent from Hirschman himself. He developed a practice defined as "self-subversion" to convey the meaning of a self-critical dialogue with his own positions. In this context, two examples will be discussed, namely his critical reappraisal of the dependency theory, to which Hirschman as a young man contributed indirectly, and his after-thoughts on the choice between sequential or simultaneous strategies. Hirschman's reflections on the last theme appear relevant to address the problems of current Eurozone crisis: its roots may be traced back to the faulty construction of the Monetary Union, which in turn largely stemmed from the misplaced confidence in the "automatism" of the sequence Monetary Union-Fiscal Union-Political Union. The paper's contention is that Hirschman's "possibilism," often mentioned, is not the result of a generic psychological propensity to optimism but stems from analytical observations and penetrating critical analysis of received ideas or categories, of other authors or of Hirschman himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Countries that issue internationally acceptable currencies tend to have lower interest rates and higher price levels than those whose currencies are not internationally acceptable. • Differences in interest rates and price levels are likely to cause asymmetric transfers of biophysical resources from low-income to high-income countries. • Currency hierarchy can be empirically operationalized as a categorical variable based on the liquidity of currencies and the degree of monetary sovereignty of their issuers. • Ecologically unequal exchange is driven not only by diverging monetary compensation for exported resources, but also by the impact of currency hierarchy on countries' trade balances. • Alternative explanations for the empirical correlations between currency hierarchy, interest rates, price levels, and ecologically unequal exchange have theoretically and empirically limited. Asymmetric transfers of biophysical resources from the Global South to the North are a key obstacle to sustainable development. The underlying causal drivers of this 'ecologically unequal exchange' are not well understood. This paper accounts for the causal role of hierarchy between currencies as one driver of ecologically unequal exchange. Drawing on dependency theory, I propose testable hypotheses that explain why countries that issue internationally acceptable currencies create net inflows of embodied labour, land, energy, raw materials, and carbon from countries whose currencies lack international acceptability: Countries with lower-ranking currencies face higher interest rates, which constrain their policy space, drive income outflows, and necessitate resource exports. Such countries also tend to have lower price levels (measured as the ratio between exchange rates and purchasing power parity rates) because their currencies are not demanded internationally, resulting in reduced dollar income per exported resource. To test these hypotheses, I use a novel categorical operationalization of currency hierarchy. I compare different observable correlations to the theoretical correlations implied by the proposed hypotheses, and test multiple regression models against cross-country data. Overall, the results are consistent with the hypotheses. Considering alternative explanations, the conclusion seems justified that currency hierarchy is a significant driver of ecologically unequal exchange, and that this mechanism operates specifically through cross-country divergences in interest rates and exchange rates. In short, the monetary cost of a dollar impacts the biophysical cost of a dollar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the publication practices in the field of communication and media studies (CMS) by analyzing the main patterns and features of Scopus-indexed journals. I generated randomly selected samples from Q1 to Q4 quartiles and investigated the connections between the publisher and the content of a given periodical, the internationality and center-periphery indexes, and coauthor networks. Using the results to test the paradigm of dependency theory in CMS, I find that the publisher's location eminently affects the content of a journal. Authors from dependent countries are underrepresented in the most prestigious journals, and, although authors from developed countries frequently collaborate with one another, their coauthorship with authors from dependent countries is idiosyncratic; therefore, authors from dependent countries tend to look for alternative ways to produce noticeable publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dependency theory suggests that the foreign policy of small island developing countries will be congruent to the preferences and interest of larger and more powerful countries in its sphere of influence. A large body of contemporary scholarship asserts that values not only play a role in the mass public's attitudes toward domestic politics, but that they also help people make sense of attitudes toward international affairs national values, they are influenced by factors such as historical traditions, cultural backgrounds, and the realities of the country. Internal tensions are created when a government pursues a foreign policy that is incongruent with the values of the citizens. This study examined the values of 513 Jamaican citizens using the World Value Survey and discussed these findings within the context of values theory and contemporary foreign policy issues. The secular versus religious divide helps to explain the differences in views on LBGTQ, Abortion and Promiscuity and Abstinence between Jamaica and the hegemon. There is far more congruence in values and culture as it relates to Privacy, Science and Technology, Corruption, and Security. It is important that national culture and values of dependent countries be respected by dominant countries instead of assimilating into one worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does dependency theory no longer offer an analytical and conceptual framework for the study of underdevelopment under the dynamics of modern globalization and the new international division of labor? Has the emergence of newly industrialized countries and a rising proportion of higher value-added manufacturing in the Global South cast the notions of subordination, peripherality, and dependence into the dustbin of history? These questions are today answered affirmatively by a broad consensus. In contrast to this widely-held assertion in the current development discourse, this study aims to bring these notions back to critical development studies by offering an up-to-date and analytically valid theorization of dependency in today's Global South. Taking the historical-structural dependency perspective as a point of departure, the study revisits the notion of dependent development by drawing on a set of conceptual insights derived from Schumpeter's theory of innovation, Global Value Chain analyses, and a class-relational articulation of the developmental state. In doing so, the study shows how core and periphery activities have clustered in time and space, leading to polarization in today's global economy, and how new forms of dependency have been spatially reproduced along hierarchically-structured global value chains through the interplay of transnational corporations, states, and classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we engage with the widespread and influential approach of National Innovation Systems (NIS). We discuss its adequacy to non-OECD countries, especially in Latin America where it tends to be reified. Although the NIS approach is meant to address the most pressing needs of the economies it applies to, we argue that it would benefit from developing a more encompassing scope, allowing integration of greater diversity and complexity. By retracing the history of regimes of science, technology and innovation in Latin America, we explore the following paradox: whereas numerous Southern scholars urge the pressing need to develop an innovation agenda for Southern countries with a 'Southern framework of thought', they continue to heavily rely on a reductionist version of the NIS-approach that prevents such a 'Southern perspective' to fully emerge. This creates problems for actors willing to use NIS more reflexively, and it also affects the effectivity of science, technology and innovation (STI) policies in non-OECD countries. We formulate a research agenda with three suggestions for further engaging NIS both conceptually and practically. Using such analytical perspectives, we argue, might benefit both to scholarly work about NIS, but could also allow for a better articulation with STI regimes in Southern countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dependency theory, established after World War II, is a popular theory among economists to portray the relationship between the underdeveloped and the developed countries that conditions the ability of the underdeveloped countries to develop. Several concepts have been merged into this area from different corners, making it interdisciplinary. As a lucrative area of interest in research, the study would like to assess how the concept of dependency theory has been widely accepted among authors from different corners and schools of thoughts and how their research outputs make a significant notation in this area. The research conducted a bibliometric analysis on dependency theory. 1074 Scopus indexed documents in English were considered. The study covered the two pillars of bibliography analysis: performance analysis and science mapping. The study used several formulas to calculate parameters of performance analysis and availed Vosviewer software to make maps of science-mapping analysis. The study concluded that dependency theory is a significant theory in economics and has significant implications in different research publications. This bibliometric analysis surfaces the significance of this theory which would attract researchers in incorporating more interdisciplinary research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a theoretical view that describes how the rooted Western imperial political structure in the Arab region has trapped the latter in a perpetual development crisis. It follows a de facto analysis and contends that Western imperialism has maintained a counter-development of Arab governance since the mid-19th century, which has resulted in a persistent economic deficiency in the region. This article discusses why Washington Consensus endeavors have failed to deliver the promised results in the development of the region, and argues that it has condoned the principal problem, which is the foreign de facto hostile Western strategic rule that has an inherent disinterest in achieving comprehensive development in the Arab region. This article provides an argument against the views that blame the Arab's economic failures on domestic institutional factors, and maintains that the foreign Western hostile domination is the primary source of the lasting backwardness in the Arab region. This article defines the West as the consortium of European and North American nations that have had imperial enterprises in the Arab region in the modern period. The most notable of these nations are the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the contributions of Marxist Dependency Theory (MDT) can provide theoretical insights for the analysis of financialized capitalism dynamics, contribute to the debate about the rise of a globalized working class, and help guide a transformative praxis in the periphery, therefore being relevant for the debate of contemporary imperialism. I discuss which traditions of dependency theories were most featured in economics literature and why I believe that MDT is marginalized and misinterpreted, focusing on the historical and political aspects of that process. Next, I debate some contributions of contemporary imperialism theory, and conclude that MDT has the potential to advance some of its core concepts and formulate a powerful synthesis. JEL Classification: B51, F54 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2002, the government and manufacturers of Barbados came together to mount a buy local campaign in an effort to mitigate the potentially deleterious effects of trade liberalisation. Referred to as 'the Buy Bajan' initiative, this campaign is now in its thirteenth year of existence. This paper examines the response to the 'Buy Bajan' message through the lens of dependency theory and post-colonial theory. It demonstrates that despite the identity struggle experienced as a consequence of three hundred years of colonial domination, the people of Barbados have developed a semblance of collective identity which could drive nationalistic consumer behaviour. This paper makes practical suggestions for strengthening the buy local message in light of the increasingly formidable presence of foreign multinational brands on Barbadian retail shelves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the impacts of foreign direct investment (FDI) on the demand for aggregate employment and skilled labour in Vietnam during the period from 2011-15. Thanks to deeper integration into the global economy, Vietnam has attracted a large amount of FDI which is a crucial driver for economic development. Employing panel data of all 63 Vietnamese provinces in the 2011-15 period and the fixed effects technique with robust standard errors, we show the adverse effects of FDI on demand for both aggregate employment and skilled labour in Vietnam. Interestingly, the absolute magnitude of the effect on employment of skilled labour is considerably larger than that of aggregate employment. In addition, the effects are positive in both the services and industry sectors, though in terms of magnitude, the effects in the latter are significantly lower than those in the former. The effects are negative in the agriculture sector. Rises in import-export scale increase the negative effects of FDI on demand for skilled labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pandemics have been a recurrent phenomenon throughout the course of history. However, the levels of fear and hysteria brought by the COVID-19 outbreak, forcing regimes across the globe to impose stringent lockdowns, had never been witnessed before. While these lockdowns proved beneficial in reducing both the infection and mortality rate, they created an impossible environment for governments across the globe to effectively and efficiently govern, which in turn gave birth to numerous economic challenges, especially in developing countries like Pakistan. In Pakistan, where the common person was already finding it very difficult to makes ends meet, the pandemic incurred tremendous economic hardships like unemployment, poverty and decline in per capita income. Consequently, Pakistan's economy struggled as it experienced a negative economic growth rate, inflation and a significant reduction in exports. As a by-product of the economic crunch, the flawed Pakistani governance system came under the spotlight, as it found itself struggling to tackle the day-by-day worsening situation. Strikingly, due to the infamous longstanding province–centre rift, Pakistan was neither able to promulgate an effective unified lockdown strategy nor to provide basic necessities to its citizens. This article analyses the governance and economic problems faced by Pakistan due to the COVID-19 outbreak from the prism of the dependency paradigm, which highlights the exploitative nature of developed–developing/underdeveloped states. Also, it provides policy prescriptions to strengthen Pakistan's economic system to deter future pandemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC , ). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study's object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores' domination on the peripheries (described also as North-South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China's policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern-a pattern of South-South cooperation. China's relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on 'mutual benefit', 'win-win cooperation', and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, ; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, ; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, ) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post ) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term 'the Beijing Consensus' to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China-Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a tourism destination development sequence for Dali, Yunnan Province, China. The development of Dali highlights limits in the power of the local government as the lead stakeholder, which took a top-down approach to economic development. The government sought to address increasing control of the tourism sector by external tour operators through increasing its own control of local tourism attractions. This approach has been only partially successful in reducing distortions in the tourism channel. The origins of these distortions are described and analysed. A number of additional responses are suggested to improve the local benefits obtained from the inflow of tourists to this new destination area including development of a more market oriented competitive strategy that seeks to co-opt stakeholders into collaborative activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At first glimpse, the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) could be seen as an extraordinary example of the kind of economic and political leadership developed nations could establish in Africa. Dig deeper and the relationship France keeps with her former colonies shows evidence of chronic and endemic problems. By concentrating on the economic and geo-political gains the CFA has brought for the countries involved, this paper offers a pertinent evaluation of the nature, purpose and relevance of such Community, in light of two antagonistic theories of international relations: Pluralistic Security Communities and Dependency Theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper we investigate empirically whether or not the notion of an enclave adds substantially to existing knowledge of the determinants of long-run economic, political, or institutional development. We discuss the prominent place of enclaves in historical accounts in the dependent development literature, particularly in the work of Cardoso and Faletto (, ) and the large difficulties of determining in practice whether or not a country was or was not an enclave. We find little evidence for a relationship between past enclave status and long-run growth, inequality, or the size of the government. However, there does seem to be some preliminary evidence that countries that were enclaves have greater state capacity than non-enclaves and have been less democratic in the post-WWII period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates on island tourism have challenged the inevitability of underdevelopment in peripheral islands. A paradox of geopolitical dependency but optimal autonomy has been proposed where tourism can create a 'virtuous periphery syndrome'. This study used a dependency theory lens and a core‐periphery framework to analyse stakeholders' perspectives on this, in two Mediterranean archipelagos. The most peripheral islands experienced the highest levels of environmental protection and lowest levels of development, which can be favourable for the development of tourism, but this was perceived as being constrained by dependent relationships. Problematic core‐periphery relations dominated tourism development in both archipelagos. Tourism can provide opportunities for island empowerment but local understanding of this must be developed for optimal autonomy through tourism to be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over time, China has emerged as one of the leading economic partners in Central Asia. After the disintegration of the USSR, China spread its influence and replenished the power vacuum left. The five Central Asian states embraced a partnership with the Belt and Road Initiative. Economic and connectivity opportunities were prioritized. However, these states faced socio-economic and political challenges during the pandemic due to weak internal structures. In the post-Covid era, China’s presence in the region has once again spurred due to their dependence on Beijing. The paper will examine the Chinese footprint in Central Asia through border and trade relations, Xinjiang politics, and BRI policy. Second, implications of the economic, geopolitical, and social order after the pandemic. Third, how Central Asia is rebuilding itself from the domestic crisis, dependency theory will be used to investigate the multifaceted relations. The attempt is to answer if the Chinese presence brings sustainable development or increases dependence. The study shall conclude that Chinese presence requires a redefinition of the “status quo, sovereignty, and development” beyond economic interaction and cooperation.

A key insight of dependency theorists such as Vania Bambirra and Ruy Mauro Marini was that dependency is not confined to an international relations phenomenon of unequal exchange, but plays out at the level of class relations in the periphery. While emphasising that financialization has exacerbated global uneven development, much of the peripheral financialization literature has disregarded the contributions of dependency theory, whose main object of discussion has precisely evolved around the uneven but combined nature of global capitalist development. Contributing to the pluralization and decolonization of IPE, we revisit dependency theory to analyse peripheral financialization and its political and social impact in Latin America. Drawing on case studies of Brazil and Mexico, we engage with the agency of Latin American 'dominated-dominant' ruling classes in reconstructing dependency under financialized conditions. In both cases, power has shifted towards the financial and export-oriented fractions of ruling classes, while financialization has reproduced the key characteristic of dependent capitalism – the super-exploitation of labour. The article updates earlier periodizations of dependency and maps financialized dependence as a new phase of dependency, entailing substantial changes in the role of the state and class relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter is a response to the article by Straubhaar (2015), 'The stark reality of the "White Saviour" complex and the need for critical consciousness: a document analysis of the early journals of a Freirean educator'. Taking up a theme developed by Noah and Eckstein (1988) in relation to dependency theory, the paper argues that a Freirean analysis is an inadequate framework for the analysis of international development and intercultural exchanges. The central argument is that, by imposing a simplistic dichotomy of oppressors and oppressed, Freirean theory blinds the researcher to the nuanced interplay and complex power relationships that are involved in even apparently simple interactions. Most importantly, a Freirean analysis focuses attention on who makes a statement, rather than on what that statement is a statement about and whether it is true or not. This argument is developed through a reanalysis of some events Straubhaar documents in his account of his fieldwork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to climate justice is the question of who will pay for the mitigation and adaptation efforts needed as the climate crisis worsens, particularly in countries that bear little responsibility for global greenhouse gas emissions. Climate finance is a complex set of mechanisms intended to address this concern. World-systems theory has long understood international development assistance as a tool that reproduces spatial dependency between states. In this paper, we ask whether climate finance follows the expectations of world-systems theory and reproduces relationships of dependency, or if it instead advances climate justice and challenges spatial dependency in the world-system. Through this analysis, we consider the implications of climate finance for world-systems theory. We use recent empirical data to ask whether climate finance follows or challenges world-systems theory expectations, focusing on five areas: (1) spatial flows of climate finance between the core, semi-periphery, and periphery; (2) the governance of climate finance institutions; (3) the types of projects supported by climate finance; (4) the relationship of projects to dominant systems of extraction, production, and consumption; and (5) the agency of peripheral state and non-state actors in shaping climate finance in relation to their interests. Taken together, we argue that climate finance in many ways reproduces relationships of dependency, though potential avenues exist for contesting this unequal balance of power and for advocating for climate justice. This case illustrates the need to approach analyses of dependency in a nuanced way, interrogating specific processes through which dependency is produced and contested across scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current era of financial hegemony is characterized by a dense financial actor concentration, an exacerbated reliance of many South countries on private credit and an internalized compliance of South states to financial market interests and priorities. This structural power of finance enacts itself through disciplinary mechanisms, such as credit ratings and economic surveillance, compelling many South states to respond to creditor interests at the expense of peoples' needs. As a human rights paradigm, the Declaration on the Right to Development has the active potential to redress the structural power of finance and the distortion of the role of the state through upholding the creation of an enabling international environment for equitable and rights-based development on two levels of change. First, structural policy reforms in critical areas of debt, fiscal policy, tax, trade, capital flows and credit rating agencies. Second, systemic transformation through delinking as articulated by dependency theorist Samir Amin, which entails a reorientation of national development strategies away from the imperatives of globalization to that of economic, social, and ecological priorities and interests of people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia & Antropologia is the property of Sociologia & Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)