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Since its launch, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the China-led economic and cultural development strategy, captured impressive media and scholarly attention and critiques. CHINA'S ASIAN DREAM: Empire Building along the New Silk RoadGEOCULTURAL POWER: China's Quest to Revive the Silk Roads for the Twenty-First Century: By Tom Miller. Miller connects the China's "Go-West" policy with the rise of infrastructure financing as a key component of the international donor community where China is taking the lead. [Extracted from the article]

This paper reviews the literature on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has the factors that directly influence the transport and logistics. The relevant literature has been collected systematically since the BRI was initiated in 2013. We adopt a content analysis methodology involving a four-step process. It can be found that firstly, more and more papers on the BRI have been published these years and the influence of BRI on transport and logistics can be summarized into three main perspectives, namely, the changes of the politics & policy, the changes of the environmental dimensions, the direct influence on transport and logistics; secondly, the topics and adopted methodology have been summarized, and it can be found that the percentage papers using quantitative analysis increases over the years; thirdly, percentage of papers with optimistic attitude on the BRI has been increasing since 2013 and compared with authors with affiliations in China, authors with non-Chinese affiliations are more likely to show pessimistic attitudes; fourthly, the research gaps have been summarized, which illustrates future research direction or topics and can promote the studies on transport and logistics considering the influence of the BRI and provides theoretical basis for BRI's development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inception in 2013, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a focal issue in international transportation and global logistics because infrastructure development and economic and transport corridors have been influencing connectivity among countries along the Belt and Road. This paper aims to conduct a literature review on logistics, supply chains, and transport (LST) field in the context of the BRI since 2013. The papers for the literature review were collected from SCI/SSCI/SCIE and Chinese SSCI journals. This paper applies Text Mining to draw key research topics and research networks of the literature and then makes a comparative study between selected 190 English and 198 Chinese papers published in 2013–2020. This paper also investigates and compares the methods applied to those papers. The findings help researchers understand research trends in the LST field and contribute to highlighting research insights for further studies in the LST field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue discusses the present and future of production in the Asia Pacific region, which drives the current world economy. Based on the region's massive working population, production in the Asia Pacific region has led to economic growth, and the GDP share of this region has increased from 20% to 30% in the past 40 years, almost equalling that of the other regions. Considering the above background, this special issue was planned for selecting and presenting interesting and meaningful research papers that deal with current and future production, not only just productions but also services, in the Asia Pacific region. [Extracted from the article]

This paper employs the difference-in-differences (DID) to investigate the impact of “going global” on enterprises' financialization. Baseline estimation shows that the degree of financialization of enterprises participating in the Belt and Road Initiative was lower compared with those not participating in the Initiative. Mechanism analysis reveals that “going global” through Belt and Road Initiative has improved enterprises' profitability of real sector investment and inhibited their motivation of financialization. These findings provide new perspectives for more effectively promoting enterprises to participate in the Belt and Road construction and helping inhibit enterprises’ financialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International attention on the environmental impacts of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is increasing, but little is known internationally about the large corpus of Chinese BRI environmental research. We present the first systematic review of the Chinese and English-language BRI environmental research, supported with text mining and sentiment analysis. We found that the research is dominated by Chinese authors writing about BRI routes within China in Chinese, even though concerns around BRI are largely about impacts and benefits within host countries, and the volume of publications in English is recently catching up. Different disciplines and methods are well-represented across languages, apart from specific types of Chinese social science papers. The sentiments of academic research are largely neutral and less polarised than media discourse. We recommend that scientists and practitioners should pay more attention to BRI environmental impacts in developing countries and proactively engage local voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An emerging discourse contends that China has become a willing collaborator for digital technology abuse through substantial investments in Africa’s digital infrastructure, thus leaving digital power at the discretion of unstable African governments. However, it is unclear whether Chinese companies are willing collaborators with autocratic regimes in advancing China’s model of digital authoritarianism in the African continent. Despite the need to better understand the changing dynamics of China’s role in aiding authoritarian regimes through digital technologies, research that responds to these concerns remains empirically understudied and under-conceptualised. The central question this paper addresses is: How does China’s model of digital authoritarianism affect autocratic politics and the trajectory of authoritarian regimes in Africa? The article’s primary objective is to investigate allegations that China is promoting its internet model, which includes censorship and restrictions, through digital investments in African countries. A related aim is to examine how African governments have abused their digital infrastructure to undermine their electoral processes and roll back democratic gains made since the early 1990s. In grappling with these concerns, part of this paper’s contribution is to explore critical practices and meanings of power that appear to have produced trajectories towards digital authoritarianism in Africa. The paper’s main departure point is the proposition that democratic rollbacks can be only partially understood by tracing China’s digital footprints on the continent. The article finds proliferating discourses that China is exporting an authoritarian digital authoritarianism model to Africa misleading. Instead, the evidence suggests that African autocracies are exploiting the adoption of China’s model of the internet to roll back democratic gains through surveillance and censorship of civil liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on China's political influence in international affairs, as mediated by Chinese economic integration with the BRI countries. We propose that the BRI plays a role in influencing partner countries to support China's presence in the international community, and the economic integration of the BRI positively mediates the willingness of partner countries to align with China in international affairs. This paper uses panel data from 147 BRI countries collected between 2009 and 2020, and the difference-in-differences method, to estimate the political influence of the BRI. The results suggest that the BRI motivates partner countries to support the growth of China's influence in international affairs. The results of the causal mechanism analysis indicate that a significant and positive association between the implementation of the BRI and China's influence is mediated by promoting Chinese contracts, trade overseas, and outward FDI. The examinations of heterogeneity demonstrate that BRI countries that are developing, non-landlocked, non-neighboring, having signed the memorandum of understanding or cooperation memorandum of understanding, or lacking a Chinese investment guide are more likely to support China's political presence. This paper concludes with insights into how China implements the BRI to enhance its political ascent in the global order by facilitating economic integration of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Development Research is the property of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Carrying out low-carbon economic cooperation under the belt and road initiative (BRI) is an important measure to actively respond to climate change and maintain global ecological security. With the continuous development of national strength, the Chinese government should actively fulfill environmental responsibility in the BRI economic cooperation. Existing studies have pointed out that the Chinese government can promote low-carbon economic cooperation in BRI through outward foreign direct investment (OFDI), and emphasized the significance of the Chinese government's participation. However, they have not revealed the relationship between China's environmental responsibility and the construction of a green BRI. To fill this gap, this paper analyzes the strategic choices and relevant influencing factors of the Chinese government, governments of countries along the BRI, and Chinese OFDI enterprises in the BRI low-carbon economic cooperation. Through parameter assignment and simulation, this paper draws the following conclusions: (1) The Chinese government should decide whether to take the initiative to fulfill environmental responsibility according to the economic development level of countries along the BRI; (2) The Chinese government fulfilling environmental responsibility is positive and effective for the responsible investment of Chinese OFDI enterprises; (3) The Chinese government fulfilling environmental responsibility can enhance the initiative of countries along the BRI to positive governance, but this enhancement is not last. More importantly, the environmental responsibility of the Chinese government is not simply to provide subsidies to countries along the BRI. Various measures must be taken by the Chinese government to fulfill its environmental responsibility in the BRI economic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the controversial topic of inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and its impact on emerging, developing, and underdeveloped economies. The authors highlight that while some studies show positive effects of FDI on economic growth, others fail to find such a relationship. The article presents six papers that delve into various aspects of FDI, including its effects on economic diversification, technology transfer, innovation, global value chains, and cultural distance. The findings suggest that the relationship between FDI and economic growth is complex and context-dependent. The article concludes by suggesting future research avenues, including the role of government corruption, the interaction between FDI and human capital, and the differentiation of FDI types. [Extracted from the article]

China announced a shift towards green infrastructure, green investment and green financing at the 2019 Second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in response to criticisms of the negative environmental impact of some earlier BRI infrastructure projects. The objective of this paper is to explore whether there has been a shift in Malaysia towards the new green-aspired goals of the BRI in terms of green governance and projects. The key findings of this paper suggest that there is no discernible shift to green projects as nongreen investments are also accepted. Malaysia has requirements for green governance, but implementation can be an issue. Host economies, like Malaysia, must take ownership of green requirements for there to be a sustained shift towards green governance. Likewise, China’s investments have to comply with local laws, which can improve the environmental impact when local laws and regulations are judiciously implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assessing the vulnerability of the economy, society, and environment of the belt and road initiative (BRI) countries and identifying the distribution characteristics are significant to promoting the construction of the Belt and Road. Based on the panel data of the BRI countries, this study selects 22 indicators from three aspects of the economy, society, and environment to construct a comprehensive indicator evaluation system and propose a multi-index and long time series vulnerability calculation scheme. Furthermore, the spatial differentiation characteristics and influencing factors of vulnerability in BRI countries are studied. The results show hierarchical differences in the comprehensive vulnerability index of BRI countries, and the low-vulnerability countries accounted for the largest proportion. The economic vulnerability, social vulnerability, and environmental vulnerability of the BRI countries all have apparent spatial variations. Among them, the vulnerability of various systems in Central and Eastern Europe and Northeast Asia is relatively low, while most of West Asia, northern South Asia, southern Central Asia, and some parts of Southeast Asia have relatively high vulnerability. In addition, economic development, economic structure, resource security, and infrastructure are all factors that have a greater impact on the comprehensive vulnerability, while the impact intensity varies with regional differences. Finally, this paper puts forward appropriate suggestions. With the goal of reducing the comprehensive vulnerability, this paper tries to provide a reference for better promoting the sustainable development of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North East Region of India, comprising Meghalaya, Assam, Tripura, Sikkim, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, and Mizoram, is characterized by a distinctive blend of ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity. Connected to the rest of the country via the Siliguri Corridor, also known as Chicken’s Neck, this paper delves into the historical context of conflicts in the region. It assesses various contributing factors such as ethnic diversity, migration patterns, resource allocation, and political interests. Given China's proximity through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to the Siliguri Corridor, India's attention to this area becomes crucial. Furthermore, the paper evaluates the socio-economic impact of these conflicts and proposes potential strategies for conflict resolution and peace-building efforts. Specifically, it focuses on analyzing border disputes between Assam and neighboring Northeastern states, identifies primary causes of conflict, and offers actionable recommendations for resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to determine the types of legal mechanisms that authorities can use to recover stolen assets for and from China. Design/methodology/approach: Newspaper articles and books are examined as are relevant reports by various regulatory authorities and academic institutions. Findings: The effectiveness of legal mechanisms in the recovery of stolen assets may be affected by issues such as the difficulties in tracing illicit funds, the ambiguous nature of "value" as well as the rise in technology. Research limitations/implications: There are limited data available in relation to the prevalence of corrupt officials along the Belt and Road Initiative and the statistical success in the recovery of stolen assets. Any discussions within this paper are based on the impressionistic observations of this author, which may not reflect the true state of affairs of the Belt and Road Initiative. Practical implications: Those who are interested in examining how authorities could recover stolen assets from and for China will have an interest in this topic. Originality/value: The value of the paper is to demonstrate the difficulties in recovering stolen assets for and from China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of the Metaverse, a convergence of virtual and physical realities, presents unprecedented opportunities for promoting cultural tourism along the historic Silk Roads within the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) framework. However, this emerging technology's potential remains largely unexplored in the context of cultural heritage preservation and its promotion. The aim of this study is to address this gap by empirically examining how the Metaverse can be harnessed to improve tourists' experiences, support sustainable tourism development, and promote cultural exchange along the Silk Roads. In this study, we employed a mixed-methods approach grounded in attribution theory, using both surveys and semi-structured interviews with Silk Road tourists who had been exposed to Metaverse applications. To investigate the relationships between Metaverse features, tourists' attributions, satisfaction, and behavioral intentions, we used structural equation modeling and thematic analysis. The findings revealed that perceived immersion, avatar identification, and cultural authenticity significantly influenced tourists' internal, stable, and controllable attributions. Interviews further highlighted the Metaverse's potential to promote accessibility, interpretation, and engagement with Silk Road heritage, while also raising sociocultural and ethical considerations. This paper also showcases the development of Metaverse digital twin prototypes for several iconic Silk Road cities to demonstrate the potential for participatory virtual environments to promote cultural heritage preservation, accessibility, and sustainable tourism. The study's findings contribute to the theoretical understanding of Metaverse tourism and the application of attribution theory, offering practical insight for the responsible and effective harnessing of this transformative technology. This research provides actionable recommendations for policymakers, destination managers, and technology providers to optimize the Metaverse's potential for cultural tourism along the Silk Roads. This has great potential in promoting the BRI's connectivity and cooperation objectives. This paper lays the foundation for future research and responsible innovation at the intersection of emerging technologies, cultural heritage, and sustainable tourism development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the discourses on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from China Global Television Network's YouTube channel. As China's key diplomatic initiative, the BRI discourses provide us rich resources to understand how China wants the international community to see it, and how it intends to lead the world. The paper finds that China has developed a much clearer vision and more consistent discourse on the world order and its role in it. However, our data produces no evidence to support the claim that China wants to take over the existing global order. Rather, China seeks legitimacy to share global leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific collaboration has become an important part of the people-to-people exchanges in the Belt and Road initiative, and remarkable progress has been made since 2013. Taking the 65 countries along the Belt and Road (BRI countries) as the research areas and using collaborated Web of Science (WOS) core collection papers to construct an international scientific collaboration matrix, the paper explores the spatial structure, hierarchy and formation mechanisms of scientific collaboration networks of 65 countries along the Belt and Road. The results show that: 1) Beyond the Belt and Road regions (BRI regions), Central & Eastern Europe, China and West Asia & North Africa have formed a situation in which they all have the most external links with other countries beyond BRI regions. China has the dominant role over other BRI countries in generating scientific links. The overall spatial structure has changed to a skeleton structure consisting of many dense regions, such as Europe, North America, East Asia and Oceania. 2) Within the Belt and Road regions, Central & Eastern Europe has become the largest collaboration partner with other sub-regions in BRI countries. The spatial structure of scientific collaboration networks has transformed from the 'dual core' composed of China and the Central & Eastern Europe region, to the 'multi-polarization' composed of 'one zone and multi-points'. 3) The hierarchical structure of scientific collaboration networks presents a typical 'core-periphery' structure, and changes from 'single core' to 'double cores'. 4) Among the formation mechanisms of scientific collaboration networks, scientific research strength and social proximity play the most important roles, while geographical distance gradually weakens the hindrance to scientific collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to emerging research that seeks to understand how China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is transforming the processes of urbanisation through more nuanced and situated analyses of its spatial, political-economic and discursive dimensions. In doing so, the paper focuses on the proposed Melaka Gateway project in Southwestern Malaysia, which is a privately financed initiative, slated to be the largest artificial island project in Southeast Asia, including a deep sea port, cruise ship terminal and eco-resorts off the UNESCO World Heritage city of Melaka. In line with the focus for this special issue, this paper examines the political, ecological, and socio-cultural transformations that such speculative infrastructure projects generate, even as they remain incomplete. Conceptually, the paper argues that a landscape political ecology approach can help to understand the conjoined political, ecological and discursive dimensions bound up with transnational infrastructure projects at multiple scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Communist Party and its supporters are increasingly using social media platforms to shape China's public image. This online image is a means of strengthening domestic nationalism and of projecting "soft power" abroad. This paper examines various forms of anti-Westernism that are central to this image-making. It analyzes several recent topics—the Belt and Road Initiative, climate change, the COVID-19 vaccine, the Beijing Olympics, and the conflict in Ukraine—on the r/Sino subreddit page of Reddit and compares them with two online news outlets, the South China Morning Post and China Daily. The paper focuses on how these media frame the contest between a rising China and a failing West, so creating a discourse that competes with the negative portrayals of China outside the country. The paper contrasts the aggressive strengthening of China's image against the West on social media with more sober accounts of the same topics in China's official media and in commercial news outlets. The contribution of the paper is to document an emerging online anti-Westernism that is playing an increasing role in the changing geopolitical landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese mammoth investment projects abroad, and especially those under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) umbrella, are receiving heavy scrutiny in academic and policy circles. However, there is insufficient empirical evidence to evaluate their impact. This paper employs a difference- in-differences approach and a pair of new datasets on government spending and economic activity compiled by the World Bank to examine the local impacts of the Chinese-Pakistan Economic Corridor in Pakistan. It finds that the 2013 announcement of CPEC was accompanied by a disproportionate increase in government spending in CPEC districts. However, in the six years after it was first announced, CPEC has not directly contributed a significant increase in economic activity in the districts along its path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since Beijing has launched its grand transcontinental Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), President Xi's key foreign economic plan has ignited interest of policymakers and academia alike. This paper explores that under the BRI framework, China has invested billions of dollars in infrastructurebuilding in diverse regions across the globe, including South Asia where Beijing has expanded its footprints by implementing projects in various sectors. India, being wary of Chinese ambitions and intentions, has declined to join the venture as it has reservations over Xi's 'project of the century'. In response, India has come up with various initiatives to counter the growing role of Beijing in South Asia and beyond. Key Indian initiatives are examined aimed at rivalling China. For enhancing regional integration and connectivity, India, in partnership with Japan, has launched Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC). International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is another such venture to dwarf the Chinese BRI. In collaboration with the Group of 20 (G20), New Delhi unveiled another connectivity initiative -- India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) as an alternative to the BRI. The paper concludes that although India is eager to compete with China, it does not have enough resources to match China's regarding investing and implementing mega infrastructure projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To achieve the goals of the Polar Silk Road strategy and boost Northeast China's economy, China should focus on economic and trade cooperation in the Japanese Sea. Despite not being a coastal State, China can still expand its navigation rights and interests within the region. The Japanese Sea has not been fully utilized by China due to its lack of direct access, and the surrounding States' unstable political conditions have hindered long-term economic development arrangements. This paper proposes that China should develop its right of access to the Japanese Sea through the Tumen Region and assert the navigation rights and interests of third States. China can use current agreements and international law principles to uphold its right of access to the Japanese Sea through the Tumen River. It can also invest in overseas ports and improve transportation networks to implement the strategy of "accessing the sea through harbors of other States." Furthermore, China can strengthen its presence and use of shipping routes in the Japanese Sea by strengthening regional trade routes, connecting shipping routes with the Arctic, and expanding the abroad shipping of domestic goods. Moreover, this paper suggests that China should analyze the navigation rights and interests of third States in the territorial sea, exclusive economic zones, and straits surrounding the Japanese Sea to develop its sea routes. By doing so, China can realize its goals of the Polar Silk Road strategy and revitalize Northeast China's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SINERGI: Journal of Strategic Studies & International Affairs is the property of SINERGI: Journal of Strategic Studies & International Affairs and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper mainly examines the economic, political and military situation in the South Caucasus after the start of Russian-Ukrainian war. In the paper we are focused on the question of what kind of consequences does the Russian-Ukrainian war has on the countries of the South Caucasus. Relying on the analytical-forecasting approach, we also are trying to forecast what developments can be expected in this region. On this regard we especially look onto the facts from Armenia's perspective. Of course, the discussion of the situation in Georgia and Azerbaijan was also under our great attention, because we also had set a task to compare the processes that took place in the three countries of the region. The modernity of the topic can be measured, first of all, by its global political significance: Russian-Ukrainian conflict continues to be on the top of world political processes. On the other hand, it is actual when studying political and economic processes in the post-Soviet territory. By and large, as a result, the South Caucasus is a part of the European and Middle Eastern security sphere, or at least has an important role in them. Therefore, the ongoing developments in this region are not local and may also affect the European, Middle Eastern and the processes also in other regions. Russian-Ukrainian conflict has affected on foreign policy behavior of the Southern Caucasus countries. The region is now under the turbulence zone, so we are not aware from being faced by new challenges and security issues. Since we have highly evaluated the impact of the conflict on the countries of the region, we have also tried to make certain predictions regarding possible future development scenarios, which could be as recommendations for foreign policy decision making structures of Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) education policy using a critical policy discourse approach. At the textual level, this paper focuses on policy framing by identifying how diagnostic (problem definition), prognostic (solutions), and motivational (rationales) framings are described in two foundational BRI education policy documents. Next, six additional policy documents are selected to construct a discursive totality to understand how framings are linked to and embedded within the broader discursive practice of policy documents. The interpretations of these framings are viewed through the lens of policy driver, lever, and value. Finally, a macro-sociological analysis aimed at explanatory and normative critique shows that BRI education is embedded in the discourses of national rejuvenation and China's aspirations to become a global leader of an alternative global governance and order. The paper ends with a discussion postulating that the BRI education policy's success depends on various shifting domestic and geopolitical factors, from the growth of the Chinese economy and ideological struggles among the world's major powers to grassroots reception or resistance to Chinese influence in BRI countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of trade routes between Asia and Europe will require substantial investments in energy and transport infrastructure in Central Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. Their results suggest that transportation infrastructure investment tends to significantly reduce interregional trade costs, which will result in significant growth of GDP, employment, and economic welfare. [Extracted from the article]

Corruption in the host nation is a key issue influencing foreign direct investment. Most existing studies use the expert-knowledge-based corruption index as a proxy for corruption. However, the validity of these published corruption indexes is often questioned by scholars and experts. By introducing Internet data to evaluate public corruption awareness levels, this paper uses two different corruption proxy variables to investigate the relationship between host country corruption and China's OFDI. In addition, these relationships are further compared between the Belt and Road (B&R) countries and non-B&R countries. The empirical results show that there are negative correlations between host country corruption and China's OFDI flow for the whole sample, B&R countries and non-B&R countries. The empirical results of this paper serve as a reference for Chinese enterprises to make overseas investment decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the recently rising number of academic papers that empirically examine local variances in China's Belt and Initiative (BRI) projects in various foreign lands, this paper points out the tension between attempts to theorize BRI projects. The Sino-localized approach and the assemblage theory were the two main attempts used by scholars from disparate academic disciplines to conceptualize local agency and to understand how local conditionalities, practices, and norms may affect the outcome of BRI projects. We need to examine their differences and similarities, and determine whether they are really irreconcilable. In addition, how their ontological differences lead to epistemological, methodological and analytical differences in studying BRI projects should be clarified as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This proposed work aims to understand the Korean Academic Circle (KAC)'s research trend on the "One Belt One Road" (OBOR) by employing a quantitative analysis of the recent research articles published by the KAC. To do so, this proposed research has used the well-known network analysis software, Ucinet 6, by which the papers on related topics are collected and filtered from Korea Citation Index. To perform the analytical selection, the proposed work has chosen 'keywords' as the core research object and performed analysis from transverse to longitudinal aspects, and from holistic to individual aspects, respectively; and from this, the KAC's research trend on OBOR is derived. The present work has established that the KAC's attention is continuously increasing on OBOR and has sustainability. Centered on the OBOR, Korean researchers have spread their studies in various dimensions ranging from the issues like China's political economy to Sino-Korea economic and trade exchanges, and so on. The KAC has even combined OBOR with Korea's international development initiatives, which can help Korea benefit from active and sustainable cooperation with China. Moreover, the proposed work has found that Korean researchers have also actively expressed their growing attention, highlighted Korea's interest, and showed concern about China hegemony and Sinocentrism in their recent documented research works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the proposal of the "One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative", the Chinese architecture, engineering, and construction (AEC) industry has increasingly been exploring the overseas markets. This paper adopted the propensity score matching and difference-in-differences (PSM-DID) method to evaluate the impact of the OBOR Initiative on Chinese international contractors and consulting firms, respectively. The results shows that the OBOR Initiative significantly stimulated the overseas market development of contractors, whereas it had no positive impact on consulting firms. The results may provide comprehensive guidance for industry practitioners, policymakers, and scholars to correctly understand the different characteristics of international contractors and consulting firms, thereby formulating a targeted development strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's "the Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI) is a top-level cooperation initiative among countries proposed by China, which has promoted China's cooperation with relevant countries in various aspects and fields. Research reports from think tanks and experts on the evaluation, analysis, and research conclusions of the BRI can reflect the stance, opinions, and demands of various countries abroad regarding the initiative. This paper takes the BRI reports of important think tanks in the " Global Go To Think Tank Index Report 2020" as the subject of its research, and analyzes the key points and development trends of foreign think tank research on the BRI by using text mining, topic evolution, and social network analysis. It provides reasonable suggestions and ideas for promoting the construction of the BRI and deepening related cooperation in China. Research shows that the thematic distribution of research reports on the BRI by think tanks is mainly focused on the fields of politics, economy, and military. The research areas are relatively stable, and there is not a strong trend of thematic evolution. The evolution paths are also mainly distributed in the fields of politics, economy, and military. There are not many expansions in the thematic evolution directions over the years, and there is a strong inheritance of themes. The connection between research themes and the main purpose of the BRI is somewhat inadequate, indicating a certain limitation in the understanding of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reducing the high incidence of corruption in the field of infrastructure investment is a significant research topic. China is committed to advancing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a path of integrity. This paper aims to analyze the effects and mechanisms of institutional improvement induced by China's foreign infrastructure investments. The study employs project data and survey questionnaire data from project locations. We find that China's foreign infrastructure investments can endogenously drive the improvement of property rights systems in the surrounding areas of the projects, with the institutional improvement effects mainly occurring during the project initiation and completion phases, and these effects are long-lasting. Heterogeneity analysis shows that commercialized projects are the core driving force behind the improvement of property rights systems through China's foreign infrastructure investments. Based on this, the paper proposes two suggestions for promoting the construction of the BRI as a path of integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the co-construction of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) enters a new decade, promoting 'soft connectivity' of rules has become a crucial component of building the initiative with high quality. This paper first reviews the accomplishments of 'soft connectivity' of rules under the BRI. Then, the paper examines and envisions the future enhancement of 'soft connectivity' of rules under the BRI, offering basic ideas and paths for advancement. In terms of basic development thinking, it is essential to implement four overall plans: overall planning for the government and enterprises, for multilateral and bilateral relations, for developed and developing countries, and for external and internal relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the world's largest infrastructure investment that aims to improve economic integration and connectivity throughout Asia, Europe, and Africa. This paper investigates the influence of infrastructure development on trade connectivity in BRI countries. This paper employs network analysis to visualize and quantify the trade connectivity among BRI countries in 2013 and 2020 using the World Integrated Trade Solution (WITS) data. The study then empirically examines the impact of infrastructure development on trade connectivity from 1990 to 2020 for 76 BRI countries using a dynamic estimator. The dynamic model demonstrates how infrastructure investment can bolster trade connectivity. The results of the network analysis indicate that trade connectivity has significantly improved within BRI countries, in Asia and Europe while it lags behind in African and Central Asian regions.We suggest that that China should channel additional resources toward enhancing the connectivity of African and Central Asian nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world had to suffer the implications of Kindleberger Trap in post-World War I due to the vacuum created at the international level to provide global public goods by the then superpowers - Great Britain and the US. The exact implications could be faced by the rest of the world in the 21st century. Today, China aspires to become a global leader; thus, it must avoid the Kindleberger Trap, which can cause inferences for its stability. For this purpose, the state must provide the world with global public goods as a responsibility. The US had this responsibility until the Trump administration enacted the policy of isolation, just like the post-World War I era. This policy of the US administration created a gap at the international level that China wants to fill as a global power. This paper, therefore, examines the implications of the Kindleberger Trap on China, particularly after the initiation of China's Belt and Road Initiative. Meta-geopolitics is used as a framework to highlight areas of China's strength along with rooms that can cause a setback for China's stability at the national and international levels. This paper also analyses the domestic policies of China and how to avoid the Kindleberger Trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new world order has been instrumental in determining and promoting multilateralism, and as a result, the world has undergone several transformations in the past few decades. Amidst heightened US-China tension, President Biden unveiled the Build Back Better World (B3W) project during the 2021-G7 meeting. The following year it was re-branded as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. While it has not been explicitly stated, B3W aims to counter China's multi-billion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Understanding B3W vs. BRI debate is important for countries, especially those in the Middle East who already perform a balancing act between the US and China. This paper assesses B3W vs. BRI debate with particular reference to the Middle East. After evaluating the contradictions and complementarities between the two projects, this paper concludes that B3W will only benefit Middle Eastern countries if it aligns with BRI, where strategic objectives and interests make parallel, such as in the avenues of cyber innovation and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the most important forest product in the export of China, wooden furniture is facing increasingly fierce international competition and has a strong need for quality improvement. Based on the endogenous determination model of quality, this paper measures the quality of Chinese wooden furniture in exports from 1998 to 2017, by using product-level trade data of BACI CEPII. From the perspectives of the overall and sub-category quality, it examines the characteristics of dynamic changes in the product quality and its regional distribution of "the Belt and Road Initiative" countries. The results show that the quality of Chinese wooden furniture in exports is lower than that of wood-based panels and paper products. It remains stable after a slight increase from 2001 to 2005, but the quality level is always low. Among the sub-categories, wooden furniture not for kitchens, offices, or bedrooms has the lowest quality, while wooden office furniture has the highest one. The three dominant sub-categories that account for a high export share are all low in quality, while the small proportion sub-categories are all of higher quality, implying a strong imbalance. In particular, the quality of the main export products, upholstered wooden seats and wooden furniture not for kitchen, office, or bedroom use, has continued to decline, highlighting the plight of the quality growth of Chinese wooden furniture. For the BRI markets, the quality of Chinese wooden furniture exported to the region has declined slightly since 2012. However, different markets have shown different characteristics in the quality level and the direction of change. In terms of quality level, the qualities of wooden furniture exported to Malaysia, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Vietnam, and the Philippines are relatively high. In terms of changing trends, the qualities of wooden furniture to Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Israel are showing a rising trend. In this case, accurately identifying the quality of different export categories of furniture products and their changing characteristics can help furniture enterprises make better production and operation decisions, promote the formation of a good business environment, and foster new comparative advantages and international competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China increasingly asserts itself as a global superpower, western academics, and policymakers have grown evermore wary of the nation's actions abroad. One particular field of concern has involved the perception of a growing Chinese footprint in Sub-Saharan Africa, financed and directed by the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Using open-source research, this paper attempts to determine if, indeed, Chinese investment in Africa is growing. Additionally, this paper attempts to determine if and to what extent Chinese investment in Africa is the result of the BRI. Ultimately, this paper concludes that Chinese investment in Africa has - counterintuitively - decreased since the introduction of the BRI. This paper attempts to establish how the faulty perception of increased Chinese presence in Africa could come to be so commonly accepted, and why this might be the result of western readers unwisely taking the words of Chinese officials at face value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accelerating the formation of a green dual-circulation pattern is an essential strategic choice for China to achieve high-quality development. As a vital link for two-way economic and trade cooperation, the pilot free trade zone (PFTZ) is an important window for promoting green dual-circulation development. From the perspective of green dual-circulation, this paper attempts to construct a comprehensive index system of green dual-circulation by entropy weight method based on Chinese provincial panel data from 2007 to 2020 and uses the Propensity Score Matching–Difference in Differences method to test the policy impact of PFTZ building on regional green dual-circulation. The empirical results show that: (1) the establishment of PFTZs significantly promotes regional green dual-circulation development by 3%-4%. This policy effect has a strong positive impact on the eastern regions; (2) PFTZs can improve regional green dual circulation through the effect of green finance, technological progress, and the agglomeration of innovative talents. The mediating effect of green finance and technological progress is more pronounced; (3) The promotion effect of PFTZs is primarily due to the local green circulation effect, with no significant effects on the surrounding areas; and (4) There is a positive policy linkage effect between PFTZs and the Belt and Road Initiative. This study creates the analytical perspective and empirical support for assessing the policy impact of PFTZs and provides management insights for PFTZ policymakers in promoting green dual-circulation development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has become a recent rising power in global development cooperation in the past few years. This paper examines how the Global North, as represented by Japan, responds to the rising of the Global South, as represented by China, in infrastructure support. This paper positions itself in the context of Global‐North/South and triangular cooperation to compare Japan's Partnership for Quality Infrastructure with China's Belt and Road Initiative from the dimensions of policy rhetoric, finance mechanism, environmental sustainability and rule of law. This paper draws the conclusion on whether the North–South competition enhances the quality and sustainability of those initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese initiatives of a geopolitical nature are being more and more frequently analyzed in the literature. At the same time, it is pointed out that at least since 2012 China has been pursuing an assertive and active foreign policy. Due to the importance of the Belt and Road Initiative project and also the 16 + 1 cooperation in the Central and Eastern Europe region, it is worth analyzing what the perception of China in this region is on the example of Poland. The study attempts to answer the question of how the increase in China's importance and its international engagement are perceived in Poland. The analysis of Polish papers published in 2003–2017 shows, and this is an argument, that Polish researchers more frequently present China in the categories of a threat and apply research terminology and tools within the realistic theory of international relations and this image is being reinforced, especially after 2013. The analytical framework of "China as a threat" and "China as an opportunity" occurring frequently in research is placed in this paper in theories of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, air pollution in Xinjiang, the core region of the Silk Road Economic Belt, has become increasingly severe, posing a more significant threat to human health. This paper selects the tropospheric ozone, nitrogen dioxide, and formaldehyde datasets under OMI remote-sensing monitoring and the PM2.5 dataset in China High Air Pollutants (CHAP) for 2018–2021. The spatial and temporal distribution of multi-pollutants, the spatial autocorrelation of Moran's I index pollutants, and the correlation between pollutants in the warm period were studied in southern Xinjiang. Meanwhile, the geographical and temporal weighted regression (GTWR) model was used for influencing factor analysis, and the BenMap-CE model was used for health benefit analysis. The results showed that the spatial distribution of ozone concentration values in southern Xinjiang shows a decreasing distribution pattern from the east–central region to the western and southern regions. The spatial distribution of formaldehyde concentration values is opposite to that of ozone. There is a clear high-value area in the ozone concentration value in April–September. The NO2 column concentration values were in the range of 0.55~1.09 × 1015 molec/cm2 in most parts of southern Xinjiang. The area of high concentration values is located in the northeast of the study area; PM2.5 concentration values are higher in the middle area of southern Xinjiang. The spatial autocorrelation characteristics showed that the spatial aggregation of O3 and NO2 displayed a slow increasing trend year by year. The spatial aggregation of HCHO and PM2.5 fluctuated slightly in four years. The overall trend of HCHO is slowly decreasing, while PM2.5 is fluctuating and increasing. In the GTWR model analysis, overall, the atmospheric pressure has a strong influence on all pollutants. The effect of NO2 on O3 was higher than that of HCHO among the four pollutants. The correlation between O3 and PM2.5 was as high as −0.7872. The BenMap-CE health benefits assessment concluded that the number of premature deaths caused by ozone pollution was much higher than that of premature deaths caused by PM2.5. The highest number of premature deaths for both pollutants occurred in Kashgar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing life expectancy is part of the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and is a primary indicator of overall quality of life. This paper investigates whether Chinese overseas direct investments into Belt and Road countries have brought about improvement in the life expectancy in these countries, using datasets compiled by non-China sources for the period 2005–2019. This topic has not been addressed in the literature to date. In addition, the generalized method of moments estimation approach used in the study incorporates a novel application of a systematic sequential model specification search which removes the criticism of the flexibility inherent in the method. No significant impact on life expectancy was found from such investments in the Belt and Road countries, which is likely because life expectancy changes slowly, and effects on life expectancy, if present, may only become measurable in years or decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Scholars have been debating the geopolitical importance of the strengthening China-Russia relationship for some time, noting that the relationship does not constitute a full alliance, but still might have great significance for world politics. This paper aims to improve on this scholarship by examining the evolution of China-Russia cooperation as it relates to the future of North Korea, especially in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Design, Methodology, Approach: This scholarship represents a methodological advance over most previous discussions of the China-Russia relationship. It embraces the historical development of this relationship, probes structural arrangements in relationship to regional stability, and also draws upon extensive Russian and Chinese language data sets which constitute the material for a “discourse analysis,” to achieve a deeper understanding of this relationship as it pertains to the Korean Peninsula. Findings: Overall, this study documents substantial cooperation between Beijing and Moscow with respect to Korean affairs. While some disagreements between China and Russia do exist in this sphere, the main implication of these developments is the trend toward a hardening of the bipolar structure in Northeast Asia, informed by the growing influence of patriotic and nationalistic elite groups within both China and Russia. However, the study points out a paradox in that this hardening of bipolarity could actually help to stabilize the spiraling tensions that have surrounded North Korea in recent decades. Practical Implications: This paper may help students and policymakers alike in Northeast Asia evaluate the significance of the China-Russia quasi-alliance. Overall, this paper supports the conclusion that the dangers of the China-Russia quasi-alliance need not be exaggerated. Originality Value: This paper is innovative insofar as it gives balanced attention to both China’s and Russia’s discourses and policies toward North Korea and evaluates the influence of Moscow-Beijing’s growing cooperation in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war, as it may impact the future of North Korea and the wider region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, the Yunnan-Myanmar borderlands in Kachin State have become a major investment frontier for large-scale agribusiness. Chinese private capital, supported by state-led opium substitution programs, has turned thousands of hectares of forests into plantations. As in many such cases across Southeast Asia and beyond, this rapid development has come at the expense of local communities and displaced persons relying on these lands for their livelihoods and refuge. Caught between Chinese market expansion, and an ongoing war between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), plantations have become sites of often overlooked confrontations, compromise, and conflict operating behind the more spectacular politics of the grand infrastructures like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in this region. Moving across plantation sites, armed bases and border markets; and building on interviews with Chinese entrepreneurs, Kachin leaders, and farmers, the paper explores how plantations have transformed not only environmental space but also social-political dynamics of Kachin State in ways, we argue, that are more difficult to reverse than previous or ongoing military territorialization. In doing so, we aim to localize and contextualize the plantation as a key force rapidly transforming Asian borderworlds, over which broader socio-political struggles, environmental transformations, nature loss, connectivity and developmental become imbricated with bordering space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a mega-project of primarily infrastructure-related loans and investments in Pakistan. Recently, the official discourse has increasingly shifted to the agricultural sector. For the region of Gilgit-Baltistan bordering China, academic and policy debates highlight the potential boost of fruit exports to China as the most promising opportunity to be leveraged through the CPEC. This paper scrutinizes these promises from a locally grounded perspective, investigating potential benefits and risks for local farmers. To make sense of the complex interplay between external and local actors, interests, markets and (infra)structures, the paper follows an assemblage-inspired approach to map out local trajectories. Contrary to the CPEC narrative, agricultural exports from Gilgit-Baltistan recently came to a halt, due to increasing trade barriers and seemingly competing agricultural developments in neighboring Xinjiang, China. Moreover, the economically most promising local crop for export to China, namely cherries, does not seem too promising for the majority of small farmers. There are other commodities with export potential, but overall, prospects appear to be limited. There is a need for a deeper engagement with the inherent complexities of CPEC trajectories, particularly in regards to local farming contexts in Pakistan and relevant developments in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The management of international students has become a new challenge that China and most countries in the world must face in the context of the "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI) and the globalization of higher education. In this paper, we conducted an empirical study on international students in China (ISC) based on a combination of spatial econometric models and analytical methods such as BCG, GeoDetector, and DDCAM, trying to provide a basis for "evidence-based decision-making" by the government in the management of international students and talents. Quantitative analyses revealed significant diversity and spatial effects in the spatio-temporal dynamics of ISCs, with the emergence of star, gazelle, cow, and dog types, suggesting that the scientific management of ISCs requires both local adaptation (spatial differentiation and heterogeneity) and regional collaboration (spatial correlation and autocorrelation). There were many factors affecting the spatio-temporal dynamics of ISCs, and the force of different factors varied considerably, with the key factor more than 0.5 but the auxiliary factor being less than 0.2. Moreover, the factors had significant interaction effects, and a large number of super-interacting factor pairs emerged, with a joint force of more than 0.9, twice the force of a single factor. Generally, the factors had a complex driving mechanism, suggesting that ISC management requires identifying the key and important factors, while attaching emphasis to the synergistic effects among different factors. The recommendation is that China should manage ISCs in spatial zones and introduce differentiated development strategies and policies in different zones. In conclusion, this paper proposes a technical route integrating "dynamic analysis-driving mechanism-policy design" for international students, which is applicable to China, while providing a reference for the management and spatial planning design of international students in other countries in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]