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African languages have rarely been the subject of psycholinguistic experimentation. The current study employs a masked visual priming experiment to investigate morphological processing in a Bantu language, Setswana. Our study takes advantage of the rich system of prefixes in Bantu languages, which offers the opportunity of testing morphological priming effects from prefixed inflected words and directly comparing them to priming effects from prefixed derived words on the same targets. We found significant priming effects of similar magnitude for both prefixed inflected and derived word forms, which were clearly dissociable from prime-target relatedness in both meaning and (orthographic) form. These findings provide support for a (possibly universal) mechanism of morphological decomposition applied during early visual word recognition that segments both (prefixed) inflected and derived word forms into their morphological constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is concerned with linguistic data suggesting that one and the same lexical source of grammaticalization can give rise to different morphological processes, leading not only to compounding and lexicalization but also to derivation, and even to inflection. Based on data from African languages for which little or no earlier written documents are available, the paper argues that even in the absence of historical records it is possible to reconstruct some features of earlier processes of word formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cognate Head-Dependent Constructions (CHDCs) are employed across numerous genera in Africa to signpost alternations in the aspectual characteristics of a predicate or the information focus of a clause. The co-occurrence of a finite lexical verb (the cognate head) and an etymologically related (deverbal) noun or non-finite verb form (the cognate dependent) in such structures is interpreted with reference to the scalar semantics of events and properties. Within this areal typology, CHDCs are employed to indicate either (i) a high point relative to a norm on a semantic scale or (ii) a conventionally low-ranked possibility, in order to implicitly contrast possible alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]